//.  '2.23 

LIBRARY  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 

PRINCETON.     N.    J. 

Presented  by 

~TWe\Vi<^ow  of  Greoroe.l)uc5an  3 

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Division.  J&.*$.\    1  M" 

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COMMENTARY 


ON  THE 


HOLY    SCRIPTURES: 

CRITICAL,  DOCTRINAL,  AND  HOMILETICAL, 

WITH   SPECIAL   REFERENCE  TO   MINISTERS   AND   STUDENTS. 


JOHN    PETER  LAjSTGE,  D.  D 

IN    CONNECTION    WITH    A    NUMBER    OF    EMINENT    EUEOPEAN    DIVINES. 


TRANSLATED,   ENLARGED,   AND  EDITED 


PHILIP   SCHAFF,  D.  D. 

IH    CONNECTION    WITH    AMERICAN    SCHOLARS    OF    VARIOUS    EVANGELICAL    DENOMINATIONS 


VOLUME  IV.   OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT:   CONTAINING  JOSHUA,  JUDGES, 

AND  RUTH. 


NEW  YORK: 
CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS, 
1899 


THE 


BOOK    OF    JOSHUA. 


F.  R  FAY, 

P18TOR    IN    CREFEL'D,    PRCS9IA. 


TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  GERMAN,  WITH  ADDITIONS, 


GEORGE  R  BLISS,  D.  D., 

PBOFEB80R  IN   THE   UNIVEBSITT   OF   I.EWI9BUEG,   LEWIBBUBO,   FEND. 


NEW  YORK: 
CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS, 


Eatered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1871,  by 

Chakles   Scribner  asd  Company, 

*  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Wa&hmgtth 


PREFACE  BY  THE  GENERAL  EDITOR. 


The  Book  of  Joshua  relates  the  history  of  the  conquest  of  Canaan  under  the  lead  o( 
Joshua,  the  successor  of  Moses,  the  division  of  the  conquered  land  among  the  tribes  of  Israel, 
and  the  provision  for  the  settlement  of  the  theocracy  in  that  country.  The  Book  of 
Judges  continues  the  history  of  the  theocracy  from  the  death  of  Joshua  to  the  time  of  Eli, 
under  the  administration  of  thirteen  Judges,  whom  God  raised  up  in  special  emergencies  for 
the  restoration  of  social  order  and  deliverance  from  foreign  oppression.  It  covers  the  trans- 
ition period  of  about  three  hundred  years  from  the  theocratic  republic  to  the  theocratic 
monarchy.  The  Book  of  Ruth  is  a  charming  episode  of  domestic  virtue  and  happiness, 
in  striking  contrast  with  the  prevailing  character  of  this  period,  when  might  was  right,  and 
"  every  one  did  that  which  was  right  in  his  own  eyes."  It  teaches  the  sure  reward  of  filial 
devotion  and  trust  in  God,  the  proper  use  of  the  calamities  of  life,  the  overruling  providence 
of  God  in  the  private  affairs  of  an  humble  family  as  well  as  in  the  palaces  of  princes  and 
the  public  events  of  nations.  It  also  shows  how  God  had  children  outside  of  Canaan  and 
the  Jewish  theocracy.  The  incorporation  of  Ruth,  the  Moabitess,  into  the  Church  of  the 
Old  Testament,  may  be  regarded  as  an  intimation  of  the  future  call  of  the  Gentiles  to  the 
gospel  salvation.  The  story  of  Ruth  is  told  with  touching  simplicity.  Gothe  (  Westbsllicher 
Divan,  p.  8)  says  :  4'  It  is  the  loveliest  thing,  in  the  shape  of  an  epic  or  idyl,  which  has  come 
to  us."  Humboldt  (Koxmns,  ii.  46,  Germ,  ed.)  calls  it  "a  most  artless  and  inexpressibly 
charming  picture  of  nature." 

These  three  books  are  here  brought  together  in  one  volume. 

The  Commentary  on  Joshua  was  prepared  in  German,  1870,  by  the  Rev.  F.  R.  Fat 
(Dr.  Lange's  son-in-law),  Pastor  in  Crefeld,  Prussia,  and  in  English  by  the  Rev.  George  R. 
Bliss,  D.  D.,  Professor  in  Lewisburg  University,  Pennsylvania.  Dr.  BUss  writes  :  "  My 
own  impression  concerning  the  author  (Mr.  Fay),  derived  from  a  close  and  protracted  famil- 
iarity with  his  book,  is  highly  favorable  to  his  learning,  his  piety,  his  Christian  catholicity 
and  ainiableness  of  spirit."  He  has  made  a  careful  use  of  the  most  recent  helps  even  in  the 
English  language  touching  the  questions  of  geography  and  topography  of  the  holy  land, 
which  occupy  a  very  prominent  position  in  a  Commentary  on  Joshua.  The  Textual  and 
Grammatical  Notes  are  added  by  the  American  translator,  who  has  also  materially  en- 
riched the  other  departments,  in  accordance  with  the  general  plan  of  the  American  edition. 

The  Commentary  on  Judges  and  Ruth  is  by  Professor  Paulus  Cassel,  of  Berlin,  and 
appeared  several  years  earlier  (1865).  The  English  edition  was  prepared  by  the  Rev.  P. 
H.  Steexstra,  Professor  in  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Divinity  School  at  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Professor  Cassel  is  a  converted  Rabbi,  one  of  the  best  Talmudic  scholars  of  Germany,  a 
man  of  genius  and  ardent  Christian  spirit.  His  commentary  is  very  original,  fresh,  sugges- 
tive, abounding  in  historical  examples  and  parallels,  but  sometimes  very  fanciful,  especially 
in  bis  philological  efforts.  Here  the  translator  has  very  properly  expressed  his  dissent  from 
many  of  his  views.  Professor  Steenstra  has  paid  special  attention  to  the  textual  department, 
and  supplemented  his  author  where  he  takes  too  much  for  granted.  The  grammatical  notes 
on  the  Book  of  Ruth  are  quite  full,  because  it  is  often  read  by  students  of  Hebrew  in  Sem- 
inaries, owing  to  its  simplicity  and  literary  merit. 

conclude  these  introductory  remarks  with  the  closing  sentences  of  Professor  Cassel'i 
face  :  — 
It  will  not  be  considered  my  greatest  fault  that,  as  far  as  possible,  I  have  avoided  polem- 

,  and  have  contented  myself  with  positive  exposition  of  the  meaning  as  I  understood  it. 
[  cannot  help  feeling  that  in  many  expositions  there  is  less  eagerness  to  explain  the  sacred 


IV  PREFACE  BY  THE   GENERAL  EDITOR. 


text  than  to  give  battle  to  the  views  of  other  writers.  The  same  principle  haj  guided  me  in 
the  Introduction,  which  on  that  account  I  could  confine  to  brief  outlines.  A  departure  from 
this  principle  was  deemed  necessary  in  only  a  few  passages. 

"  What  shall  I  say  more  1  Scripture  says  everywhere  Tolle,  lege  !  and  such  especially  ia 
the  language  of  the  Book  of  Judges  and  of  Judgment  now  before  us. 

"  Verily,  the  sacred  canon  here  presents  us  with  a  book  of  history  and  historical  art,  such 
as  our  generation,  prolific  in  writings  on  history,  but  nevertheless  poor  in  historical  feeling 
and  perception,  stands  in  pressing  need  of.     Sic  invenietur,  sic  aperietur .  " 

PHILIP  8CHAFF. 

Bible  House,  New  York,  October,  1871. 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


INTRODUCTION. 

§  1.  Name  of  the  Book.     Place  in  the  Canon.     Contents  and  Character  in  gerund. 

Named  not  from  its  author  but  from  the  distinguished  hero  whose  history  it  relates,  the 
Book  of  Joshua  stands  first  in  the  canonical  list  of  D^itTN"!  D,'S,23,  the  prophetce  priores 
of  the  Old  Testament.  To  these  belong  also  the  Book  of  Judges  (QVD'itT),  the  two  Books 
of  Samuel  (bSTOtP),  and  the  two  Books  of  Kings  (D'  ?bp).  These  writings  are  collectively 
so  designated,  primarily  because,  according  to  old  Jewish  tradition,  they  were  composed  by 
prophets,  and  in  the  second  place,  also,  doubtless  because  they  dwell  largely,  the  Books  of 
Samuel  and  of  the  Kings  in  particular,  on  the  deeds  of  certain  prophets.  Still,  both  these 
reasons  together  do  not  of  themselves  explain  the  name.  The  Masoretes,  rather,  from  whom 
all  these  designations  and  titles  are  derived,  certainly  had  a  feeling  that  the  same  spirit  which 
swppt  through  the  prophets,  strictly  such,  the  Q,3i")nSI  Z'S'O?,  and  their  writings,  was  trace- 
able in  these  historical  books  also ;  that,  accordingly,  the  history  of  the  people  of  God  had 
been  written  in  this  spirit,  not  as  a  profane  but  a  sacred  history.  The  guidance  of  that  people 
by  Jehovah,  the  God  of  Israel,  as  he  is  called  in  this  book  (xxiv.  2,  23),  their  relation  and 
that  of  their  leaders  to  their  God,  their  fidelity  or  unfaithfulness,  their  conformity  to  his  com- 
mandments or  transgression  of  them,  their  worship  of  Jehovah  or  apostasy  to  idol-worship, 
are  the  proper  themes  of  this  holy  historiography.  These  books  of  the  first  or  prior  prophets 
are  not  merely  historical  books,  but,  as  De  Wette  in  his  Introduction  to  the  O.  T.  has  aptly 
styled  them,  theocratico-histori cal  books,  pervaded  and  filled  with  the  same  spirit  of  pro- 
found piety,  noble  moral  courage,  and  holy  reverence  for  the  commands  of  Jehovah,  which 
breathes  through  the  "  theocratically-inspired  books  "  of  the  prophets  properly  so-called.1 

This  character  shows  also  in  the  Book  of  Joshua,  which,  as  on  the  one  hand    it  introduces 

the  C^iti"")  2^23,  follows  on   the  other  the  mVl,  the   Pentateuch.      While  in   former 
»  :*  t       ' 

times,  under  the  supposition  that  "  the  law  "  constituted   an  absolute  literary  whole,  scarcely 
any  attention  was  given  to  the  all-pervading  relationship  between  the  Book  of  Joshua  and 

1  [We  append  to  this  the  following  interesting  remarks  of  Keil,  on  the  prophetical  character  of  the  historical  books 
■r  These  books  thus  present  no  general  history  of  the  nation  of  Israel  in  its  merely  political  and  civil  development,  but  the 
history  of  the  people  of  God,  that  is  of  Israel,  in  its  theocratic  development  as  the  covenant  people  and  bearer  of  the  sal- 
vation which  from  the  seed  of  Abraham  was  to  be  revealed,  in  the  fullness  of  time,  to  all  peoples.  Their  authors  have 
accordingly  selected  and  delivered  through  prophetic  illuminatioo,  out  of  the  rich  and  various  multiplicity  of  family, 
tribe  and  national  history  furnished  by  written  and  oral  tradition,  only  those  facts  and  occurrences,  which  were  of  mo- 
ment toward  the  history  of  the  kingdom  of  God.  These  were,  besides  the  revelations  of  God  in  word  and  deed,  and  be- 
sides his  wonderful  works  and  the  prophetic  attestations  of  the  divine  counsel  and  will,  above  all,  the  moments  in  the  life, 
the  action  or  inaction  of  the  people  which  had  operated  to  further  or  obstruct  the  progress  of  the  divine  common- 
wealth. Whatever  did  not  stand  in  intimate  connection  with  this  higher  aim  and  peculiar  calling  of  Israel  is,  generally 
speaking,  entirely  omitted,  or  at  most  only  so  far  touched  upou  as  it  served  to  make  clear  the  position  of  the  entire  people 
or  of  its  leaders  and  governors  toward  the  Lord  and  his  kingdom.  Hence  we  readily  understand  the  apparent  in- 
equality in  the  treatment  of  the  history,  that  here  and  there  long  periods  are  characterized  only  by  some  general  remmk^, 
while  the  fortunes  and  acts  of  certain  persons  are  portrayel  with  almost  biographical  completeness;  that  the  natural 
r-auses  of  the  events  and  the  subjective  motives  which  determined  the  conduct  of  the  historical  personages,  remain  for  the 
most  part  unnamed,  or  are  ouly  incidentally  and  briefly  intimated.  The  divine  agency  and  influence  therein  are  mean- 
while constantly  made  prominent  and.  so  far   as  they   were  manifested  in  extraordinary  ways,  carefully  and  circumstan-  . 

tially  related The  prophetical  character,  however,  by  which  these  historical  works  are  distinguished   from 

,ne  other  sacred  historical  writings  of  the  Israelites,  consists  in  this:  that  they  describe  the  theocratic  history  not  from 
ne  point  of  view  of  the  individual  author,  but  in  its  actual  course  answering  to  the  progressive  unfolding  of  the  divim 
plan,  as  could  be  done  only  by  prophets  to  whom  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  had  disclosed  ae  visicn  of  God's  economy  of  ami 
ntion."  —  Bib.  Comment  %t  uber  d.  A.  T.    ii.  Theil,  1  Bd.  p.  x.  J".  -  Te.] 


THE    BOOK    OF   JOSHUA. 


the  Pentateuch,  modern  criticism  has  the  unquestionable  merit,  both  of  recognizing  this  po- 
sition of  our  book  in  the  O.  T.  Canon,  and  of  instituting  profound  and  highly  instructive  in- 
vestigations concerning  it.  These  Knobel,  in  particular,  has  in  part  thoroughly  explained, 
and  in  part  independently  carried  still  further,  in  his  Criticism  of  the  Pentateuch  and  Joshua 
(Kurzgefasstes  exeget.  Handbuch  zum  Alien  Testament,  xiii.  pp.  489-606).  The  results  of  the 
investigations  concerning  the  Pentateuch  and  the  Book  of  Joshua  ma)-  be  found  in  shorter 
compass  in  Bleek's  Introduction  to  the  0.  T.  [translated  into  English  by  Venables,  Lond.  1869], 
§§  137,  138,  where  they  are  summed  up  as  the  issue  of  minute  and  conscientious  researches  in 
tj§  59-136.  Indeed,  so  many  and  so  various  are  the  points  of  mutual  approach  between  Joshua 
and  the  Pentateuch,  in  respect  both  to  language  and  to  facts,  as  obviously  to  raise  the  sus- 
picion that  the  two  together  originally  formed  one  great  work,  from  which  our  book  was,  only 
at  a  later  period,  perhaps  in  the  time  of  Ezra  (Bleek,  §  140),  separated.  To  set  one's  self 
against  this  discovery  because  the  "  neological  "  or  "  modern  "  criticism  has  first  brought  it  to 
light,  is  unworthy  of  believing  Scriptural  research. 

In  the  closest  connection  with  the  last  verse  of  Deuteronomy  (xxxiv.  5-12),  our  book  re- 
lates first,  how  Jehovah  commanded  Joshua  to  arise  and  cross  over  the  Jordan  to  take 
possession  of  the  land  which  He  had  given  to  the  children  of  Israel ;  and  then  declares 
further  how  Joshua  communicated  this  order  to  the  leaders  of  the  people,  and  at  the  same 
time  required  of  the  two  and  a  half  tribes  of  the  Keubenites,  Gadites,  and  half  of  Manasseh, 
who  had  already  received  of  Moses  (Deut,  xxxii. ;  Josh,  xiii.)  their  possession  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Jordan,  that  they  should,  according  to  the  conditions  fixed  by  Moses  (Deut. 
xxxii.  20),  take  part  in  the  coming  conquest  of  the  land  (ch.  i.).  Next  follows  the  account 
of  the  mission  of  the  spies  to  Jericho,  their  reception  by  Rahab,  their  danger,  deliverance, 
and  flight  (ch.  ii).  After  the  return  of  the  messengers  the  people  pass  over  the  Jordan, 
not  without  experiencing  a  proof  of  the  divine  assistance  in  that  the  passage  of  the  river  was 
accomplished  dryshod,  although  the  stream  at  that  season,  in  the  days  of  harvest,  was  un- 
usually swollen  with  the  water  (chaps,  iii.,  iv.).  In  the  fifth  chapter  we  are  informed  of  the 
circumcision  at  Gilgal  and  of  the  first  passover-festival  on  the  soil  of  Canaan,  with  which 
closes  the  First  Section  of  the  First  Part  of  the  book.  The  preparation  for  the  holy  war,  of 
which  the  author  furnishes  us  a  report  in  that  Part,  is  now  finished.  And  Joshua  himself, 
the  leader  of  the  people,  has  been  strengthened  and  encouraged  by  a  special  manifestation 
from  above  (ch.  v.). 

Now  begins  the  narrative  of  the  struggles  between  Israel  and  the  Canaanites  (vi.  1-xi. 
23).  In  a  flowing  and  vivid  relation  the  author  depicts,  successively,  the  capture  of  Jericho, 
whose  walls  fall  at  the  sound  of  the  trumpets,  the  destruction  of  the  city,  the  rescue  oi 
Rahab,  the  imprecation  on  the  foundation  and  site  (ch.  vi.)  ;  then  Achau's  crime,  the  unfor- 
tunate expedition  to  Ai,  Joshua's  humble  supplication  before  Jehovah,  the  discovery  and 
punishment  of  the  criminal  (ch.  vii.).  Upon  this  follows  the  truly  brilliant  description, 
characterized  by  the  greatest  vividness  of  representation,  of  the  conquest  and  destruction  of 
Ai  (ch.  viii.  1-29).  After  this,  however,  the  course  of  the  hitherto  well-ordered  narrative  of 
martial  exploits,  is  interrupted  by  an  account  (ch.  viii.  30-35)  of  the  altar  of  blessing  and 
curse  on  Mount  Ebal,  which  appears,  as  we  will  show  hereafter,  to  belong  properly  not  to 
this  place  but  rather  after  ch.  xi.  23.  For  the  conquest  of  the  land  is  not  yet  finished  ;  we 
hear,  on  the  contrary  (ch.  ix.  1,  2),  that  five  Canaanitish  lings  unite  themselves  in  a  formal 
league  against  the  triumphantly  invading  Israelites.  The  burghers  of  Gibeon,  having  heard 
what  Joshua  has  done  to  Jericho  and  Ai,  take  another  course,  that  of  cunning  and  stratagem, 
and  completely  attain  their  end.  Supposing  from  their  old  garments,  their  ruptured  wine- 
skins, their  tattered  shoes,  and  their  musty  bread,  that  they  had  come  from  a  distant  land, 
Joshua,  without  inquiring  of  Jehovah  (ch.  ix.  14),  concludes  a  .treaty  with  them  by  which 
their  preservation  is  assured.  The  deception  is  afterwards  discovered,  but  the  promise  nev- 
ertheless maintained,  because  it  had  been  confirmed  (ch.  ix.  15)  by  a  solemn  oath  which  the 
princes  of  Israel  felt  themselves  bound  in  conscience  to  keep.  The  Gibeonites  are  not  de- 
stroyed, but  as  a  punishment  for  their  falsehood  they  are  made  wood-choppers  and  drawers 
of  water  for  the  congregation,  and  for  the  altar  of  Jehovah  (ch.  ix.  3-27). 

But  now  the  wrath  of  Adoni-zedek  and  his  allies  turns  against  the  inhabitants  of  Gibeon, 
AS  apostates  from  the  common  cause  who  must  be  punished  for  their  treachery  (ch.  x.  1-5). 
In  this  strait  the  latter  appeal  to  Joshua  for  help,  which  is  promptly  and  heartily  afforded. 
Specially  cheered  by  Jehovah  he  advances,  smites  the  five  kings  in  the  great  battle  of  Gibeon. 


§  1.     CONTENTS.  " 


poetically  celebrated  (ch.  x.  12,  13)  by  an  after-age,  pursues  them  with  their  hosts  over  the 
pass  of  Beth-horon,  down  to  Azekah  and  Makkedah,  hangs  them,  when  the  pursuit  is  over 
on  five  trees,  but  at  sundown  /auses  their  corpses  to  be  taken  down  and  cast  into  the  cave  at 
Makkedah,  where  they  had  leen  found  concealed.  This  victory  over  the  five  kings  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  conquest  of  the  whole  southern  portion  of  the.  land,  west  of  the  Jordan,  and 
Joshua  now  returns  to  the  camp  at  Gilgal  on  the  Jordan.  This  seems  to  have  remained  the 
head-quarters  of  all  these  operations  (ch.  x.).  Thus  the  south  of  the  country  west  of  the 
Jordan  —  of  Canaan  proper  (see  on  this  designation  §  6) — was  subjugated.  To  the  same 
fate  must  the  north  also  submit.  In  vain,  as  before  Adoni-zedek  gathered  the  kings  of  the 
south,  does  Jabin  king  of  Hazor  now  collect  about  him  those  of  the  north  in  a  second  com- 
pact against  Joshua,  for  continuing  the  war  of  defense.  Like  sand  by  the  sea  for  multitude, 
is  the  host  which  they  bring  into  the  field  (ch.  xi.  4)  ;  but  with  surprising  rapidity  they  are 
reached  by  the  able  leader  of  Israel,  at  the  water  of  Merom,  where  they  are  encamped, — 
reached,  surprised,  smitten,  annihilated.  For  after  this  defeat  also,  Joshua  fails  not  to  pur- 
sue and  to  so  strike  the  enemy,  that  be  "left  them  not  one  remaining"  (ch.  xi.  8).  Their 
horses  were  hamstrung,  their  chariots  burnt  with  tire.  The  history  of  these  events  is  more 
meagrely  given  than  that  of  the  capture  of  Jericho  and  Ai,  and  of  the  slaughter  at  Gibeon, 
but  not  less  plainly  and  vividly  (ch.  xi.  1-9).  After  now  reporting  further  (ch.  xi.  10-15) 
how  Joshua  took  the  cities  of  the  north,  except  ilm^e  which  stood  upon  hills,  and  slew  their 
kin<rs  and  people,  while  he  gave  their  spoil  as  booty  to  his  army,  which  had  not  been  allowed 
at  the  taking  of  Jericho  (ch.  vi.  17  ;  vii.  1  ff),  the  author  closes  the  chapter  with  a  genera] 
review  of  the  conquest  of  the  whole  land  west  of  the  Jordan.  Here  he  recalls  particularly 
the  destruction  of  the  Anakim  in  the  mountain  of  Judah,  as  accomplished  by  Joshua  (ch.  xi. 
16-23).  With  this  closes  the  Second  Section  of  the  First  Part,  since  ch.  xii.  is  to  be  regarded 
as  a  special  section.  It  contains  a  complete  lisl  of  the  kings  subdued  under  the  leadership 
of  Moses  and  Joshua,  on  both  sides  r>{'  tin'  Jordan,  thirty-one  in  number.  Here  the  First  Part 
of  the  book  (chaps,  i.— xii.)  is  brought  to  a  conclusion. 

The  Second  Part  (chaps,  xiii.-xxiv.)  describes  the  division  of  the  conquered  territory 
among  the  Israelites. 

A  considerable  time,  as  would  appear,  has  passed  since  the  conquest  of  the  land  (xiii. 
1).  Joshua  has  become  old  ;  there  remains  also,  very  much  to  be  occupied,  partly  in  the 
southwest  "  where  the  territory  of  the  Philistine  kingdoms  was,"  and  partly  in  the  north, 
"the  country  on  Lebanon  ;  "  yet  must  Joshua  now  undertake  the  distribution  of  the  land  (ch. 
xiii.  1-7)  among  the  nine  and  a  half  tribes.  The  mention  made  of  the  one  half  of  the  tribe 
ofManasseh  leads  the  author  to  look  back  over  the  district  already  allotted  to  the  two  and 
a  half  tribes  east  of  the  Jordan  (eh.  xiii.  8-33),  where  the  remark  is  repeatedly  brought  in 
that  Joshua  gave  no  possession  to  the  tribe  of  Levi,  because  the  sacrifices  of  Jehovah,  nay, 
Jehovah  himself  was  their  possession  (ch.  xiii.  14,  33).  In  the  following  chapter  (ch.  xiv.)  the 
writer  begins  his  account  of  the  division  of  the  land  (ch.  xiv.  1-5).  This  is  not  resumed 
until  ch.  xv.  1  ff.,  so  that  the  narrative  concerning  Caleb's  demand  for  a  possession,  which  is 
repeated  in  another  form  ch.  xv.  13-19  (comp.  Judg.  i.  12-15),  shows  itself  plainly  an  intru- 
sive fragment.  For  clearness  of  arrangement,  we  may,  with  Bunsen,  conveniently  make 
these  two  chapters  the  First  Section  of  the  Second  Part,  and  then  group  ch.  xv.-xxi.  as  the 
second. 

These  seven  chapters  contain  —  with  the  exception  of  ch.  xv.  13-19,  xvii.  13-18,  xviii.  1-20, 
xx.  1-6  —  very  dry,  but,  for  the  knowledge  of  the  holy  land,  extremely  valuable,  notices,  which 
are  often  surprisingly  accurate.  In  a  few  places  only,  particularly  xvi.  5  ff.  and  xix.  34,  is 
the  sense  obscure  and  hard  to  determine,  as  will  appear  in  the  discussion  of  those  passages. 
A  degree  of  difficulty  characterizes  ch.  xvi.  1,  also,  as  has  been  noticed  particularly  by  Hauff 
(Offenbarungsglaube  und  Krilik,  p.  139  ff.),  and  especially  ch.  xvii.  1,  where  "a  mass  of  ex- 
planatory phrases  "  is  found,  while  the  intervening  narratives  (ch.  xv.  13-19,  xvii.  14-18)  are 
distinguished  by  the  same  beauty  of  delineation  which  we  have  already  often  met  in  the  first 
part  of  the  book.  How  vividly  is  the  transaction  between  Caleb  and  his  daughter  given, 
how  freshly  and  succinctly  that  between  Joshua  and  the  exacting  sons  of  Joseph,  his  fellow 
"ribesmen ! 

The  third  and  last  section  comprises  chaps,  xxii.-xxiv.  Here  the  release  of  the  two  and  a 
half  tribes  from  beyond  the  Jordan,  who  could  now  be  sent  home,  after  the  conquest  and 
illotment  of  the  country,  is  announced,  and  then  reported  in  detail ;  and  how  they  raised  ai 


8  THE   BOOK   Oh    JOSHUA. 


altar  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Jordan,  the  building  of  which  excited  the  ill-humor  of  the 
other  Israelites.  This  was  allayed,  however,  when  the  commission  sent  out  under  Phinehas 
brought  back  a  satisfactory  explanation  (ch.  xxii.).  Next  follow  the  farewell  discourses  of 
Joshua,  the  first  delivered  probably  at  Shiloh,  the  second  at  Shechem  (ch.  xxiv.  1).  Old 
and  full  of  days  (ch.  xxiii.  1),  feeling  that  he  too  must  go  the  way  of  all  the  earth,  the  brave, 
disinterested,  pious  follower  of  Moses,  takes  leave  of  his  people,  admonishes  them  to  fidelity 
towards  Jehovah,  warns  them  against  apostasy  and  idolatry,  and  finally  lays  them  under  the 
obligation  of  a  solemn  renewal  of  the  covenant  (ch.  xxiv.  25).  To  commemorate  this  a 
monument  of  stones  is  erected  (ch.  xxiv.  26,  27).  One  hundred  and  ten  years  old,  the  pre- 
cise age  of  his  ancestor  Joseph  (Gen.  1.  22),  Joshua  dies  and  is  buried  at  Timnath-serah,  in 
his  own  city  (ch.  xxiv.  29,  30).  While  he  and  the  elders  live,  Israel  serves  Jehovah  (ch. 
xxiv.  31).  But  Eleazar,  also  the  faithful  helper  of  Joshua,  the  son  of  Aaron,  the  high-priest 
of  Israel,  dies  and  is  buried  at  Gibeah-phinehas,  in  the  city  of  his  son,  who  as  being  distin- 
guished by  a  holy  zeal  for  the  true  worship  of  God,  was  exceptionally  provided  with  a  pos- 
session of  his  own  (ch.  xxiv.  33).  A  notice  concerning  the  bones  of  Joseph  is  inserted 
between  these  reports  of  the  decease  of  Joshua  and  Eleazar. 

If  now  we  look  back  and  bring  up  to  ourselves  once  more  the  total  impression  which  the 
Book  of  Joshua  makes,  it  may  be  said  with  reason  that  the  account  of  the  historical  events 
is  given  on  the  whole,  in  a  well-ordered  succession,  and  the  connection  but  seldom  broken ; 
and  further,  that  the  notices  concerning  the  division  of  the  land  are  characterized  in  general 
by  remarkable  clearness  and  accuracy.  This  is  especially  evident  when  one  compares  the 
corresponding  section  of  Josephus  {Ant.  v.  1,  22).  At  the  same  time  it  need  not  be  over- 
looked that,  as  manifest  interpolations  attest  (ch.  viii.  30-35,  x.  12-15,  xiv.  6-15,  xv.  13- 
19,  xvii.  13-18),  we  have  before  us  here,  as  little  as  in  the  Pentateuch,  an  original  work  em- 
anating from  one  author ;  but  rather  a  literary  product,  which,  although  finally  revised  with 
a  view  to  unity  of  representation,  bears  plainly  on  its  face  the  marks  of  its  origin.  The 
book  itself  cites  (ch.  x.  13)  one  of  its  documentary  sources ;  and  if  one  why  may  not  a  num- 
ber of  them  have  existed,  although  they  are  not  directly  quoted  ? 

Observation.  The  Samaritan  Book  of  Joshua,  called  also,  Chronicon  Samaritanum,  of 
which  an  Arabic  translation  in  Samaritan  characters  exists  in  the  Leyden  Library  (printed 
under  the  title  :  Chronicon  Samaritanum,  Ed.  Joh.  Juynboll,  Lugd.  Bat.  1848),  is  pronounced 
by  De  Wette,  Hengstenberg,  and  Ewald,  all  agreeing  on  this  point,  a  revision  of  our  Book  of 
Joshua,  with  an  addition  of  Samaritan  fables,  and  dating  from  late  in  the  Middle  Ages.  See 
De  Wette,  Intrnd.  to  the  0.  T.  §  171.  Hengstenberg,  Authenticity  of  the  Pentateuch,  i.  5. 
Ewald,  Geschichte  d.  Volks  Israel,  ii.  p.  349,  350  ;  iv.  p.  247,  249.  ["  A  splendid  legend  "  from 
this  work  is  communicated  by  Stanley,  Hist,  of  Jew.  Ch.  i.  p.  245.  f.  —  Tk.]. 

§  2.  Origin. 

L  Memorandum  of  Views  held  by  leading  Authorities. 

According  to  the  Talmud  (Tr.  Baba  bathra,  fol.  14,  2,  "Joshua  scripsit  librum  suum  et  octo 
versus  in  lege  "),  Joshua  was  the  author  of  the  book  which  bears  his  name,  Eleazar,  the  son  of 
Aaron,  the  high-priest,  then  added  the  conclusion  (ch.  xxiv.  29-32),  but  the  last  verse  of  all 
(ch.  xxiv.  33)  was  appended  by  Phinehas  (Baba  bathra,  15  a,  15  b ;  in  Fiirst,  Kanon  des  Allen 
Testaments  nach  den  Ueberlieferungen  in  Talmud  und  Midrasch,  Leipzig,  1868,  p.  10).  Various 
older  theologians,  among  them  Starke,  appealing  to  ch.  xxiv.  26,  shared  this  view.  "  If,"  says 
Starke,  "  he  himself  wrote  the  covenant  made  with  the  people,  why  not  also  the  preliminary, 
and  in  part  very  important  and  necessary,  records  ?  "  The  same  argument  is  employed  also 
by  L.  Konig  (Altlest.  Studien,  i.  Heft:  Authentie  des  Buches  Josua,  1836,  p.  127),  as  well  as 
Baumgarten  (Herzog's  Real-Encyclop.  vii.  40,  42),  to  sustain  Joshua's  authorship  ;  against 
which  Keil  (Commentary  on  the  Book  of  Joshua,  p.  xl.  [Martin's  Transl.  p.  39]),  remarks  how 
precisely  the  fact  that  the  writing  in  the  law-book  is  limited  to  the  renewal  of  the  covenant 
at  Shechem  proves  that  the  remaining  contents  of  the  Book  of  Joshua  were  not  recorded 
therein.  Havernick  (Einleitung  in  d.A.T.  ii.  1,  pp.  26,  62),  resting  on  the  Kethib  in  ch.  v.  1,  6 
p3n?2),  combined  with  the  notice  in  ch.  xxiv.  26,  ascribes  the  entire  first  part  and  the  two 
•ast  chapters  to  Joshua,  while  he  refers  chs.  xiii.-xxii.,  after  the  example  of  Bertholdt  (p.  857), 
to  the  chorographical  descriptions  spoken  of  in  ch.  xviii.  1-10.  Gerlach  (Bibelwerk,  ii.  p 
ri.)  supposes  it  probable  that,  after  the  example  of  Moses,  Joshua  himself  or  one  of  his  im 


§  2.    ORIGIN. 


aiediate  attendants,  under  his  direction,  wrote  down  the  history  of  the  conquest,  and  there- 
upon of  the  division  of  the  land,  so  important  in  its  future  bearings,  and  exhibiting  traces  of 
very  high  antiquity.  These  he  thinks  were  composed  in  separate  sections  which  then  some  edi- 
tor finished  out  with  the  account  of  the  renewed  covenant.  Keil  (ut  sup.  p.  xlvi.  [Eng.  Transl. 
p.  46]  ;  Biblisch.  Com.  iiber  d.  A.  T.,  ii.  1,  pp.  5,  6)  denies  the  authorship  of  Joshua  altogether, 
not  so  much  on  account  of  the  oft-recurring  phrase  (previously  urged  by  Spinoza  and  others), 
n-rn  Ci>n  T2  (chaps,  iv.  9 ;  v.  9  ;  vi.  25  ;  vii.  26  (bis)  ;  viii.  28,  29  ;  ix.  27  :  xiii.  13  ;  xiv.  14 ;  xv 
63 ;  xvi.  10),  as  because  the  book  gives  account  of  occurrences  belonging  to  the  period  aftei 
Joshua's  death.  That  phrase  he  thinks  by  no  means  supposes  the  lapse  of  centuries,  but  is  em- 
ployed rather,  according  to  its  quite  relative  signification,  of  things  only  a  few  years  past, 
although  he  fails  to  furnish  any  proof  of  this.1  Of  the  class  of  later  occurrences  he  reckons, 
above  all,  the  narrative  of  the  capture  of  Hebron  by  Caleb,  of  Debir  by  Othniel  (ch.  xv.  13-19), 
and  of  Leshem  by  the  Danites  (ch.  xix.  47),  as  well  as  the  statement  in  ch.  xv.  63  resting  on 
Judges  i.  8.  But  since  these  wars  and  conquests  might  have  occurred  not  long  after  Joshua's 
death ;  since  moreover  the  book  contains  definite  proofs  that  it  was  composed  not  after  but  prob- 
ably before  the  establishment  of  monarchy  in  Israel  (ch.  xvi.  10  :  the  Canaanites  in  Gezer,  comp. 
1  K.  ix.  16  ;  the  Jebusites  yet  in  Jerusalem,  ch.  xv.  63,  comp.  2  Sam.  v.  3,  6-9  ;  a  place  for  the 
temple  not  yet  determined,  ix.  27,  comp.  2  Sam.  xxiv.  18  ff. ;  1  Chron.  xxi.  26  if. ;  the  Gibeon- 
ites  still  wood-choppers  and  water-carriers,  ix.  27,  comp.  2  Sam.  xxi.  1  if.) ;  since,  finally, 
the  book  nowhere  shows  traces  either  in  its  style  or  contents,  of  later  times  and  relations, 
but  in  language  as  well  as  in  views  of  things  connects  itself  closely  with  the  Pentateuch  (of 
which  ch.  xiii.  4-6  ;  xi.  8  ;  xix.  28,  are  cited  as  examples  2),  it  becomes  highly  probable  that 
it  was  composed  not  more  than  twenty-five  or  thirty  years  after  the  death  of  Joshua,  perhaps 
by  one  of  the  elders  who  had  crossed  the  Jordan  with  Joshua,  taken  part  in  the  conquest  of 
Canaan  (ch.  v.  1,6),  and  lived  some  time  after  Joshua  (ch.  xxiv.  31  ;  Judg.  ii.  7).  Com.  on 
Joshua,  p.  xlvii.,  [47];  Bib.  Com.  ii.  1,  p.  7. 

So  Keil,  who,  as  is  obvious,  has  given  up  the  old,  traditional  view  of  the  authorship  of 
Joshua,  while  yet  he  maintains  the  unity  of  the  book  and  its  high  antiquity.  This  latter  point 
was  disputed  already  by  Andreas  Masius,  by  Spinoza  and  Clericus,  who  placed  the  compo- 
sition of  the  book  in  the  time  after  the  exile,  in  which  they  have,  been  followed  by  Hasse, 
Maurer,  and  De  Wette.  And  in  proportion  as  the  Pentateuch,  since  the  middle  of  the  pre- 
ceding century,  has  been  subjected  to  sharper  scrutiny  touching  its  unity,  our  book  has 
shared  the  same  treatment.  The  different  hypotheses  of  modern  criticism  enumerated  by 
Lange  (Com.  on  Holy  Script.  Introd.  to  Genesis,  §§  3,  7),  the  Documentary  as  well  as  the 
Fragmentary,  the  Supplementary,  as  well  as  the  peculiar  theory  of  Ewald,  called  by  Delitzsch 
the  Crystallization  hypothesis,  to  which  quite  recently  Fiirst  inclines  (Gesch.  d.  Bib.  Lit.,  u. 
des  Judisch-hellenist.  Schriftthum,  i.  pp.  362,  404  If.,  442  if.  ;  to  be  compared  with  Diestel'a 
Review,  in  the  Jahrbiichern  fur  Deutschen  Theologie,  xiv.  2,  pp.  338-342),  have  all  been  at- 
tempted with  reference  to  the  book  of  Joshua  as  well  as  to  the  Pentateuch.  Not  unsuccess- 
fully the  Supplementary  hypothesis,  in  reference  to  Joshua  in  particular,  has  found  defenders 
in  Bleek,  Knobel,  and  very  recently  in  Noldeke. 

According  to  Bleek  (Introd.  to  the  O.  T.  §  137)  there  were  for  a  considerable  time  writings 
extant  concerning  the  events  of  the  period  between  the  death  of  Moses  and  that  of  Joshua, 
as  in  particular  concerning  the  division  of  the  land  among  the  several  tribes ;  precisely  as  in 
the  time  of  Moses  himself,  and  in  part  from  his  own  hand,  there  were  written  laws,  songs, 
census-rolls,  and  the  catalogue  of  the  nations.  But  a  connected  history  of  the  fortunes  of  the 
people,  either  in  the  Mosaic  period  or  in  that  of  Joshua,  had  not  then  been  composed.  Both 
were  produced  simultaneously  at  a  later  time,  and  in  all  probability,  in  the  age  of  Saul,  at 
which  time  the  work  of  the  so-called  Elohist  arose.  This  work  treated  only  of  the  main  epochs 
in  the  history,  those  of  special  importance  to  a  knowledge  of  the  relation  between  God  and 
man,  and  of  God's  providences.  Such  were  the  creation,  the  deluge,  the  choice  of  Abraham  and 
God's  convenant  with  him,  the  history  of  Jacob  and  Joseph,  then  that  of  Moses  and  Joshua, 
while  the  intervening  periods  were  only  summarily  touched  upon,  in  short  genealogical  lists 
which  served  to  join  together  two  Epochs  and  the  representative  personages  belonging  to  them. 

1  [Kelt  does  adduce  (Bib.  Com.  p.  5),  as  an  instance  of  this,  the  statement  (ch.  vi.  25)  that  Rahab  is  living  in  Israe 
'  unto  this  day."  —  Te.] 

2  [In  these  passages  respectively,  "  the  Sidonians  alone  are  called  Phoenicians,  and  these  are  reckoned  among  the  Canaan 
itee  to  be  extirpated  by  Israel  (ch.  xiii.  4-6),  altogether  differently  from  the  view  of  David's  time  (2  Sam.  v.  11  ;  IK 
ib  v. ;  1  Clir.  xiv.  1) ;  moreover,  Sidon  by  the  epithet ,f  the  great  "  is  designated  as  the  capital  of  Phoenicia  (xi  8,  xix 
X)     while  as  early  as  David's  day  Tyre  had  taken  the  lead  of  Sidon.  "  —  Keil,  Bib.  Com.,  p.  7.  —  Ta.l 


10  THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


The  greater  part  of  our  Book  of  Joshua  was  contained  in  tbis  oldest  history.  Probably  in  th« 
age  of  David,  and  not  in  the  very  last  part  of  his  reign,  this  work  was  enlarged  and  rewroughl 
by  a  later  hand.  The  older  writing  remains  the  foundation  ;  but  it  was  in  part  increased  bj 
many  new  additions,  which  the  writer  either  found  already  extant  like  the  former,  or  himself 
lir<t  wrote  down  from  previous  oral  traditions  ;  and  in  part  the  earlier  written  relations  were 
modified  by  additions  and  changes,  by  abbreviations  also  and  omissions  where  this  Jehovisl 
availed  himself  of  a  different  source  of  information  concerning  the  same  circumstances  anil 
events.  It  differed  from  the  previous  work  conspicuously  in  this,  that  the  author  names  God 
Jehovah,  from  the  very  beginning,  whereas  the  Elohist  had  refrained  from  that  designation 
before  the  time  of  Moses.  By  this  revision  the  earlier  work  gained  some  not  unessential 
additions,  but  lost  not  a  little  in  literary  unity.  It  embraced  («)  the  first  four  books  of  the 
Pentateuch,  essentially  of  the  entire  compass  in  which  we  have  them,  but  with  trifling  ex- 
ceptions, particularly  Lev.  xxvi.  3-45  ;  (i)  the  report  of  the  death  of  Moses  (Deut.  xxxiv.  1- 
8),  taken  from  the  Elohistic  writing ;  (c)  our  Book  of  Joshua  in  the  form  in  which  the  author  of 
Deuteronomy  found  it.  For  the  last  revision  of  the  work  was  effected  by  the  author  of  Deuteron- 
omy, at  whose  hand  the  whole  received  the  form  and  compass  in  which  it  lies  before  us  in  our 
Pentateuch  and  Booh  of  Joshua.  The  author  of  this  revision  probably  took  the  above  work 
(that  of  the  Jehovist)  entire,  as  he  found  it,  allowing  himself  only  here  and  there  particular 
changes  and  additions,  especially  in  the  history  of  the  time  of  Joshua.  The  principal  alteration 
however,  consisted  in  the  expansion  of  the  writing  by  the  reception  of  Deuteronomy  itself  (chaps, 
i.-xxxiii.  It  is  possible  that  he  had  other  written  authorities  besides  the  Book  of  the  Jehovist, 
but  nothing  definite  can  be  made  out  on  this  point.  As  the  date  of  the  composition  of 
Deuteronomy  and  the  last  revision  of  the  whole  work,  the  reign  of  Manasseh,  King  of  Judah, 
in  the  first  half  of  the  seventh  century  before  Christ,  may  most  probably  be  assumed,  and  at 
all  events  a  time  not  later  than  the  eighteenth  year  of  Josiah  (624  B.  c).  Comp.  2  K.  xxiii. 
21,  w.  Deut.  xvi. 

According  to  Knobel  (Kritik  des  Pentateuch  und  Josua,  p.  496  ff.),  there  lies  at  the  bottom 
of  the  Pentateuch  and  Joshua,  an  old  work  (Elohim  document,  Elohist,  Ground-text),  which 
relates  the  history  from  the  creation  to  the  division  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  which  is  distin- 
guish^ 1  by  definiteness  of  plan  and  by  consecutiveness,  and  may  be  easily  followed  from 
Gen.  i.  to  Joshua  xxii.  The  composition  of  this  work  falls  in  the  time  of  Saul  (p.  523;. 
The  author  was  beyond  question  an  Aaronide  or  priest.  This  we  learn  from  the  deep  inter- 
est which  he  takes  in  sacred  persons  and  usages,  and  his  accurate  acquaintance  with  those 
matters,  the  tabernacle,  for  instance,  and  its  furniture,  which  a  layman  would  not  have  known 
so  well  about.  He  lived  therefore  in  the  southern  part  of  the  country,  where  the  Aaronides 
had  their  residence  (p.  523).  From  this  ground-text  (as  Knobel  almost  everywhere  calls  it) 
the  other  parts  of  the  Pentateuch  deviate  widely  in  matter  and  style,  the  proof  of  which  i> 
given  with  great  care  and  to  the  minutest  detail  (pp.  524—532),  but  they  altogether  lack  unity. 
There  are  indeed  non-Elohistic  sections,  as  in  our  book  chaps,  ii.-iv.  which,  overlooking  minor 
points,  have  been  plainly  made  up  of  two  different  elements.  The  same  two  elements  may 
then  each  for  itself  be  further  clearly  recognized  in  particular  sections,  the  one  e.  g.  in  Josh.  ch. 
xxiv.,  the  other  in  chaps,  vi.-xii.  They  appear  again  blended  with  Elohistic  sections,  either 
one  or  the  other  or  both  together,  as  in  Josh,  xv.,  xvii.,  xviii.  The  old  ground-text  has  there- 
fore received  additions  from  two  other  documents.  These  two  documents  are  mentioned  by 
name  Num.  xxi.  14 ;  Josh  x.  13.  The  one  is  the  Law-book,  the  other  the  War-book.  Ac- 
cording to  its  name  ("iJT'n  ~I2D,  book  of  the  right,  i.  e.  right-book,  law-book,  to  be  inter- 
preted after  nirP  ,|3',53  ~'tt;>n  nt£?y,  "  to  do  what  is  right  in  Jehovah's  eyes,"  i.  e.  to  fol- 
low the  divine  law,  —  a  phrase  common  in  the  historical  books  to  designate  conformity  with 
the  law,  1  K.  xi.  33,  38 ;  xiv.  8  ;  xv.  5,  11,  etc.  (?)),  the  former  contained  laws,  according  to 
Josh.  x.  historical  reports  also,  and  according  to  2  Sam.  i.  18,  poems,  which  all  suits  with  the 
first  document  of  the  Jehovist. 

In  this  book,  however,  which  originated  in  the  Northern  kingdom  (p.  544),  in  the  Assyrian 
period  (p.  546),  there  was  an  older  ~)E7sn  "1SD  inwrought  which  is  designated,  Joshua  xxiv. 
26,  D^ribs  rni.n  "12D.  This  older  Sepher  Jaschar  contained  already  most  of  the  laws  of 
the  law-book  employed  by  the  Jehovist,  especially  the  Mosaic  Decalogue  (Ex.  xx.),  probably 
also  the  blessing  of  Moses  (Deut.  xxxiii.),  of  the  time  of  Saul,  David's  lament  over  Saul  (2 
Sam.  i.)  and  the  hymn  of  triumph  (Ex.  xv.),  which  dates  only  from  the  time  of  Solomon 
Lower  than   Solomon  we  need   not   bring  it.     In  Jeroboam's  time   it  seems  to  have  beer 


§   2.     ORIGIN.  11 


already  known   (p.  547).     Where  this  older  law-book  was  composed  Knobel  does  not  say: 
probably  also  in  the  northern  kingdom. 

The  second  document  of  the  Jehovist,  the  War-book  (^  rvifinb^  'd,  Num.  xxi.  14, 
"book  of  the  wars  of  Jehovah,"  i.  e.  the  wars  of  Israel  with  the  heathen,  p.  559),  contained 
a  great  number  of  warlike  narratives,  more  in  fact  than  all  the  others  together  (p.  559),  and 
appears  to  have  originated  in  the  southern  country  (p.  560),  as  it  agrees  very  nearly  in  mat- 
ter and  style  with  the  ground-text,  and  in  the  time  of  Jehoshaphat  (t  889).  The  author, 
from  his  interest  in  religious  legislation,  was  probably  a  Levite  (p.  5G0). 

The  Jehovist' s  course  of  procedure  now  was  the  following.  He  laid  his  foundation  in  the 
Elohim-text,  which  is,  accordingly,  preserved  tolerably  complete ;  then  took  his  supplemen- 
tary matter  chiefly  from  his  two  documents,  more  out  of  the  law-book,  less  out  of  the  war- 
book,  since  the  former  offered  more  that  was  peculiar,  the  latter  only  that,  in  many  places, 
which  lay  already  in  the  ground  text.  To  all  the  three  documents  he  adheres,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, word  for  word,  whether  he  extracts  from  them  great  or  small.  The  texts  have  for  him 
a  certain  inviolability,  and  he  is  guided  in  this  by  the  consciousness  that  he  has  before  him 
and  is  editing  venerable  works  of  Mosaic  authority.  He  is  concerned  to  harmonize  the  vari 
ous  reports,  and  effects  this  often  in  a  truly  ingenious  manner ;  witness  Gen.  xxi.  25  ff.,  xxvi. 
19  ff.  comp.  w.  xxvi.  15,  18  ;  Gen.  xxxv.  3,  7,  xxxv.  4  ff.,  14  ff. ;  xxxiii.  1-8  comp.  w.  xxxii.  21  ; 
xxxiii.  13,  etc.  In  many  cases,  however,  he  saw  the  irreconcilableness  of  his  authorities  and 
proceeded  mechanically  to  combine  the  different  and  contradictory  materials,  leaving  it  for 
the  reader  himself  to  bring  them  into  connection  and  harmony.  His  primary  endeavor  was 
to  preserve  the  contents  of  the  older  ivriter,  when  they  appeared  to  him  important,  and,  as  far 
as  possible,  Just  as  he  found  them.  Hence  even  what  was  divergent  also  might,  as  being 
something  independent,  seem  to  him  worthy  of  preservation ;  in  proof  of  which  Knobel  ad- 
duces Josh.  viii.  12,  13.  The  mechanical  nature  of  his  process  appears  from  the  retention  of 
remarks  which  in  the  originals  stood  quite  correctly,  but  in  the  combination  of  sources  should 
have  been  omitted,  as  in  Josh.  x.  15.  Frequently,  however,'in  his  supplementary  additions, 
he  allowed  himself  considerable  freedom,  transposing  particulars,  retrenching  incompatible 
designations  of  time,  but  especially  interweaving  little  additions  into  the  reports  of  his  pre- 
decessors, where  they  appeared  to  him  appropriate,  and  especially  where  necessary  to  har- 
monize differences.  The  introduction  of  a  historical  sentence  into  the  discourse  of  God, 
Josh.  xiii.  1,  likewise  exhibits  this  freedom.  On  the  whole,  the  author  shows  great  tact,  since 
he  often  applies  with  real  aptness  his  additions  to  the  statements  of  his  predecessors  (e.  g. 
Gen.  xii.,  xiii.,  xvi.,  xxxii.,  xxxix.).  On  the  other  hand,  the  signs  of  the  compilatory  process  are 
indeed  plain  and  numerous  enough  (pp.  573-578).  He  cannot  have  lived  before  the  Assyrian 
period,  because  he  has  the  law-book  and  war-book  before  him  (p.  570).  Since,  moreover, 
the  law-book,  especially,  comes  down  (p.  546)  to  Hezekiah,  the  last  years  of  this  king  are 
about  the  earliest  date  to  which  the  Jehovist  can  be  assigned.  He  probably  sprang  from  the 
kingdom  of  Israel.  For  he  has  a  fondness  for  the  law-book,  and  cleaves  very  closely  to  that 
in  the  contents  and  mode  of  expression ;  is  not  offended  by  the  plurality  of  sacred  places ; 
gives  the  account  (Gen.  xxxii.  24  ff.)  of  God's  wrestling  with  Jacob,  which  no  one  else  but 
Hosea  (xii.  4  f.)  mentions  ;  and  finally  he  uses  many  expressions  which  occur  elsewhere  only 
in  writings  of  the  northern  kingdom,  and  separately  in  those  of  later  date,  e.  g.  the  XO  prsef. 
Gen.  vi.  3  1 ;  rPttf,  "to  wrestle,"  Gen.  xxxii.  29  [Eng.  28]  as  also  in  Hosea  xii.  4  ;  1T"ffl, 
"thistle,"  Gen.  iii.  18,  as  also  in  Hos.  x.  8;  7'iin  "pregnancy,"  as  also  Hos.  ix.  11,  etc.  (p. 
579).  As  modified  now  by  this  Jehovist  the  Elohistic-Jehovistic  Work  is  preserved  from  Gen. 
i.  to  Num.  xxxvi.  (p.  497). 

Into  that  work  still  another  writer  (pp.  589,  590),  the  Deuteronomist,  has  at  a  later  period 
inserted  his  discourses,  repetitions,  and  laws,  and  among  them  wrought  in  a  number  of  explana- 
tions, also  several  accounts  of  events  which  the  Jehovist  had  taken  from  the  law-book  and  ap- 
pended to  Num.  xxxvi.  He  did  not  meddle  with  the  first  four  books,  but  rewrought  that 
merely  which  followed  Num.  xxxvi.  by  giving  to  it  its  present  great  expansion,  and  furnishing 
it  besides  with  special  additions.  He  is  the  last  elaborator  of  the  law.  His  statement  Deut. 
xxxi.  9,  belongs  to  the  imprudent  expressions  which  we  often  meet  with  in  him  [1] 

His  hand,  however,  is  to  be  traced  after  Deut.  xxxiv.  also,  in  places,  as  far  as  to  Josh,  xxiv, 
Dut  not  at  all,  on  the  contrary,  in  the  later  books  of  Judges,  Ruth,  and  Samuel  (pp.  487,  579). 
His  language  affords  the  chief  proof  of  the  age  to  which  he  belonged  (p.  591).     It  is  closelj 

1  [But  comp.  Lange,  Gen.  in  loc.  (cont   Tayler  Lewis) ;  Conant,  Heb.  Chrest.  p.  43.  —  Tb.] 


12 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


related  to  that  of  Jeremiah,  and  other  late  writers  ;  for  which  evidence  is  adduced  (p.  591). 
But  we  have  no  sufficient  reasons  for  bringing  the  author  down  into  the  age  following  the  exile. 
At  that  time  certainly  they  no  longer  allowed  themselves  to  deal  so  freely  with  the  law-book, 
and  increase  it  with  new  laws,  as  this  author  does.  He  must  have  lived  in  the  last  days  of  the 
kingdom  of  Judah,  perhaps  under  Josiah,  and  appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  importance,  or  he 
would  not  have  made  so  bold  as  to  take  considerable  liberties  with  the  book  of  the  law  (p.  591). 

At  the  close  of  Knobel's  critique  upon  the  Pentateuch  and  Joshua  he  has  given  in  tabular 
form  a  synopsis,  in  accordance  with  the  foregoing  view,  of  the  several  ingredients  of  the 
Pentateuch  and  Joshua  (pp.  600-606),  which  we  here  append,  for  the  better  comprehension 
of  his  theory  :  — 


Ground-text. 

Law-book.                           War-book. 

Jehovist. 

Deuteronomist. 

ii. 

i.  1,  2, 10-16. 

1.  8-9, 17, 18. 

iii.  1,  T-17. 

iii.  2-6. 

w.  15-17, 19. 

iv.  la,    4-7,14,18,  20- 

24. 
t.  1-9, 13-15. 

iv.  1  b-3,  8-13. 

».  10-12. 

vi.  1-17  a,  18-21,24,26, 

27 

Ti.  17  b,  22,  28, 25. 

vii.  except  ver.  25  in  pt. 

Til.  25  In  part. 

Tili.  12, 13,  30,  31  in  pt. 

viii.  1-11, 14-29. 

viii.  31  in  pt.,  82,  81 

33inpt.,34inpt.,35. 

ix.  exc.  ver.  27  in  pt.  x. 

84  in  part. 
ix.  27  in  part. 

x.  12-15,  exc.  ver.  13  in 

1-11, 16-43. 

x.  13  in  part. 

part. 

xi.,xii. 

xiii.  16-33. 

xiii.  2-5,  6  in  pt.  9-14. 

xiii.  1,7,8. 

xiii.  6  In  part. 

xiv.  1-6. 

xiy.  6-15. 

xv.  1-13,  20-44,  48-62. 

xt.  14-19. 

xv.  45-17,  63. 

xvi.  1-9. 

xvi.  10. 

xrii.  1-10. 

xvii.  14-18. 

xrii.  11-13. 

xviii.  1,  2,  11-28. 

xviii.  3-10. 

xix.  exc.  ver.  47. 

xix.  47. 

xx.  1,  2,  3  in  part,  4, 6a. 

xx.  3  in  pt.,  6  b,  6  In 

6  in  part  7-9. 

• 

part. 

xxi.  1-10. 

xri.  41-43. 

xxii.  5 

xxii.  9-11, 13-16,  21,  80- 

xxii.  7, 8. 

xxii.  1-4,  6,  12,  16-20, 

[16. 

33  a. 

22-29,  33  b,  34. 

xxiii.  lb.  2  b. 

xxiii.  2  In  pt.  4-8  11, 

xxiy.  exc.  ver.  1,  In  part. 

xxiii.  1  a,  2  in  pt.  3.  9, 
10, 12-15. 

xxir.  1  in  part. 

Nbldeke  (Alttest.  Literatur,  p.  25  ff.)  pronounces  the  separation  of  two  chief  sources  in 
Genesis  and  the  following  books,  among  which  he  also  includes  the  Book  of  Joshua,  as  the 
first  result  of  critical  investigation.  One  of  these  sources  is  a  single  and  homogeneous  writ- 
ing (p.  26),  showing  throughout  the  same  systematic  proportion,  and  regularity  (I)  as  the 
first  chapter  of  Genesis.  It  gives  for  the  most  part  only  short,  outline  statements,  with  little 
of  pictorial  filling  up,  but  shows  a  certain  heaviness  and  verbosity  of  style,  and  a  special  fond- 
ness for  reciting  names  and  for  numbers.  Very  recently,  in  his  Researches  toward  the  Criti- 
cism of  the  O.  T.  (  Untersuchungen  zur  Kriiik  d.  A.  T.,  Kiel,  1869),  Nbldeke  has  still  more  closely 
examined  this  ground-text  and,  like  Knobel,  traced  it  also  in  the  Book  of  Joshua.  The 
other  source  is  not  so  homogeneous.  In  it  again  two  main  writings  are  distinguishable  (O.  T. 
Lit.  p.  26),  one  of  which  is  the  work  of  the  second  Elohist,  first  clearly  brought  to  view, 
throughout  Genesis  at  least,  by  Hupfeld,  while  the  other  has  the  Jehovist  for  its  author  (O. 
T.  Lit.  p.  26,  Researches,  p.  3).  This  Jehovist,  the  most  talented  of  all  the  writers  of  the 
Pentateuch  {Res.  p.  3),  has  used  the  work  of  the  second  Elohist  as  a  main  authority,  and 
taken  from  it  large  portions  in  so  independent  a  way  that  what  is  due  to  the  Jehovist  him- 
self is  not  always  clearly  to  be  separated  (as  Hupfeld  and  also  Knobel  assume)  from  what 
he  has  borrowed  of  the  Elohist  (Res.  p.  3).  A  redactor,  different  in  Nbldeke's  view  from  the 
Jehovist  (Res.  p.  3),  combined  now  this  work  of  the  Jehovist  with  the  ground-text.  But  the 
Deuteronomist,  who  is  to  be  distinguished  again  from  the  Jehovist,  thrust  into  the  work  of  the 
redactor  almost  the  whole  of  the  present  book  of  Deuteronomy,  and  completely  rewrought  the  por- 
tions relating  to  Joshua  (Res.  p.  5,  O.  T.  Lit.,  27,  30).  The  time  of  writing,  Nbldeke  defines  in 
the  works  quoted  (O.  T.  Lit.  p.  31  ff.,  Researches  p.  138  ff.),  so  as  to  place  Deuteronomy  in  the 
reign  of  Josiah,  the  redactor  about  the  year  800  or  soon  after,  the  ground-text,  —  whose  author 
was  a  priest  at  Jerusalem,  —  in  the  10th  or  rather  the  9th  century  before  Christ.  About 
this  last  period  also  originated,  he  thinks,  the  older  materials  of  the  Pentateuch  generally  (O. 
T.  Lit.  p.  82,  Res.  p.  140).  Among  these  older  materials  Nbldeke  counts  the  two  ground- 
texts  which  were  combined  in  the  work  of  the  Jehovist.  But  there  are  besides  in  the  Pen- 
tateuch still  older  sources,  which  also  must  be  borne  in  mind,  because  all  these  writings  refer 
to  them  and  occasionally  make  use  of  their  words  (O.  T.  Lit.  p.  32).  Thus  we  have  'ome  fi  ag- 


§  2.    ORIGIN.  ia 


ments  of  ancient  songs,  for  one  of  which  "the  book  of  the  wars  of  Jehovah  "  is  cited  as  a 
source  (Num.  xxi.  14).  In  Josh.  x.  13  likewise  "the  book  nf  the  upright"  is  quoted,  in  which 
according  to  2  Sam.  i.  18,  stood  a  song  of  David,  which1  there/ore  could  not  have  been  written, 
at  the  earliest,  be/ore  the  lime  of  this  monarch. 

The  traces  of  the  ground-text  have  been  followed  by  Nbldeke,  in  his  investigations,  both 
in  the  Pentateuch  and  in  the  Book  of  Joshua,  with  much  acuteness.  In  our  book  their  dis- 
covery is,  in  his  view,  rendered  specially  difficult  by  the  subsequent  modifications  effected  by 
the  Deuteronomist  [Researches,  pp.  94.  95).  He  finds  that  text  in  the  following  passages: 
ch.  hi.  1,  iv.  19,  v.  10-12,  vi.  20,  24  (?),  ix.  15  b.  17-22.  27,  x.  28-43  essentially  ;  ch.  11  (only 
accordances  with  the  ground-text)  ;  ch.  xii.  originally  belonging  to  it  but  interpolated  ;  xiii. 
15-xxi.  40,  substantially  throughout;  ch.  xxii.  (has  a  report  from  the  ground-text  for  its 
basis);  xxiv.  33.  (Researches,  pp.  94-106,  where  the  details  which  we  cannot  here  repeat 
may  be  found.) 

II.     Estimate  of  these  Views. 

Our  former  assertion  that  the  supplement-hypothesis  had  not  unsuccessfully  tested  itself 
on  the  Pentateuch  and  Book  of  Joshua,  is  sufficiently  sustained  by  this  representation  of  the 
researches  of  the  critics  we  have  named.  For  they  agree  among  themselves  and  with  still 
others,  as  e.  g.  Hupfeld,  (1)  in  the  assumption  of  a  common  ground  writing  (Elohim-text) 
for  the  Pentateuch  and  Joshua,  whose  date  is  fixed  in  the  earliest  period  of  the  Hebrew 
monarchy,  the  author  of  which  is  designated  as  a  priest,  dwelling  in  the  southern  part  of 
Palestine  ;  (2)  in  the  further  assumption  that  the  last  redaction  of  the  Pentateuch  and  Joshua 
took  place  in  the  time  of  Josiah,  or,  at  the  earliest,  under  Manasseh  (Bleek),  by  the  hand 
of  the  Deuteronomist,  who  at  the  same  time  incorporated  into  it  his  own  work  (Dent,  i.- 
xxxiii.),  itself  also  resting  in  part  on  old  reports,  and  that  he  worked  over  the  Book  of  Joshua 
more  than  either  of  the  others,  which  he  left  comparatively  untouched ;  (3)  in  the  assump- 
tion in  general  of  a  great  Jehovistic  clement,  on  the  composition  of  which,  however,  in  par- 
ticulars, their  opinions  differ.  Bleek  is  the  most  cautious,  avoiding  definite  discriminations 
and  rejections.  Knobel  and  Nbldeke,  after  the  example  of  Hupfeld,  and  in  part  that  of 
Ewald,  are  bolder,  and  suppose  they  recognize  within  this  Jehovistic  composition  the  two 
main  writings,  which  Knobel  (very  unfortunately  imitating  Ewald's  passion  for  giving  names 
to  the  particular  documents)  designates  as  Law-book  and  War-book.  We  may  freely  allow 
that,  as  the  first  part  of  Joshua  at  once  shows,  such  different  portions  of  the  great  Jehovis- 
tic element  may  be  pointed  out;  but  that  the  ~!tt,!,n  HDD  cited  Josh.  x.  13,  1  Sam.  i.  18,  was 
one  of  the  authorities  of  the  Jehovist,  and  the  W  ;Ti;2rr7Z2  D,  Num.  xxi.  14,  was  the  other,  is 
certainly  a  mistake.  The  two  books  are  to  be  regarded  rather,  with  De  Wette,  Bleek,  Fiirst, 
Nbldeke,  Hitzig  (Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel,  p.  102),  [Keil,]  and  many  others,  as  lyrical 
books,  and  "1U:,  like  the  plural  form  D^TP.'1  (Num.  xxiii.  10,  Ps.  cxi.  1),  as  a  poetical  des- 
ignation of  Israel,  properly  "  the  pious  congregation,"  and  so  precisely  like  the  poetical  "J^ntf^ 
which  comes  from  a  ground-form  "I  t£"  =  ~1C^  :  comp.  ]hp  and  ]tp.  (See  Fiirst,  Ge- 
schichte der  Bibi.  Literal,  p.  457,  Anmerk.  3.)  They  were  ancient  sources  to  which  Nbldeke, 
among  many  others,  quite  distinctly  points,  poetical  sources,  and  neither  law  nor  war  books. 
Although  Knobel,  therefore,  may  be  perhaps  essentially  right  in  distinguishing  two  chief 
writings  or  documents  of  the  Jehovist,  the  designation  which  he  gives  them,  and  the  result- 
ing identification  of  them  with  the  poetical  productions  mentioned,  we  must  oppose.  And 
so  far  as  we  know,  he  has  in  this  found  no  followers  hitherto.  How  these  two  chief  writ- 
ings were  related  to  each  other,  whether  each  existed  independently  by  the  side  of  the 
other  (Hupfeld,  Knobel),  or  whether  the  Jehovist,  as  Nbldeke  supposes,  directly  compounded 
his  work  and  that  of  the  second  Elohist  (the  law-book  of  Knobel)  ;  whether  this  Jehovist 
was  the  same  as  the  redactor  (Bleek,  Knobel),  or  the  redactor  was  different  from  the  Jeho- 
vist (Nbldeke),  those  are  mere  questions  which  yet  await  a  conclusive  answer,  and  will  perhap 
never  find  one  completely  satisfactory? 

1  r  I.  e.  the  song  could  not ;  of  the  book  it  would  only  be  true  that  it  could  not  have  been  finished  earlier  —  Tr  ] 

2  [To  most  English-speaking  Christians  the  freedom  with  which  these  critics,  especially  Knobel,  discuss  the  sacred 
eocks  win  give  pain  as  being  irreverent  and  apparently  incompatible  with  sincere  Christianity.  Such  Christians  gener- 
ally hold  that  the  Church  of  Christ  does  rest  ct  on  the  authenticity  of  the  New  Testament  Books,"  and  they  on  th« 
0.  T.  theocracy,  and  that  on  the  Books  of  the  Old  Testament  (see  Lauge"s  Commentary  on  Genesis  in  this  Bible-work, 
p.  99,  Obs.).  And  there  is  evidently  danger  that  the  too  extensive  analysis,  composition,  and  recomposition  of  these 
books  should  impair  confidence  in  their  divine  authority.  Vet  Knobel's  labors  on  the  Pentateuch  and  Joshua  hav« 
*een  not  only  of  prodigious  toil,  but  in  various  respects  of  great  value.     The  same  is  true  in  their  several  proportion/ 


14  THE   BOOK    UF   JOSHUA. 


As  for  our  own  view,  we  cannot,  especially  after  the  example  of  Bleek,  avud  giving  in 
our  adherence  to  the  supplement-hypothesis.  Yet  it  seems  to  us  too  rash,  to  undertake  as 
Knobel  does,  to  point  out  even  to  minutiae,  now  this  and  now  that  author's  hand.  Nuldeke's 
procedure  is  already  much  more  cautious,  most  moderate  that  of  Bleek,  who  contents  him- 
self with  intimations.  Neither  do  we  venture  more,  when  we  express  the  opinion  that  in 
the  first  part  of  the  Book  of  Joshua,  as  also  again  in  the  last  three  chapters,  the  Jehovistic 
character  prevails  ;  that  within  this  Jehovistic  portion  different  elements  may  be  distinguished, 
as  was  already  indicated  in  §  1,  and  as  the  exegesis  will  show  in  the  particular  cases :  that 
in  the  second  part,  on  the  contrary,  as  specially  in  the  description  of  the  division  of  the  land, 
the  ground-text  prevails,  itself  resting  again  on  other  records,  perhaps  even  of  Joshua's  time ; 
that  finally,  and  particularly  in  ch.  i.  and  xxiii.,  perhaps  also  elsewhere  (eh.  vii.  25,  viii.  31, 
etc.),  the  hand  of  the  Deuteronomist  is  plainly  to  be  recognized.  That  this  Deuteronomist 
was  author  of  Deut.  i.-xxxiii.,  appears  to  us  to  be  a  fact  which  cannot  longer  be  success- 
fully denied.  It  may  doubtless  be  questioned,  however,  whether  admonitions,  warnings,  and 
particularly  also  prophecies  of  Moses  did  not  survive  in  oral  traditions,  or  in  separate  records, 
which  in  the  time  of  Manasseh  and  Josiah,  were  revised  and  edited,  as  we  might  say,  in  a 
free,  very  beautiful,  and  edifying  manner,  and  that  too  without  any,  the  slightest  pious  fraud, 
but  in  good  faith,  and  the  fullest  persuasion  of  the  perfect  justifiableness  of  such  a  literary 
attempt.  In  reference  to  Moses  himself,  we  hold  firmly  with  Bleek  against  Knobel  (Krilik, 
p.  592),  that  written  records  from  his  hand  are  very  probably  to  be  recognized.  We.  main- 
tain the  same  in  regard  to  Joshua,  and  cannot  therefore  allow  that  ch.  xxiv.  26  is  a  fic- 
tion.1 

§  3.   Credibility. 

The  history  of  the  conquest  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  as  related  in  our  book,  has  given  great 
offense  to  the  heathen  opponents  of  Judaism  and  Christianity,  at  first,  to  the  Manichseans, 
afterwards,  and,  in  more  recent  times,  to  the  English  deists,  and  the  rationalists  of  Germany ; 
see  the  proofs  in  Lilienthal :  Die  gute  Sache  der  gottlichen  Offenbarung,  Th.  iv.  p.  891  IT. 
Eichhorn,  among  many  others,  in  his  Introduction,  p.  403  (in  Keil's  Commentary  on  Joshua,  p. 
liii.  [Eng.  Trans,  p.  52])  speaks  very  strongly,  exclaiming  with  high  moral  indignation  : 
"  How  impious  is  the  narrative  of  the  Book  of  Joshua  1  It  makes  God  not  only  give  away 
to  the  Israelites,  against  all  right,  the  land  of  Canaan,  which  the  Canaanites  as  the  first  oc- 
cupants most  justly  held,  but  also  sketch  out  a  horrid  plan  for  its  conquest,  and  directly  order 
the  most  dreadful  bloodshed  and  the  total  extinction  of  the  Canaanites.  Who  can  reconcile 
this  with  even  a  partially  correct  view  of  the  Godhead  ?  "  Eichhorn  objected  not  only  to 
this  procedure  against  the  Canaanites,  as  recorded  in  our  book,  but  particularly  also  to  the 

of  the  other  men  to  whom  we  refer  ;  and  in  estimating  their  religious  character  we  are  doubtless  bound  to  consider  care- 
fully what  Lauge,  in  the  passage  just  referred  to,  has  intimated  concerning  the  distinction  between  Revelation  and  the 
written  record  of  it  as  the  ground  of  the  Kingdom  of  God.  Charity  will  often  be  constrained  to  hope  that  the  distinc- 
tion is  soundly  drawn. 

But  apart  from  this,  and  conceding  that  scientific  research  is  equally  allowable  touching  the  Word  and  the  works  of  God, 
the  faucifulness  and  "  subjectivity  "  of  such  elaborate  and  minute  specifications  as  some  of  those  above  summarized,  and 
the  tenuity  of  many  of  the  reasons  assigned,  provoke  laughter  rather  than  argumentative  confutation.  That  one  should 
gravely  split  a  verse  in  numerous  passages  so  as  to  refer  the  various  fragments  to  their  respective  authors,  and  should 
be  obliged  to  do  it  to  save  his  theory,  is,  to  most  minds,  slaughtering  the  theory  at  its  birth.  Our  curiosity  is  nat- 
urally raised  by  such  attempts  to  imagine  what  the  next  speculator  in  Biblical  criticism  will  propose  for  our  wonderment  ; 
nay,  we  inquire  what  even  the  same  mind,  after  having  dropped  for  a  time  and  forgotten  the  particulars  of  his  previous 
fabrication,  would  invent,  if  he  were  to  take  up  the  whole  subject  anew.  We  believe  Knobel  has  never  been  outdone  m 
ingenuity  of  fictiou  in  this  province  of  literature,  except  by  Ewald,  whose  theory  (briefly  outlined  in  Smith's  Dictionary 
of  the  Bible,  vol.  iii.  p.  2411.  Am.  ed.)  must  probably  yet  bear  the  palm.  It  would  seem  that  the  climax  is  admitted  to 
have  been  reiched,  and  subsequent  writers,  of  whatever  theological  school,  —  even  Noldeke,  —  while  maintaining  gener- 
ally the  composite  character  of  these  books,  are  much  more  modest  in  attempting  to  partition  the  authorship  — Tr  ] 

1  [The  reader  interested  in  the  question  concerning  the  origin  of  our  book  (connecting  itself  so  closely  with  that  of 
the  Pentateuchl  will  do  well  to  consult  again  the  '  General  Introduction  to  the  O.  T.  "  by  Lange  in  vol.  i.  of  his  Commen- 
tary on  the  O.  T.  and  Prof.  Lewis'  r(  Special  Introduction  to  the  Book  of  Genesis  "  there.  Add  Dr.  Oonant's  brief  but  com- 
prehensive Introduction  to  the  Book  of  Genesis  in  his  revised  version,  the  articles  on  Genesis.  Pentateuch,  Joshua,  in 
Smith's  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  with  particular  reference  to  the  additions  of  the  American  edition  The  translator 
would  only  Bay  further  that  in  his  judgment  there  seems  to  be  no  good  ground  for  the  reluctance  with  which  many  ol 
even  the  most  reverent  of  recent  German  scholars  admit  the  possibility  that  Moses  and  Joshua  should  have  written 
considerable  pirts  of  the  works  that  bear  their  names.  In  the  darkness  which  covers  the  details  of  the  subject  it  i.- 
a  priori  probable  that  those  leaders  should  have  written,  or  caused  to  be  written,  very  much  of  such  histor\  anl 
such  statutes  as  their  reputed  books  contain.  And  certainly  no  other  names  present  themselves,  during  the  perir«l 
within  which  all  agree  that  the  main  body  of  this  literature  must  have  been  composed,  as  nearly  so  likely  to  have  ef- 
ected  the  authorship.  If  this  be  conceded  the  modifications  and  additions  of  subsequent  redactions  need  have  b«en 
much  less  thorough  am  transforming  than  is  generally  supposed.  See  Milman's  interesting  Note,  Hist,  of  Jewt,  I 
190.  —  T».J 


§  3.    CREDIBILITY.  16 


miracles,  whose  reality  he,  like  Paulus,  disputed,  and  which  he  then  attempted  to  explain  in 
the  well-known  ways.  The  substance  of  the  book,  it  is  true,  he  thought  could  not  have  been 
fabricated ;  the  events  were  stamped  with  the  unmistakable  seal  of  antiquity  (iii.  399  tf.  in 
Havernick,  Einl.  in  d.  A.  T.  ii.  1,  p.  3),  but  we  must  carefully  distinguish  between  the  view  of 
the  author  which  is  conceived  as  narrowly  as  possible,  and  the  history  contained  in  the  book. 
De  Wette  went  still  further  when  he  declared  that,  "  as  in  the  Pentateuch,  the  narrative  is, 
in  its  prevailing  character,  mythical"  (Introd.  to  0.  T.  §  166).  Afterward  he  added,  fol- 
lowing Maurer,  "but  there  are  also  individual  instances  of  real  history,  as  ch.  i.  11,  comp.  v 
12;  iii.  4,  comp.  v.  15  if."  (Introd.  to  0.  T.  p.  214,  4  [Germ.]  ed.). 

Applying  a  sharper  criticism,  yet  from  a  position  of  belief  in  revelation,  G.  A.  Hautf 
has  discussed  the  question  of  credibility,  or  historical  truth, in  the  Treatise:  "  Offenbarungs- 
qlaube  und  Kritik  der  biblischen  Geschichtsbiieher  am  Beispiele  des  Baches  Josua  in  ihrer  noth- 
wendiyen  Einheil  dargethan  (Belief  in  Revelation  and  Crit.ici.-im  of  the  Historical  Books  of  the 
Bible  exhibited  in  their  necessary  Unity,  in  the  Case  of  the  Book  of  Joshua),  Stuttgart,  1S43.' 
Having  in  the  first  part  of  his  work  sharply  defined  the  process  of  Biblical  criticism,  as  such 
that  tin;  style  and  mode  of  representation,  the  person  of  the  writer,  the  use  of  authorities, 
the  time  of  the  composition,  plan,  and  design,  and  especially  also  the  credibility  of  the  his- 
lorian  must  lie  open  to  free  investigation,  in  which  however  the  religious  element  of  this  his- 
tory is  to  be  constantly  kept  in  mind  (p.  65  ff),  he  proceeds  to  apply  these  principles  to  the 
Book  of  Joshua,  and  finds  memorable  contradictions  in  its  statements  :  (a)  to  the  statements 
of  other  books ;  (b)  among  themselves.  The  former  class  relate  to  the  unity  of  the  people, 
the  conquest  and  division  of  the  land,  the  religious  institutions,  the  religious  character  of  the 
people,  the  mode  of  divine  worship ;  the  latter  principally  to  the  conquest  of  the  land,  the 
conquering  personages,  the  division  of  the  land,  the  genius  and  character  of  Joshua  and  of 
the  people,  the  divine  worship.  While,  for  instance,  as  Hautf  proceeds,  p.  70  AT.,  the  Book 
of  Joshua  reports  to  us  that  the  whole  people,  without  exception,  stood  under  the  command 
of  Joshua  (ch.  i.  2;  iii.  1),  that  the  whole  land,  excepting  the  coast-strip  and  Geshur  on  Her- 
mon  (xiii.  1-3),  was  captured  by  Joshua,  and  distributed,  this  account  of  the  leadership  of 
Joshua  over  the  whole  people  cannot  easily  be  reconciled  with  the  question  raised  in  the  very 
first  verse  of  the  Book  of  Judges  (p.  76).  The  situation  in  which  they  there  stand  indicates 
that  the  whole  land  has  by  no  means  yet  been  taken ;  and,  in  reference  to  the  division  of 
the  whole  land,  the  notice  in  Judg.  xviii.  1  squarely  contradicts  the  data  of  our  book.  Now 
as  regards  this  notice  compared  with  Josh.  xix.  40-46,  the  explanation  will  be  found  in  the 
commentary  on  that  passage  ;  but  in  reference  to  the  other  two  supposed  contradictions  be- 
tween Judges  and  Joshua,  we  think  that  question,  who  should  lead  the  war  against  the  Ca- 
naanites,  after  the  death  of  an  all-controlling  personage,  like  Joshua,  is  easily  explainable, 
the  more  so,  as  he  had  died  without  designating  a  successor  in  the  otlice,  as  Moses  bad  once 
done.  It  not  only  proves  nothing  against  his  single  leadership,  but  shows  on  the  contrary, 
how  greatly  they  needed  such  a  "  duke  "  as  Joshua  had  been. 

No  more  can  we  allow  any  formal  contradiction  between  Joshua  and  Judges  in  respect  to 
their  views  of  the  conquest  of  the  land.  According  to  Hautf  (and  in  this  others,  e.  g.  Ndldeke, 
have  followed  him),  this  discrepancy  exists  also  within  the  Book  of  Joshua  itself  (p.  Ill  ff.),  if 
the  accounts  of  the  first  part  are  compared  with  those  of  the  second.  Here,  however,  Ewald 
appears  to  us  to  have  hit  the  truth  (H'ist.  of  the  People  of  Israel,  ii.  p.  342,  2d  ed  )  when  he 
assumes  that  Joshua  incontestably,  in  the  first  years  of  his  invasion  of  Canaan,  subjugated  the 
land  on  all  sides  and  received  the  submission  of  the  entire  body  of  the  Canaanites,  as  many  as 
were  spared  :  when  he  declares  further  that  on  closer  consideration  no  doubt  is  left  that  even 
then,  after  the  first  victory  over  Canaan,  much  of  really  permanent  importance  had  been  accom- 
plished (of  which  character  he  reckons  the  division  of  the  land,  the  establishment  of  the  tab- 
ernacle in  Shiloh,  the  institution  of  different  religious  usages  and  ordinances  pertaining  to  the 
cultus,  particularly  the  appointment  of  the  Levitical  cities,  pp.  337,  341)  ;  when  he  shows 
finally  —  and  this  is  of  principal  moment  here,  —  how,  out  of  this  new  condition  of  things  itself, 
there,  must  directly  arise  new  dangers  (p.  342).  For,  although  the  conquest  had  been  effected 
with  great  rapidity  (p.  336),  the  first  expeditions  of  the  Hebrews  could  be  little  more  than 
what  the  Arabs  in  all  the  three  quarters  of  the  globe  called  Algharen,  or  rather  (since  the 
Hebrews  had  no  cavalry,)  razzias,  swift  forays,  that  is,  for  momentary  conquest  rather  than 
for  the  permanent  subjugation  of  the  land ;  and  when  the  camp,  whether  of  man)'  united  or 
of  single  tribes,  was  at  a  distance,  then  certainly  after  the  raids  had  passed  by,  the  dense 
v>lumns  of  the  inhabitants  would  soon  gather  again,  having  promised  submission,  indeed,  but* 


16  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


for  the  most  part  without  any  thought  of  rendering  it  (p.  342).  With  great  prcprietj 
Ewald  then  reminds  us  further  how  long  it  was  before  the  Saxons  in  England,  the  Mohamme- 
dan Arabs  in  Egypt,  were  entirely  established.  In  this  view  of  the  ease  we  cannot,  although 
fully  recognizing  the  different  documents  which  lie  at  the  bottom  of  our  book,  in  this  respect 
either,  affirm  any  proper  contradiction  between  it  and  the  Book  of  Judges,  or,  within  the  Book 
of  Joshua,  between  its  first  and  second  parts. 

In  regard  to  the  religious  institutions,  Hauff  considers  the  difficulties  to  be  still  more  im- 
portant (p.  84).  Shechem,  made  a  free  and  Levitical  city  (Josh.  xx.  7  ;  xxxi,  21),  appears 
in  Judges  ch.  ix.  as  a  common  city  provided  with  idolatrous  worship  (ver.  4,  46),  in  which, 
therefore,  a  Levite  in  the  sense  of  the  Mosaic  law  cannot  possibly  be  imagined.  But  could 
not  idolatry,  in  an  age  of  disorder  like  that  of  the  Judges,  when  idolatry  broke  in  every 
where,  invade  Shechem  also  ?  Again,  is  it  anything  contrary  to  the  historical  accuracy  of 
the  account  given  in  Josh.  xxi.  of  the  assignment  of  the  Levitical  cities,  and  to  the  high 
legal  respect  which,  as  we  learn  from  Josh.  viii.  and  xxii.  priests  and  Levites  enjoyed,  that 
at  the  same  period,  according  to  Judg.  xvii.  7,  xix.  1,  "  a  Levite  from  Bethlehem-Judah  wan- 
ders about  homeless  ?  "  We  need  only  consider  that  the  excellent  system  established  must 
be  gradually  carried  intb  effect,  and  that  for  this  the  time  following  Joshua  was  not  especially 
suited. 

When  in  regard  to  the  religious  condition  of  the  people  in  general,  we  are  told  that  it  was 
excellent  under  Joshua,  but  afterwards  (Judg.  iii.  7)  was  such  that  idolatry  had  universally 
crowded  out  the  worship  of  Jehovah,  we  may  certainly  concede  that  Joshua  xxiv.  31  (comp. 
also  Judg.  ii.  7)  favors  this  view;  but  the  word  of  Phinehas  to  the  Gileadites  (xxii.  17)  as  well 
as  the  whole  transaction  of  Joshua  with  the  people  at  Shechem  (xxiv.  1  ff.),  and  in  particu- 
lar his  demand  that  they  should  put  away  their  false  gods  (xxiv.  23),  proves  how  untrust- 
worthy the  religious  disposition  of  Israel  was,  how  strongly  the  people  inclined  to  idolatry, 
how  easily  they  might  fall  back  into  it. 

Of  the  contradiction  between  statements  made  in  different  parts  of  the  book  itself  (of 
which  Hauff  treats,  p.  102  ff.)  one,  and  perhaps  the  most  notable,  we  have  already  explained. 
For  the  most  part  the  matters  enumerated  are  properly  the  same  as  in  comparing  this  book 
with  the  Book  of  Judges.  We  select  one  more  point  only,  which  Hauff  himself  brings  up, 
when  he  writes,  p.  128:  "In  general  it  is  statements  in  relation  to  worship  —  the  place  where 
it  should  be  offered,  as  well  as  the  persons  on  whom  its  duties  devolved  —  in  which  we  find 
discrepancies  hard  to  be  reconciled.  At  first  the  main  camp  is  at  Gilgal  (v.  9  ff),  even  after 
the  altar  was  built  (viii.  30-33,  xiv.  6)  on  the  mountains  Ebal  and  Gerizim  (?)  ;  finally,  the 
tabernacle  is  reared  in  Shiloh  (xvii.  1),  and  there  is  also  the  abode  of  the  heads  of  the  people 
(xxi.  1  f.)  ;  there  the  people  come  together  to  consult  about  the  attempt  of  the  two  and  :. 
half  tribes  to  build  an  altar  beyond  the  Jordan ;  there,  also,  perhaps  the  heads  of  the  people 
(xxiii.  2)  were  collected  with  Joshua.  But  how  comes  it  that  in  ch.  xxiv.  1,  Shechem  is  the 
place  of  meeting,  since  here,  a  solemn  covenant  is  adopted  and  a  written  document  concern- 
ing it  deposited  with  the.  law-book  (ver.  26)  '?  Still  further ;  the  holy  ark  is  in  many  places 
the  symbol  of  the  presence  of  Jehovah ;  in  ch.  iii.  it  is  borne  in  front  in  the  passage  of  the 
Jordan  ;  so  ch.  vi.  at  the  destruction  of  Jericho  ;  in  neither  of  these  chapters  is  a  word  said  of 
the  tabernacle,  not  even  in  connection  with  the  residence  in  Gilgal ;  ch.  xviii.  first  tells  of  its 
erection  in  Shiloh,  ch.  xxii.  19  names  a  "  ]3tt5l!3  there;  while  ch.  xxiv.  l,on  the  contrary, 
speaks  of  an  assembly  of  the  people  DTibsn  rfflb  in  Shechem ;  and  ver.  26  of  a  v  BHp  J 
there,  beside  a  great  terebinth-tree.  Those  are  certainly  not  harmonious  intimations,  but 
they  involve  no  essential  contradiction.  For  if  the  tabernacle  is  not  mentioned  in  the  ac- 
count of  the  capture  of  Jericho  (ch.  vi.),  but  its  erection  is  first  reported  after  the  entire 
land  was  conquered  (ch.  xviii.  1),  we  find  the  one  fact  as  natural  and  appropriate  to  circum 
stances  as  the  other.  What  could  the  tabernacle  have  to  do  with  the  storming  of  a  town  ? 
Quite  otherwise  was  it  with  the  chief  possession  of  the  tabernacle,  its  most  remarkable  piece 
of  furniture  symbolizing  the  presence  of  Jehovah  —  the  ark  of  the  covenant,  —  which  could 
be,  as  it  was,  carried  before  the  people.  And  in  reference  to  Shiloh  and  Shechem,  to  the 
W  13tra  in  Shiloh  and  the  1*  BfafJD  in  Shechem,  we  easily  understand  them  both  side  by 
side.  There  are  already  nascent,  self-developing  relations  in  which  Shiloh  represents  the 
unity  of  the  cultus  at  which  Moses  aimed,  which  Joshua  also,  and  Eleazar  and  Phinehas 
•trove  after,  while  the  «  BJURID  at  Shechem  looks  back  yet  to  the  patriarchal  time  as  well  a. 
to  the  transaction  recorded  in  ch.  viii.  30  ff. 


§  4.     CHRONOLOGY.  17 


So  much  in  reierence  to  some  of  the  principal  objections  of  Hauff.  These,  even  if  we  add 
what  the  author  says,  p.  191  ff.,  concerning  the  scope  and  dale  of  the  book  of  Joshua,  are  not 
strong  enough,  in  our  judgment,  to  bring  down  the  historical  value  of  the  book,  as  Hauff, 
evidently  influenced  very  strongly  by  De  Wette  (p.  204),  would  do.  He  comes  to  the  result, 
in  regard  to  chaps,  i.-xi.  at  least,  that  the  author  "  aimed  not  to  give  any  history  of  Joshua  in 
our  sense  of  the  word  '  history  '  but  a  history  of  the  taking  of  the  land  at  Canaan  by  the  Israelites 
under  the  mighty  pouer  of  God;  that  the  person  Joshua  is  indeed  gathered  ,)ut  of  the  history, 
and  the  events  as  such  for  the  most  part  belong  to  the  real  history,  bw  that  the  /dan  anil  arrange- 
ment serve  a  higher  end. '  This  higher  end  indeed  he  understands  to  be  essentially  of  a  re- 
ligious and  moral  kind,  —  to  enliven  zeal  for  Jehovah  and  his  service  by  a  representation  of 
God's  dealings  with  his  people,  only,  according  to  Hauff 's  conception,  the  end  so  influences  the 
narrative  that  the  facts  are  shaped  to  correspond  to  it  (p.  237).  The  consequence  of  this 
theory  is  the  mythical  conception  of  the  Biblical  history.  This  meets  us  in  Noldeke  quite  un- 
qualifiedly, while  Ewald  favors  it,  but  only  in  part.  Now  we  will  grant  that  the  Book  of  Joshua 
"aims  to  give  no  history  of  Joshua  in  our  sense  of  the  word,"  for  that  would  have  required 
our  time  with  its  rich  scientific  helps,  and  its  advanced  scientific  culture.  But  that  the  book 
would  give  the  facts,  as  they  survived  partly  in  written  records,  parti)  in  oral  tradition,  with- 
out enslaving  them  to  any  higher  aim  even  though  that  were  the  highest  of  which  a  Hebrew 
writer  could  conceive  —  the  interest  of  Jehovah's  worship,  —  that  we  cannot  give  up.  "A 
higher  aim,"  in  itself  we  would  not  deny,  as  may  be  seen  from  §  1,  only  we  would  and  must 
dispute  that  this  affected  the  writing  of  the  history  in  such  a  way  that  out  of  the  history  there 
comes  at  last  a.  fiction,  and  that  one  proceeding  on  these  principles  feels  obliged  to  concede, 
in  regard  to  Moses,  e.  g.,  that  "  on  the  whole  it  results  from  the  criticism  of  the  Pentateuch, 
alas !  that  the  noble,  living  image  of  Moses,  as  we  find  it,  especially  in  Exodus  and  Numbers, 
wears  no  historical  features,  but  is  mainly  a  grand  creation  of  later  hands.  Of  the  histori- 
cal Moses  there  remain  to  us  only  a  very  few  certain  traces ;  at  the  bottom  we  know  surely 
concerning  liim  only  that  he  was  Israel's  leader  out  of  Egypt,  and  gave  a  mighty  impulse  to 
the  religious  development  of  his  people  "  (Noldeke,  0.  T.  Lit.  p.  26).  That  truly  would  be 
little  enough,  and  strongly  reminds  us  of  similar  assertions  of  Strauss,  according  to  which 
Christ  is  likewise  a  grand  creation  of  a  later  hand,  an  imagination  of  the  apostolic  congre- 
gation. 

The  primary  stumbling-block  for  most  of  the  critics  is,  when  we  reach  the  bottom,  miracles, 
which  are  assumed  beforehand  to  be  something  impossible,  and  incongruous  with  rational  con- 
ceptions, whether  we  find  them  on  Old  or  New  Testament  ground.  Hauff  does  not  deny  this  ; 
he  explains  rather  :  "  the  interpreter  of  the  Bible  must  not  bring  to  his  work  the  assumption 
beforehand  that  miracles  are  impossible.  With  all  his  effort,  and  all  his  force,  it  cannot  be 
got  rid  of  sometimes  that  the  Biblical  historians  intended  to  relate  miracles  "  (p.  211).  On  these 
principles  he  proceeds,  although  disavowing  the  purpose  of  Rationalism,  to  fish  up  in  the  ac- 
counts of  miracles  some  expressions  out  of  which  the  original,  natural  occurrence  might  possibly 
be  discovered  (p  211).  On  the  other  hand,  however,  Hauff  objects  to  our  author  that  he  is 
accustomed,  in  order  to  suit  his  design,  to  treat  of  miracles  with  intentional  exaggeration  of 
the  supernatural  (p.  215)  ;  and,  with  reference  to  this  his  design,  in  a  given  case  would 
attempt  an  enhancement  of  the  miracle  (p.  223)  ;  in  view  of  which  the  miraculous  narratives 
in  him  "  must  be  apprehended  quite  otherwise  than  elsewhere."  How  far  this  assertion  is 
correct  or  otherwise,  will  be  shown  by  the  particular  examination  of  the  five  miraculous 
accounts,  in  ch.  iii.  and  iv. ;  v.  13-15;  vi. ;  vii. ;  x.  12-15.  On  our  own  general  position 
as  to  this  matter,  we  may  be  permitted  here  to  remark  merely,  thai  ice  most  certainly  hold  to 
the  possibility  of  miracles,  because  God  is  a  living  God  (iii.  10),  and  can  find,  therefore,  in  mirac- 
ulous narratives  no  objection  to  the  credibility  of  a  Biblical  Hook,  while  yet  tee  would  r.ol  on  thit 
account,   avoid  a  careful  scrutiny  of  the  reports  existing  in  regard  to  them. 

§  4.     Chronology. 

The  chronological  data  afforded  by  our  book  are  very  few,  but  enough  at  least  to  guaran- 
tee some  standards  for  fixing  the  reckoning  of  time.  Chap.  iv.  19  we  are  told  that  on  the 
tenth  day  of  the  first  month  (Abib)  the  people  "  came  up  out  of  the  Jordan,"  but,  unfor- 
tunately, not  as  in  1  Kings  vi.  1  is  the  year  after  the  Exodus  given.  We  learn  nothing 
further  than  that  the  passage  of  the  river  took  place  in  the  spring  of  the  year.  If  now  we 
place  the  Exodus,  according  to  the  common  view,  about  1500  B.  c.  (1495  B.  C,  Fiirst,  Gesch 


18  THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


/.  Bill.  Li',  p.  351),  we  reach  the  time  about  1460  as  the  date  of  the  passage  of  the  Jordan 
But  here  arise-  the  second  question,  How  many  years  were  required  for  the  conquest  of 
Canaan  V  upon  which  follows  the  third,  How  long  Joshua  held  the  government  altogether, 
»r.  What  space  of  time  does  our  book  embrace  ?  For  answer,  we  have  the  passages  eh.  xi. 
\S  :  xiv.  7,  10,  11 ;  xxiii.  1 ;  xxiv.  -29.  In  ch.  xi.  18  it  is  only  reported  in  general  that  Joshua 
wa.'ed  war  a  long  time  C^"]  D^D"1  with  the  Canaanite  kings.  Ch.  xiv.  7,  10,  11,  leads  to  a 
more  accurate  determination  of  this  period,  since  Caleb  says  he  was  forty  years  old  when 
Moses  sent  him  out  to  explore  the  land  of  Canaan  (ver.  7),  and  Moses  swore  to  him  that  he 
would  give  him  as  an  inheritance  the  land  to  be  conquered  by  him  (ver.  9),  that  now  fori y-ftt* 
jl  tin  have  past  since  Jehovah  spoke  this  word  to  Moses,  which  (=  during  which)  hrael  wan- 
dered in  :he  wilderness.  Here  evidently  "  the  years  of  the  conquest  of  Canaan  during  which 
Israel  had  not  yet  come  into  the  peaceful  possession  of  the  land,  are  in  a  loose  expression 
added  to  those  of  the  wandering  in  the  wilderness,"  as  all  interpreters  without  diflerencn 
admit ;  because,  when  Caleb  offered  this  petition,  the  conquest  of  the  land,  as  ch.  xiv.  5, 
agreeing  with  ch.  xi.  23,  declares,  was  already  completed.  How  long  then  did  the  con 
quest  require  ?  Since  the  mission  of  the  spies  under  Moses,  with  which  coincides  in  time 
the  promise  of  God  to  Caleb  which  the  latter  here  recalls  (see  the  Comm.),  took  place  in  tha 
second  year  of  the  Exodus  (Num.  xiii.  14  ;  Deut.  ii.  14).  and  the  wandering  in  the  wilderness 
lasted  from  that  time  exactly  thirty-eight  years,  as  Deut.  ii.  14  states,  Jewish  tradition  had 
already  quite  accurately  determined  the  time  required  for  the  conquest  to  be  45-38  =  7  years 
(Joses  Seder  Olam,  ch.  xi.  in  Fiirst,  ubi  sup.  p.  408).  This  was  adopted  by  Theodoret,  whom 
Keil,  Gerlach,  Bunsen,  of  modern  commentators,  and  Furst  (but  with  peculiarities  and  various 
em  ndations  of  the  text)  have  followed.  Josephus  on  the  contrary  (Ant.  v.  1,  19)  gives  the 
dnr  uion  of  the  conquest  as  only  five  years.  He  says,  I.  c.  'Eros  5e  niuTTov  fjSri  wape\Ti\v8et  xai 
Xcamiav  oukct'  ouSeh  uiroA.e\fiirTO,  ir\V  «  M  rtfes  els  b\vp&ro.T0v  reixor  ^istptrfov.  Ewald  supposes 
the  author  of  ch.  xiv.  10  also  thought  only  of  five  years,  which  certainly  seems  very  probable 
when  we  consider  the  fondness  of  the  Hebrews  for  reckoning  in  round  numbers.  Knobel  is 
of  the  same  opinion,  remarking  on  ch.  xiv.  15,  "  the  wars  of  Joshua  therefore  had,  according  to 
our  author,  lasted  about  five  years."  To  pronounce  a  definite  judgment  is  difficult,  and  is 
quite  unnecessary,  as  the  difference  between  five  and  seven  years  is  of  no  consequence.  But 
when  Fiirst  (ubi  sup.)  assumes  that  the  conquest  occupied  seven  years  in  all,  five  of  which 
were  spent  in  the  south  and  two  in  northern  Palestine,  the  text  gives  no  clear  and  definite 
support  for  his  opinion. 

There  still  remains  the  third  chronological  question,  How  long  in  all  did  Joshua  hold 
the  government  ?  which  is  the  same  as,  What  space  is  covered  by  our  book  ?  Chap,  xxiii. 
I  speaks  just  as  vaguely  as  xi.  18  of  Q,2"1  CCJ,  after  which  Joshua,  who  was  already  old 
and  advanced  in  years,  CM  S2  7f?T,  held  the  national  assembly.  Inch. xxiv.  29  it  is  said 
that  he  was  one  hundred  and  ten  years  old  when  he  died.  These  are  all  the  notices  which  the 
Book  of  Joshua,  and  even  the  whole  Bible  gives.  We  find  more  in  Josephus,  who  reports.  Ant. 
?.  1,  29  :  Ka!  i  uiv  (sc.  'l-qtrovs)  rotravra  7rpi)s  tous  irapiWas  5ia\tx9e!s  reKevra,  /3ious  eVa-rii/  eT7j  icol  Se'ica, 
Siv  Mouirei  /jLfV,  iw'l  $L$a<rica\ia  riv  xP1'"Va"/>  avvSicTpityf  Ttaaapaxovra.,  trrpaTTiyhs  St  una  tt)v  ckc'ii/ov 
TeAei/TTjv  yivertu  ireVe  not  liKoai.  Here  the  life  of  Joshua  is  defined,  in  agreement  with  ch.  xxiv. 
29,  as  having  covered  one  hundred  and  ten  years,  of  which  forty  belonged  to  the  period  in 
which  Joshua  was  yet  with  Moses,  and  twenty-five  to  that  of  his  sole  leadership.  There  are 
then  forty-five  years  left  for  the  time  before  the  Exodus.  Ewald  (ubi  sup.  pp.  330.  331)  and 
Fiirst  (p.  351)  maintain  that  Josephus  took  this,  in  their  opinion  trustworthy,  notice  out  of 
"an  old  document  which  did  not  show  the  gaps  of  the  -book  of  Origins,'  as  Ewald  calls  the 
(round-text"  (p.  330).  At  the  same  time  Ewald  (I.  c.  Rem.  3)  and  Fiirst  (p.  351,  Rem.  4) 
call  to  mind  that  other  writers  of  these  later  centuries  give  always  twenty-seven  (Theoph.  Ad 
Autol.  3,  24 ;  Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  i.  21 ;  Euseb.  Chron.  I.  pp.  160,  170  of  the  Armen.  trans- 
lation, and  G.  Syncellus,  Chronogr.  p.  284,  ed.  Bonn),  and  Eupolemos  (ap.  Euseb.  Prcep. 
Evany.  9,  30  ;  10,  14)  names  even  thirty  years.  Nay,  the  Chron.  Sam.  Arab.  ch.  39,  gives 
him  forty-five  years  dominion,  but  in  other  places  (ch.  xxi.,  xxv.)  only  twenty-one  Of 
these  higher  figures  the  number  twenty-seven  is  explained  by  supposing  that  the  conquest 
was  reckoned  as  occupying  seven  years;  the  others  appear  to  betaken  quite  arbitrarily. 
Btarke  also  speaks  of  twenty-seven  years,  referring  to  this  reckoning  among  the  Christian 
Fathers,  as  follows  (Pref.  to  Joshua.  §  10,  p.  5)  :     "The  chronology  of  this  book  is  various!* 


§  4.    CHRONOLOGY.  19 


40 

years 

7 

M 

10 

Cf 

299 

a 

40 

a 

40 

u 

40 

u 

given ;  some  assume  twenty-seven  years  "  ;  but  he  then  immediately  acids  :  "  others,  however, 
with  more  probability,  only  seventeen,  from  the  beginning  of  Joshua's  rule  to  his  death,  rhe 
latter  rest  on  1  Kings  vi.  1,  since  from  the  Exodus  to  the  temple  of  Solomon  there  are  reckoned 
four  hundred  and  eighty  years.  For  the  government  of  Joshua  there  are  actually  left 
seventeen  years,  if  we  reckon  before  and  after  that  government  as  follows  :  — 

"  (a.)   From  the  Exodus  to  the  government  of  Joshua  are 
"  (b.)   From  the  beginning  of  the  government  of  Joshua  to  the  division  of 
the  land  ......... 

"  (c.)   From  the  beginning  of  the  division  to  the  death  of  Joshua 

"  (d.)   From  Joshua  to  Eli  ....... 

"  (e.)   From  Eli  to  Samuel  (1  Sam.  iv.  18) 

"  {f  )  From  Samuel  to  David  (Acts  xiii.  21)  . 

"  (g.)  From  David  to  Solomon  (1  K.  ii.  11) 

"  (h.)  From  the  accession  of  Solomon  to  the  beginning  of  the  building  of 

the  Temple 4      " 

480" 

Instead  of  four  hundred  and  eighty  years,  we  read  in  Acts  xiii.  20  of  four  hundred  and 
fifty  years  only  ;  in  Josephus.  on  the  contrary  (Ant.  viii.  3,  1),  of  five  hundred  and  ninety- 
two,  and  in  two  other  places  (  int.  xx.  10,  1,  Cont.  Apion,  2,  2),  of  even  six  hundred  and 
twelve  years.  In  the  passage  in  Acts  (xiii.  20)  the  number  tour  hundred  and  fifty  is  given 
not  as  chronologically  exact,  but  approximate  only  (<•"),  and  can  therefore  decide  nothing 
against  1  K.  vi.  1  (Bahr,  Bibelwerk,  A.  T.  vii.  p.  41).  But  Josephus  contradicts  himself; 
four  hundred  and  eighty  years  must  therefore,  with  Ewald,  Winer,  Thenius,  Rosch,  Bahr, 
and  very  recently  also,  Hitzig  (Gesch.  d.  Volkes  Israel,  i.  pp.  13,  14),  be  held  as  correct.  This 
being  done,  then,  if  we  take  the  twenty-five  years  of  Josephus  for  the  rule  of  Joshua,  the 
period  of  the  Judges  must  be  shortened,  against  the  reckoning  of  Starke,  by  eight  years, 
thus :  — 

(a.) 


(b.  and  c.) 
(d.)  . 

(/•)    • 
(A.)    . 


40  years 

25  " 

291  " 

40  " 

40  " 

40  " 

4  " 


480 


Since,  however,  Josephus  generally,  as  Ewald  himself  concedes,  is  not  "a  good  chronolo- 
gist  "  (p.  484),  we  ought  not  to  lay  too  much  stress  on  his  twenty-five  years  in  and  of  them- 
selves (comp.  also  the  explanation  of  ch.  xviii.  4  tF.  in  reference  to  the  date  iv  4056^  fi-nvi  in 
Ant.  v.  1,  21,  ad  Jin.).  It  is  possible  that  Joshua's  command  lasted  so  long,  and  so  Des  Vignoles 
and  Winer  also  assume,  and  that  our  book  embraces  thus  a  space  of  a  quarter  of  a  century,  but  it 
is  possible  also  that  this  space  was  shorter.  The  results  of  our  investigation  would  accordingly 
be  these:  (1)  the  passage  of  the  Jordan  by  the  people  of  Israel  took  place  in  the  spring  of  the 
year  about  1460  B.  c. ;  (2)  the  conquest  was  effected  in  not  less  than  five,  at  the.  most  in  seven, 
years  (1460-1455  or  1453  B.  c.)  ;  (3)  the  leadership  of  Joshua,  embraced  a  period  of  at  least 
fifteen  years,  at  the  most  twenty-seven  (1460-1445  or  1433  B.  C.)  ;  (4)  the  same  number  of  years 
is  included  also  in  our  book. 

Observation  1.  The  time  of  the  elders  mentioned  in  ch.  xxiv.  51,  and  again  in  Judg.  ii.  17,  we  agree  with 
Ewald  in  ascribing  to  the  TH  of  Joshua.  He  assumes  that  to  the  time  of  Solomon  from  the  Exodus  (that  be- 
ing regarded  as  the  terminus  a  quo  of  the  Hebrew  time-reckoDing,  p.  479)  such  rYvTT^T,  twelve  of  forty  yeari 
each,  are  to  be  recognized  (pp.  481,  482).     So  also  Fiirst,  pp.  351,  352,  409. 

Observation  2.  Departing  altogether  from  all  other  inquirers,  Bunsen,in  his  Biblischen  Jahrbiichern,  inoor 
•jorated  into  his  Bibelwerk,  vol.  i. ,  places  the  crossing  of  the  Jordan  in  the  year  1280  b.  c.  on  the  authority  of  Egyp- 
San  and  Assyrian  chronology.  He  further  assumes  that  Hoses  died  in  the  twenty-second  year  of  the  Exodus  (1299 
B.  C.);  that  Joshua,  who  at  that  time  took  upon  him  the  command,  completed  the  conquest  and  division  of  the 
.and  in  seven  years,  and  immediately  thereupon,  in  the  forty-seventh  year  of  the  Exodus  (1274  b.  a),  closed  hit 
ife.     According  to  tlis  reckoning  also  Joshua  was  leader  of  the  people  for  twenty-live  years  (pp.  exxviii.,  exxx.) 


20  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


not  all,  hontver,  in  Canaan  proper,  but  eighteen  years  in  the  land  east  of  the  Jordan,  and  seven  on  this  side.  Th« 
accuracy  of  the  chronological  notice  contained  in  1  K.  vi.  1,  Bunsen  likewise  disputes,  since,  according  to  hit 
salculation,  the  Exodus  took  place  in  the  year  1320  b.  c.  during  the  nineteenth  Egyptian  dynasty,  and  the  build- 
ing of  the  Temple  in  100+  b.  c.  during  the  twenty-first  dynasty,  not  four  hundred  and  eighty  years,  therefore, 
"mi;  only  three  hundred  and  sixteen  after  the  Exodus. 

§  5.   Character  of  Joshua. 

As  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus,  which  as  an  event  of  the  very  highest  significance  was  ever 
after  retained  in  the  mind  of  the  people  so  vividly  as  to  become  their  epoch  for  the  reckon- 
ing of  time,  as  then  Moses,  the  chosen  instrument  of  God's  providence,  led  his  nation  and 
impressed  upon  it  the  stamp  of  his  own  mighty  soul ;  so  Joshua,  in  the  period  immediately 
subsequent,  carried  forward  the  work  already  begun,  and  by  the  establishment  of  a  regulated 
theocratic  commonwealth,  brought  it  to  a  definite  conclusion.  His  period  is,  as  we  at  leait 
cannot  but  view  it,  something  more  than  "  a  beautiful  twilight  after  the  descending  sun  ot 
the  Mosaic  day  "  (Ewald,  ubi  sup.  p  311).  It  has  an  original,  fresh,  youthful  aspect  of  its 
own,  is  a  true  image  of  the  spirit  which  lived  in  Hosea  the  son  of  Nun,  as  he  was  called  at 
first  (Num.  xiii.  8)  until  Moses  named  him  Joshua  (Num.  xiii.  16).  He  was  a  man  in  whom 
there  was  spirit  (Num.  xxvii.  18),  and  that  a  spirit  of  wisdom  (Deut.  xxxiv.  9)  such  as  must 
fill  the  real  man  of  God  in  the  O.  T.  Joshua  was  not  indeed  a  prophet,  as  Jesus  Sirach 
makes  him  out  (eh.  xlvi.  1),  and  Josephus  also  (Ant.  iv.  7,  2:  MojDotjs  5e  yepoiot  tftin  Tvyxivayi 
Siatioxov  iaurou  'lrj<rovi>  KaOiffT-naiv  iiri  T6  toTs  Trpotp-qre'iais,  Kal  arparriyhp  eT  ~ov  5e7)<r€ie  •yifT\(r6fi.ivov), 
since  he  was  directed,  Num.  xxvii.  21,  to  seek  the  divine  will  through  Eleazar  the  high-priest: 
but  he  was  a  divinely  inspired  General  and  Regent,  greater  than  any  of  the  heroes  who  fol- 
lowed him  through  the  time  of  the  Judges,  a  real  Joshua  (p:\EJi7T  or  ytrin  contracted  Neb 
viii.  19,  JMB?*;  LXX.  '\n<xavs,  "  whose  help  is  Jehovah,"  like  l^C;,,bs  2  Sam.  v.  15;  1  Chron. 
xiv.  5),  a  warrior  of  God,  whose  help  was  Jehovah.  On  this  very  account  also  could  he  be- 
come a  savior  of  his  people.  Truly  did  Moses  "  at  the  right  moment  perceive  the  real 
greatness  of  this  hero,  and  give  him  the  right  name  ;  instead  of  Hosea  (3?".".i'"T),  i-  e.  help, 
which  he  was  already  called  as  the  delegate  of  his  tribe,  Moses  named  him  thereafter,  with 
little  change  of  the  sound  but  with  an  important  addition  to  the  sense,  Jehoshua,  i.  e.  God 
help  "  (Ewald,  p.  306). 

Born  in  Egypt,  Joshua  had,  in  common  with  all  other  Israelites,  deeply  felt  the  load  of 
oppression  which  weighed  the  people  down,  and  joyfully  hailed  the  houi  of  freedom  from  the 
house  of  bondage,  of  deliverance  from  the  iron  furnace  (Deut.  iv.  20  ;  1  K.  viii.  51  ;  Jer.  xi. 
1).  He  was  early  allowed  an  opportunity,  as  one  of  the  chief  men  of  Ephraim  (Num.  xiii. 
8),  to  show  his  bravery,  when  at  Moses'  command,  he  opposed  the  swarms  of  wild  Amale- 
kites  in  Rephidim  (now  Erraha,  or  Raha,  see  Knobel  on  Ex.  xvii  6),  and.  supported  by  the 
prayer  of  Moses,  triumphantly  overcame  them.  For  Joshua  discomfited  (*"  ^n'l)  Amalek 
and  his  people  with  the  edge  of  the  sword  (Ex.  xvii.  8-13).  By  this  exploit  Joshua  rose  in 
the  estimation  of  Moses,  accompanied  him  (Ex.  xxiv.  13)  on  the  Mount  of  God,  was  at  other 
times  constantly  about  him  (Ex.  xxxiii.  11)  as  his  minister  (see  on  eh.  i.  1),  and,  being  then 
in  the  strength  of  his  life  (Ex.  xxxiii.  11,  ~123"I,  laid  the  foundation  in  this  intercourse  with 
Moses  of  his  knowledge  of  God  and  confidence  in  Jehovah  who  had  for  the  first  time  revealed 
himself  (Ex.  vi.  2,  3)  as  such  to  Moses.  Through  such  confidence  in  God,  which  was  never 
afterward  more  gloriously  manifested  than  in  the  victory  at  Gibeon  (Josh.  x.  12-15),  his 
native  bravery  gained  a  mighty  support,  so  that  he  trembled  not,  whether  the  enemy  met 
him  in  open  fight,  or  the  excited  people,  believinir  rather  the  extravagant  reports  of  the  other 
spies  than  the  plain  and  truthful  words  of  Caleb  and  himself,  cried  out  that  he  should  be 
stoned  (Num.  xiii.  31-34.  xiv.  6-9,  10). 

With  this  boldness,  invigorated  by  filial  trust  in  the  Lord,  there  was  joined  in  him  a  gift 
of  keenest  observation,  which  enabled  him  to  perceive  that  their  defense  had  departed  from 
the  Canaanites  (Num.  xiv.  9),  so  that  it  might  lie  foreseen  that  they  must  become  a  prey  to 
the  Israelites,  ''bread  "  for  them,  as  he  expresses  it  in  that  popular  style  which  we  elsewhere 
recognize  in  him  (e.g.  Josh.  xvii.  14-18:   xxiii.  10;  xxiv.  12). 

These  qualities  fitted  him  in  a  high  degree  for  the  position  which  Moses,  before  his  death, 
by  the  command  of  God,  assigned  to  him  (Num.  xxvii.  16-23,  comp.  with  xxxii.  28  ;  Deut.  iii 
18  ;   xxxi   23).      He  was  appointed,  as  Muses  had  desired  of  Jehovah,  to  go  in  and  out  before 


§  5.     CHARACTER   OF   JOSHUA.  21 


;he  congregation,  and  lead  them  out  and  in,  that  the  congregation  ot' Jehovah  might  not  be  as 
a  flock  without  a  shepherd  (Num.  xxvii.  17).  Being  now,  probably,  of  about  the  same  age  as 
his  trusty  companion  Cal  tb,  of  the  house  of  Judah,  the  latter  being  then,  as  would  seem,  about 
eighty  years  old  (s.  §4),  and  the  sole  survivor  besides  himself  of  all  the  Hebrew  men  who 
came  out  of  Egypt  (Num.  xiv.  30,  38  ,  he  inherite  1  the  leadership  of  his  people.  From  this 
time  onward  how  eminently  did  he  prove  himself  ever  a  God-fearing  commander  (eh.  iii.  5, 
9,  10  ;  iv.  6,  7,  21-24  ;  v.  1-9  ;  vii.  6-9),  trusting  confidently  in  the  help  of  God  (ch.  iii.  5  ; 
vi.  6  ft". ;  viii.  3  ft'.;  x.  12-15,  19,  25),  often  strengthened  and  consecrated  to  the  strife  by 
God  himself  (ch.  i.  1—9;  vi.  2,  3;  viii.  1,  2;  x.  8;  xi.  6,  especially  v.  10-15).  circumspect 
and  prudent  (ch.  i.  11  ;  ii.  1  ;  viii.  4-8),  quick  and  bold  (ch.  x.  9;  xi.  7;  x.  28-43;  xi.  10- 
23),  always  taking  full  advantage  of  victories  gained,  of  unexceptionable  energy  (eh.  viii.  26  ; 
\.  Id,  19,  28-42;  xi.  8,  9).  A  commander,  nevertheless,  who  humbly  and  modestly  asked  for 
himself  (ch.  xix.  49,  50)  only  a  small  possession,  and  in  his  farewell  discourse  (ch.  xxiii. 
1—16  ;  xxiv.  1-15),  despising  self-laudation,  gave  all  the  honor  to  Jehovah,  of  whom  it  is  said 
that  he  was  with  Joshua  so  that  they  spoke  of  the  latter  in  all  lands  (ch.  vi.  27).  If  he  at 
times  dealt  fearfully  according  to  our  conceptions  with  some,  as  against  the  King  of  Ai  (ch. 
viii.  29),  and  against  those  other  five  kings  (ch.  x.  1,  16,  23-27)  whom  he  shamefully  hum- 
bled and  pitifully  hanged,  let  us  not  forget  the  vast  difference  between  our  time  and  his.  If 
he  —  to  touch  yet  on  one  chief  complaint  brought  against  him  by  Eiehhorn  and  Paulus  (nor,- 
however,  by  Herder,  as  Keil  assumes,  p.  liii.  (53)),  —  if  he  proceeded  not  only  against  individ- 
uals, but  against  the  Canaanites  generally  with  the  edge  of  the  sword  (3^n  'aj).  burning 
their  cities  with  fire,  and  casting  them  down  unsparingly  (ch.  vi.  24  ;  viii.  24;  x.  28-43  ;  xi. 
10-19),  and  this  all,  as  is  repeatedly  stated  (viii.  2;  x.  25,  40  ;  xi.  15),  by  divine  command, 
with  the  cooperation  of  Jehovah,  by  whom  the  heart  of  the  Canaanites  had  been  hardened  to 
meet  the  children  of  Israel  in  battle  (xi.  20),  we  may  with  Ewald  reply  to  all  such  at'acks 
upon  Joshua,  nay,  even  upon  God  himself,  "  that  a  people,  sinking  ever  more  deeply  into 
divisions  and  moral  perverseness,  as  the  Canaanites,  in  great  part  at  least,  then  were  (comp. 
vol.  i.  p.  324  ft". ;  Wisd.  Sol.  xii.  2-6),  should  fall  before  another  people  in  whom  there  arises 
the  harmonious  strength  of  a  life  trusting  in  divine  powers,  and  so  striving  upward,  is  an 
eternal  necessity."  J  Thus  it  happened  also  in  the  storms  of  the  popular  migrations,  in  which 
old  but  corrupted  states  of  much  cultivation  crumbled  before  the  pressure  of  mighty  natural 
races.  Not  less  do  the  conquering  expeditions  of  the  Arabs  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  cen- 
turies after  Christ  furnish  an  analogy.  So  much  on  this  topic  here.  We  shall  have  frequent 
occasion  in  the  interpretation  of  the  book  to  touch  upon  it  again  We  here  simplv  remark 
that  there  was  no  lack  of  mildness  in  the  hero  of  Ephraim.  He  spared  Rahab.  faithful  to 
the  promise  which  the  spies  had  given,  an  I  with  her  her  father's  house  (eh.  vi.  25),  saved  the 
Gibeonites  from  the  hand  of  the  children  of  Israel  (ch.  ix.  26),  although  they  had  deserved 
for  their  cunning  falsehood  a  far  different  punishment  from  that  which  was  inflicted  on  them, 
namely,  to  perform  menial  service  in  the  sanctuary  (ch.  ix.  27)  ;  and  appointed  the  cities  of 
refuge  for  the  manslayers  (ch.  xx.  1-9). 

1  ["  It  is  better''  —  so  spoke  ii  theologian  of  uo  fanatical  tendency,  in  a  strain,  it  may  be,  of  excessive  [?)  but  still  of 
noble  indignation, —  "  it  is  better  that  the  wicked  should  be  destroyed  a  hundred  times  over  than  that  thev  should 
tempt  tho-e  who  arc  yet  innocent  to  join  their  company.  Let  us  but  think  what  might  have  been  our  fate,  and  the  fate 
of  every  other  nation  under  heaven  at  this  hour,  had  the  sword  of  the  Israelites  done  its  work  more  sparingly.  Even  as 
it  iras,  the  small  portion  of  the  Canaanites  who  were  left,  and  the  nations  around  them,  so  tempted  the  Israelites  by  their 
idolatrous  practices,  that  we  read  continually  of  the  whole  people  of  God  turning  away  from  his  service.  But  had  the 
heathen  lived  in  the  land  in  equal  numbers,  and,  still  more,  had  they  intermarried  largely  with  the  Israelites,  how  was  it 
possible,  humanly  speaking  that  any  sparks  of  God's  truth  should  have  survived  to  the  coming  of  Christ?  Would  not 
the  Israelites  have  lost,  all  their  peculiar  character  ?  and  if  they  had  retained  the  name  of  Jehovah  as  of  their  God,  would 
they  not  have  formed  as  unworthy  notions  of  his  attributes,  and  worshipped  him  with  a  worship  as  abominable  as  that 
which  the  Moabities  paid  to  Chemosh,  or  the  Philistines  to  Dagon  ? 

But  this  w:is  not  to  be.  and  therefore  the  nations  of  Canaan  were  to  be  cut  off  utterly.  The  Israelite's  sword,  in  itl 
bloodiest  executions,  wrought  a  work  of  mercy  for  all  the  countries  of  the  earth  to  the  very  end  of  the  world.  They 
seem  of  very  small  importance  to  us  now,  those  perpetual  contests  with  the  Canaanites,  and  the  Midianites.  and  the 
Amronifo,  and  the  Philistines,  with  which  the  books  of  Joshua  and  Judges  and  Samuel  are  almost  filU  1.  We  may 
half  wonder  that  God  should  have  interfered  in  such  quarrels,  or  have  changed  the  course  of  nature,  in  order  ti  *rive 
one  of  the  nations  of  Palestine  the  victory  over  another.  But  in  these  contests,  on  the  fate  of  one  of  these  nations  ot 
Palestine,  the  happiness  of  the  humau  race  depended  The  Israelites  fought,  not  for  themselves  only,  but  for  us.  It 
might  follow  that  they  should  thus  be  accounted  the  enemies  of  all  mankind  —  it  might  be  that  they  were  tempted  by 
their  v-ry  distinctness  to  despise  other  nations;  still  they  did  God's  work,  —  still  they  preserved  unhurt  the  seed  of  eter* 
oal  life.,  and  were  the  ministers  of  blessing  to  other  nations,  even  though  they  themselves  failed  to  enjoy  if."  Arnold'! 
(Dr.  Thos. )  Sermons,  vi.  35-37,  as  found  in  Stanley's  Lectures  on  the  Jewish  Church,  lect.  si.  p.  283  ff.  And  8«« 
stsnle    9  whole  treatment  in  that  Lecture  of  the  moral  difficulty  connected  with   the  extermination  of  the  Canaanites.  - 


22  THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


Joshua,  moreover,  was  not  only  as  a  general  an  illustrious,  highly  endowed  leader  of  hit 
people,  and  one  filled  with  the  spirit  of  God,  but,  conspicuous  equally  in  the  deeds  of  peace 
as  in  the  deeds  of  war,  he  was  not  less  capable  as  a  regent  than  as  a  soldier.  In  this  relation 
also  he  acts  always  from  the  higher,  theocratic  motive.  He  will  establish  a  commonwealth 
for  his  people  ;  but  this  commonwealth  must  correspond  to  the  description  given  in  grand  out- 
lines by  God.  through  Moses,  in  the  wilderness.  It  should  be  a  commonwealth  consecrated  to 
Jehovah,  in  the  midst  of  which  should  stand  the  sanctuary,  whose  people  should  be  holy  to 
Jehovah.  For  Israel  was  to  be  a  holy  people  (Ex.  xix.  6).  Accordingly,  as  soon  as  the  Jor- 
dan is  crossed,  by  God's  marvelous  help,  and  they  tread  the  soil  of  Canaan,  the  land  of  the 
fathers,  Joshua  causes  the  long-neglected  circumcision  to  be  performed  at  Gilgal  (ch.  v.  1-9) ; 
and  then  immediately,  on  the  same  ground,  the  Passover  to  be  celebrated  for  the  first  time 
(v.  10-12).  He  divides  the  land  not  according  to  his  own  preference,  but  by  the  lot,  that 
God  himself  might,  as  it  were,  give  the  decision  (chaps,  xiii.-xix.),  raises  the  holy  tent  it. 
Shiloh  (xviii.  1),  arranges  not  only  the  cities  of  refuge  which  have  been  mentioned,  but  also 
the  Levitical  cities  (ch.  xxi.),  acts  in  harmony  with  the  high-priest  Eleazar  (xvii.  4 ;  xxi.  1), 
maintains  the  unity  of  the  cultus  when  the  two  and  a  half  tribes  build  the  altar  on  the  bank 
of  the  Jordan  (xxii.  12-34),  in  his  farewell  address  admonishes  to  fidelity  towards  Jehovah, 
warns  against  apostasy  (ch.  xxiii.  1-16;  xxiv.  1-15),  and,  having  already  earlier  —  perhaps 
directly  after  the  conquest  of  the  country  west  of  the  Jordan  —  caused  blessing  and  curse  to 
be  proclaimed  from  Gerizim  and  Ebal  (viii.  30-35),  solemnly  renews  the  covenant  between 
Israel  and  Jehovah  at  Shechem  (ch.  xxiv.  25)  with  an  earnest  demand  that  all  other  gods 
which  might  possibly  still  be  cherished,  should  be  put  away.  Conscious  as  he  was,  therefore, 
as  a  general,  of  his  commission  from  God,  he  was  not  less  so  as  a  ruler,  who  constantly  kept 
in  view,  and  followed  with  all  tenacity  and  perseverance,  his  great,  heaven-appointed  aim, 
namely,  to  found  a  theocratic  commonwealth.  If  he  was  adorned,  as  a  general,  with  a  bravery 
supported  by  fear  of  God  and  confidence  in  him,  so  as  a  regent  he  wore  the  most  beautiful 
ornament  of  civil  rule :  an  unselfish,  noble  spirit  of  justice  coupled  with  gentleness  and  wis- 
dom. It  was  a  spirit  which  gave  to  every  man  his  own  (xiv.  6-15;  xxi.  1),  but  claimed  for 
itself  only  what  was  reasonable  and  moderate  (xix.  49,  50),  and  which  could  sharply  repel 
unjustifiable  demands  (xvii.  13-18),  although  not  with  "humiliating  sarcasm"  or  with 
"pointed  scorn,"  as  Ewald  represents  (ub.  sup.  317,  316).  Of  this  charge,  however,  wh  shall 
have  to  take  fuller  notice  in  our  explanation  of  the  passage. 

Thus  Joshua  stands  before  us  distinguished  equally  as  general  and  as  ruler  of  his  people,  a 
worthy  follower  of  Moses ;  not  a  prophet  like  the  latter,  and  no  lawgiver,  as  was  the  son  of 
Amram,  but  filled  with  the  same  spirit  of  fidelity  towards  Jehovah,  and  of  zeal  for  the  newly 
incipient  commonwealth  of  God  ;  a  man  of  God  in  all  that  he  does  and  in  all  that  he  omits. 
"In  the  kingdom  of  God,"  says  Kurtz  (Manual  of  Sacred  History,  p.  102),  "he  is  great 
who  knows  that  of  himself  he  is  nothing.  This  greatness  had  Joshua.  Among  the  heroes 
of  the  sacred  history  he  stands  forth  as  the  one,  above  almost  all  others,  free  from  self- 
will.  The  most  conscientious  fidelity  towards  the  law,  and  a  disposition  the  most  impertur- 
bably  theocratic,  distinguish  him.  He  is  prudent,  circumspect,  where  he  has  to  act  of  him 
self,  for  he  conducts  the  wars  of  the  Lord ;  but  unhesitating,  quick,  and  decided  where  the 
Lord  sends  him.  His  courage  is  humility,  his  strength  is  faith,  his  wisdom  is  obedience  and 
fear  of  the  Lord.  A  gentle  disposition,  but  the  furthest  possible  from  feebleness,  as  is  proved 
by  bis  sternly  solemn  sentence  upon  Achan,  and  the  strictness  with  which  he  executes  the 
curse  upon  the  Canaanites.  Such  a  union  of  mildness  with  strength,  of  simplicity  with  pru- 
dence, of  humility  with  magnanimity,  has  in  it  something  evangelical.  This  peculiarity  of 
his  character,  together  with  the  peculiarity  of  the  period  in  the  kingdom  of  God  in  which  he 
lived,  and  of  the  position  which  he  took,  makes  him  and  his  work  a  rich  type  of  Him  that 
was  to  come.  He  leads  the  people  into  the  land  of  promise  and  of  rest,  but  there  is  yet  a 
better  rest  to  be  enjoyed,  to  which  his  antitype  and  namesake  must  introduce  us  (Heb.  iv 
9)."  With  this  glance  at  that  unique,  glorious  antitype,  at  Christ  the  true  Joshua,  we  close 
the  attempt  at  a  description  of  the  hero  of  our  book.1 

1  [Baumgarten's  characterization  of  Joshua  in  Herzog'B  Real-Encyc,  s.  v.  Joeua,  is  in  much  the  same  tone  as  the  above, 
fc'roin  Stanley's  heclure*  on  the  Jewish  Church,  vol.  i.  lect.  13,  we  extract  the  following  vivid  and  impressive  Bketch  of  tha 
lacred  leader  of  Israel,  breathing  a  somewhat  different  sentiment,  and  hardly  giving  (as  many  will  think)  that  regard  to 
Ms  sacredness  which  it  deserves  :  — 

"  The  difference,  indeed,  between  Moses  and  Joshua,  was  marked  as  strongly  as  possible  Joshua  was  the  soldier,  — 
the  first  soldier  consecrated  by  the  sacred  history.  He  was  not  a  teacher,  not  a  prophet.  He,  one  may  say,  hated  th« 
txtensiou  of  prophecy  (?)  with  ^  feeling  which  recalls  a  well-known  saying  of  the  great  warrior  of  our  own  nge     He  coulc* 


§  6.     THE   HOLY  LAND.  28 


Observation  1.  In  the  N.  T.  Joshua  is  mentioned  only  twice  :  (1)  in  the  speech  of  Ste- 
phen before  the  chief  council,  Acts  vii.  45,  where  it  is  said  that  the  fathers  brought  in  the 
tabernacle  with  Joshua  into  the  possession  of  the  Gentiles,  whom  God  drove  out  before  their 
face  (e'fiVef  b  8e6s)  ;  (2)  Heb.  iv.  8  (see  on  ch.  i.  Doctrinal  and  Ethical,  No.  4).  From  this 
passage  Starke  gives  some  intimations  concerning  the  typical  relation  of  Joshua  lo  Christ 
He  says:  "Joshua  was  in  name  and  action  a  beautiful  type  of  the  Messiah.  As  he  led  the 
children  of  Israel  through  the  Jordan  into  the  land  of  Canaan,  so  the  latter  leads  his  believ- 
ing followers  finally  through  death  into  the  heavenly  Canaan.  He  carried  out  what  Moses 
could  not  effect ;  the  law  of  Moses  could  insure  to  men  no  peace  and  no  blessedness,  which 
Jesus  and  his  gospel  can,  Rom.  viii.  3  ;  Heb.  vii.  25.  Jesus  and  Joshua  begin  after  Moses 
leaves  off.  Joshua  was  the  leader  of  the  bodily  Israel,  overcame  their  enemies,  distributed 
to  them  their  land  ;  all  which  Jesus,  the  Captain  of  Salvation,  does  for  the  spiritual  Israel, 
Heb.  ii.  10  "  (Starke  on  ch.  i.  1). 

Obs.  2.  "  We  find  in  the  East  historical  traces  of  Joshua's  heroic  deeds,  outside  of  the 
Hebrew  writers.  Thus  Procopius,  Vandal,  ii.  20,  mentions  a  Phoenician  inscription  near  the 
city  Zingis  in  Mauritania,  which  had  originated  with  the  Phoenicians  who  had  fled  from 
Canaan,  and  ran  thus  :  'H,ue*s  dafiev  ol  <peuyovTes  awb  wpoaunrou  \t){tov  too  \t]<ttou  vlou  Nau7J  (Suida? 
s.  v.  Xavadv  '■  'Huets  eVuev  Xaroco?o:  obs  eSi'c*)|ei'  lrjaovs  6  Atjctt^s)  ;  and  a  letter  of  the  Persian 
king  Shaubec  in  Chron.  Sam.  c.  26,  names  Joshua  likewise  "  lupus  percussor,"  but  according 
to  another  recension,  'lupus  vespertinus,"  maty  2ST  (comp.  Hab.  i  8).  Winer,  Realm,  s.  v. 
Josua.  Ewald  regards  the  inscription  as  a  fabrication  (p.  298)  ;  and  in  the  Chron. 
Sam.,  from  its  character  before  described  (§  1  obs.),  no  confidence  can  be  placed.  "  Other 
accounts  similar  to  that  in  Eutropius  are  more  simple,  such  as  the  brief  statement  that  Trip- 
olis  in  Africa  was  founded  by  the  Canaanites  fleeing  before  Joshua  (apud  Euseb.  Chron.  Gr. 
ed.  Scaliger,  p.  11)  ;  but  present  too  little  that  is  definite,  and  may  have  arisen  out  of  vague 
conjectures  in  which  later  writers  so  richly  abound  "  (Ewald,  p.  299). 

§  6.      The  Holy  Land. 

The  land  captured  by  the  Israelites  under  the  brave  leadership  of  Joshua,  we  call  com- 
monly Palestine,  or  the  holy  land,  sometimes  also,  after  Hebrews  xi.  9  (cf.  Gen.  xv.  18 ;  L 
24  ;  Num.  xxxii.  11,  etc.),  the  promised  land.  It  was  called  a  holy  land  (tiTTpn  nO"TS) 
by  Zechariah  (ii.  12),  by  the  author  of  the  Second  Book  of  Maccabees  (i.  7),  and  in  later  ages 
with  preference  by  the  Catholics ;  against  which  Bachiene  (in  von  Raurner,  Paldstina,  p.  23, 
Anm.  3),  without  reason  remarks,  that  "  this  designation  rests  merely  on  superstition."  It  is 
rather,  as  Zech.  ii.  12  shows,  more  Biblical  than  the  name  Palestine,  rittJbs.  which  originally 
referred  only  to  the  southwestern  part  of  the  land,  the  country  of  the  Philistines.     So  Jeromi- 

not  restrain  his  indignation  when  he  heard  that  there  were  two  unauthorized  prophesiers  within  the  camp.  '  My  lord 
Moses  forbid  them.'  He  was  a  simple,  straightforward,  undaunted  soldier.  His  first  appearance  is  in  battle  '  Choose 
out  men,  go  out,  fight  with  Amalek.'  He  is  always  known  by  his  spear  or  javelin  slung  between  his  shoulders  or 
stretched  out  in  his  hand.  The  one  quality  which  is  required  of  him,  and  described  in  him,  is  that  he  was  r  very  cour- 
ageous.' '  He  was  strong  and  of  a  good  courage.'  '  He  was  not  afraid  nor  dismayed.'  He  turned  not  to  the  right  hand 
nor  to  the  left  ;  but  at  the  head  of  the  hosts  of  Israel  he  went  right  forward  from  Jordan  to  Jericho,  from  Jericho  to 
Ai,  from  Ai  to  Gibeon,  to  Beth-horon,  to  Merom.  He  wavered  not  for  a  moment  ;  he  was  here,  he  was  there  ;  he  was 
everywhere,  a?  the  emergency  called  for  him.  He  had  no  words  of  wisdom,  except  those  which  shrewd  common  sense 
and  public  spirit  dictated.  To  him  the  divine  revelation  was  made  not  in  the  burning  bush  nor  in  the  still  small  voice  (?), 
but  as  the  Captain  of  the  Lord's  host,  with  a  drawn  sword  in  his  hand  ;  and  that  drawn  and  glittering  sword  was  the 
vision  that  went  before  him  through  the  land,  till  all  the  kings  of  Canaan  were  subdued  beneath  his  feet. 

"  It  is  not  often,  either  in  sacred  or  in  common  history,  that  we  are  justified  in  pausing  on  anything  so  outward  and 
(usually)  so  accidental  as  a  name.  But  if  ever  there  be  an  exception,  it  is  in  the  case  of  Joshua.  In  him  it  first  appears 
with  an  appropriateness  which  the  narrative  describes  as  intentional.  His  original  name,  Hoshea,  'salvation,'  is  trans- 
formed into  Jehoskua,  or  Joshua,  '  God's  salvation  ; '  and  this,  according  to  the  modification  which  Hebrew  names  under- 
went in  their  passage  through  the  Greek  language,  took,  in  the  later  ages  of  the  Jewish  Church,  sometimes  the  form 
of  Jason,  but  more  frequently  that  which  has  now  become  indelibly  impressed  upon  history  as  the  greatest  of  all  names, 
— Jesus. 

K  Slight  as  may  be  the  connection  between  the  first  and  the  last  to  whom  this  name  was  given  with  any  religious  signif- 
icance, it  demands  our  consideration  for  the  sake  of  two  points  which  are  often  overlooked,  and  which  may  in  this  rela- 
tion so  catch  the  attention  of  those  who  might  else  overlook  them  altogether.  One  is  the  prominence  into  which  it 
trings  the  true  meaning  of  the  sacred  Name,  as  a  deliverance,  not  from  '  imputed  '  or  '  future  '  or  '  unknmvn  '  dangers, 
but  from  enemies  as  real  as  the  Canaauitish  host.  The  first  Joshua  was  to  save  his  people  from  their  actual  foes.  The 
lecond  was  to  'save  His  people  from  their  sins?  Again,  the  career  of  Joshua  gives  a  note  of  preparation  for  the  singu- 
larly martial,  soldier-like  aspect  — also  often  forgotten —  under  which  his  Namesake  is  at  times  set  forth.  The  courage 
the  cheerfnluess.  the  sense  of  victory  and  of  success,  which  runs  both  through  the  actual  history  of  the  Gospels,  and 
mrough  the  idealization  of  it  in  '  the  Conqueror'  of  the  writings  of  St.  John,  fiuds  its  best  illustration  from  the  oldei 
:hurc!i  in  tbe  character  and  ?areer  of  J  shua. 


24  THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


on  Is.  xh.  29  sa_\s.  "  Pliilixtaos  Palaistinos  significat ;  "  am.  Willermus  Tyr.,  •'  Paiomtina 
'/uasi  Philistina  a  P/iiliitiim  dicitur"  (in  von  Raumcr,  p.  24).  In  our  book  we  find  none  of 
these  names.  As  a  general  designation  appears  raiher  (ch.  i.  4)  "the  land  of  the  Hittites,' 
whose  bounds,  according  to  the  old  promise,  Gen.  xv.  18-21,  are  very  widely  extended 
Further  we  meet  principally  with  two  names  for  the  two  main  divisions  of  Palestine,  for  the 
country  west  of  the  Jordan  and  the  country  east  of  the  Jordan.  The  former  is  Canaan 
{)V23  —  lowland,  as  opposed  to  C~lS  =  highland),  the  latter  is  Gilead  ("T3?b2  see  on  the  etym. 
on  ch.  xii.  5),  as  may  be  seen  from  ch.  xxii.  9,  10,  11,  15,  32,  where  Bashan  (1t"2,  from 
)tC— .  "  level,  soft  soil"),  elsewhere  standing  separate  from  Gilead,  as  in  ch.  xiii.  11,  is 
included  with  it.  Between  the  east  and  west  country  lies  the  Jordan  valley,  now  Ghor, 
then  called  in  one  part  of  it  1T")*n — 133  (Gen.  xiii.  10,  11),  ''circuit  of  the  Jordan."  as  in 
Matt.  iii.  5,  v  ireplx^pos  ton  'lopS&vov,  or  briefly  ~l33n  (Gen.  xiii.  12;  xix.  17),  and  in  our  book 
synonymously  THTH  nV?v|  (ch.  xviii.  17;  xxii.  10,  11),  but  in  its  whole  patent  called 
n3,"*3?n  "  low  ground,  plain,  field  "  [rather,  "  arid,  sterile,  desert  tract,"  Gesen.,  Fiirst.  —  Tr.1. 

t  t-:  T  JT 

(ch.  xi.  16;  xii.  1,  3).  Instead  of  this  in  ch.  xiii.  27  we  have  also  pay  (see  Robinson. 
Phys.  Geo;/,  of  the  Holy  Land,  p.  81).  The  west  side  of  the  Ghor  belonged  to  Canaan,  the 
east  side  to  Gilead;  the  Jordan,  as  we  learn  partly  from  the  boundaries  (ch.  xiii.  27  ;  xvi. 
1,  7;  xviii.  12,  19;  xix.  22,  34,  etc.),  partly  from  the  notices  in  ch.  xxii.  (vers.  10,  11, 
19,  esp.  25),  formed  the  border  between  those  two  great  provinces  of  West  and  East  Palestine. 

Palestine  as  a  whole  lies  nearly  between  34^°  and  36i°  east  longitude,  and  between  31j° 
and  33J"  of  north  latitude,  almost  equally  distant  from  the  equator  and  the  Arctic  circle. 
The  greatest  extent  from  north  to  south  is  about  one  hundred  and  fifty-five  miles,  and  from 
east  to  west  about  eighty-five  miles.  Reckoning  the  average  width  at  seventy  miles  we  have 
a  surface  of  8,560  square  miles.  It  is  therefore  about  half  as  large  as  Switzerland,  one  third 
as  large  as  Bavaria  (von  Raumer,  p.  25),  about  the  size  of  the  Prussian  Rhine  province.1 
"  Pudet  dicere,"  writes  Jerome,  "  latitudinem  terra  repromissioni.i,  ne  ethnicis  occasionem 
Ka&phemandi  dedisse  videamur."  The  boundaries  of  the  land,  both  for  its  western  and  its 
eastern  divisions,  are  given  in  our  book  with  accuracy,  and  will  be  noticed  in  the  commentary 
on  the  passages  pertaining  thereto,  ch.  xi.  16,  17  ;  xii.  1-6,  7,  8  ;  xiii.  1  fF.  In  general,  they 
giva  us  to  understand  that  at  that  time  Palestine  was  already  bounded  on  the  south  by 
Arabia  Petrsea  (ch.  xv.  2,  3)  and  the  brook  of  Egypt  (xv.  4)  ;  on  the  west  by  the  Sea  (xv. 
4),  sometimes  called  also  (Num.  xxxiv.  6)  the  Great  Sea,  that  is,  the  Mediterranean  Sea ;  on 
the  north  by  the  mighty  heights  of  Lebanon  and  Hermon  (ch.  xi.  17);  on  the  east  by  the 
wilderness  of  Syria  and  Arabia,  toward  which  Salcha  is  mentioned  as  a  border  town,  ch. 
xii.  5.  To  denote  the  extension  of  the  land  from  north  to  south  we  frequently  meet  with  the 
expression  "from  Dan  to  Beersheba  "  (e.  g.  2  Sam.  ch.  xvii.  11  ;  Judg.  ch.  xx.  1  ;  1  Chron. 
ch.  xxi.  2),  but  not  in  the  Book  of  Joshua.  A  similar  designation  of  the  breadth  appears  not 
to  have  been  used. 

In  this,  its  secluded  position  the  land  was  eminently  adapted  to  the  purpose  which  the  peo- 
ple of  Israel,  according  to  their  historical  vocation,  had  to  fulfill.  On  the  south  and  east,  tar- 
stretching  deserts  separated  it  from  contact  with  all  other  nations.  On  the  west  was  spread 
out  the  sea,  which  in  those  ancient  times  was  little  traversed,  and  even  to  that  extent  only 
by  methods  of  a  very  imperfect  description.  On  the  north  rose  the  protecting  mountain 
walls  of  Lebanon  and  Anti-lebanon.  Here  might  the  O.  T.  commonwealth  of  God  develop 
itself  in  admirable  separateness  from  the  world,  the  more  so  as  Palestine,  in  the  quality  of  its 
soil,  its  climate,  its  fertility,  answered  all  the  conditions  which  are  requisite  for  the  pros- 
perous development  of  a  community,  and  for  awakening  love  and  attachment  to  the  coun- 
try, the  possession  of  Jehovah,  where  the  dwelling  of  Jehovah  was  erected  (ch.  xxii.  1 9  ; 
eomp.  Lev.  xxv.  23;  Ps.  lxxxv.  1).  Truly,  Israel  should,  as  God  had  said  to  Moses  (Ex. 
iii.  8;  comp.  w.  xiii.  5;  Lev.  xx.  24;  Ezek.  xx.  6),  be  led  into  a  good  and  wide  land 
(roSm/l  nrritt  V?S),  into  a  land  flowing  with  milk  and  honey  (B*nTI  3.bn  Hat  VIS), 
the  fruitfulness  of  which  is  praised  (Dent.  viii.  7-9)  in  these  words:  The  Lord  thy  God  leads 
thee  into  a  good  land,  a  land  in  which  are  brooks  and  fountains  and  seas,  that  flow  (^'S^-1 

1  [Roliinson  says  (Phys.  Grog.  p.  18) :  ,:The  whole  area  of  the  land  of  Palestine  does  not  vary  greatly  from  twelv« 
thousand  geographical  square  miles,  —  about  equal  to  the  area  of  the  two  States  of  Massachusetts  and  Co  in'icticul 
'ogether."     See  a1'  i  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  Am.  ed.  2286  ff.      Te.) 


§  6.     THE    HOLY    LAND. 


De  Wctte  :  "  spring  out  ")  on  the  hills  and  in  the  meadows  (713^23,  prop,  valley  betweer, 
mountains),  a  land  of  wheat  and  barley  and  vines  and  fig-trees  and  pomegranates,  a  land  ol 
olive-trees  and  honey,  a  land  in  whieh  thou  shalt  eat  bread  without  scarceness,  in  which 
nothing  is  wanting,  a  land  whose  stones  are  iron  and  out  of  whose  mountains  thou  mayesl 
dig  brass."  (Comp.  Deut.  xi.  10-12;  2  K.  xviii.  32;  Neh.  ix.  2.3,  35  ;  Is.  xxxvi.  17,  etc.) 
With  these  descriptions  of  the  Bible  agree  Josephus  {Ant.  v.  1,  21),  who  praises  the  fertility 
and  beauty  of  Palestine:  Tacitus,  who  says,  after  his  manner,  with  pregnant  brevity:  •'  I'lu'i 
solum.  Exuberant  fruges  nostrum  ad  morem  pratterque  eas  bahamum  et  palmce"  (//«'■■/•.  v. 
26)  ;  Justinus  (xxxvi.  2)  ;  Auunianus  Marcellinus  (xiv.  8).  And  these  all  speak  uf  the 
later  times  when  many  desolating  wars  on  the  soil  of  the  "land  of  the  Hebrews"  (Gen.  xl.  15, 
and  in  Joseph.)  had  robbed  it  of  its  excellence.  Only  one  voice,  that  of  Strabo  (xvi.  2.  3,  G), 
appears  to  contradict  these  reports.  He  relates  (quoted  by  von  Raumer,  p.  92)  that  Moses 
led  the  Jews  to  the  place  where  Jerusalem  stands,  and  easily  took  possession  of  it,  because, 
being  rocky  and  unfruitful  round  about,  no  man  had  claimed  it.  To  this  Reland  has  already 
replied  that  this  report  of  Strabo  itself,  like  others,  shows  Strabo's  ignorance  in  respect  to 
Palestine,  and  that  the  vicinity  of  Jerusalem  is  not  Palestine.  True,  the  soil  was  not,  if  we 
bring  before  our  minds  the  topography  of  the  land,  everywhere  equally  fruitful  :  but  even  in 
the  south  of  West  Palestine,  in  the  Judaea  of  a  later  day,  where  the  rough  lime-stone  hills 
show  in  many  places  only  a  few  traces  of  vegetation,  and,  towards  the  Dead  Sea,  except  in 
the  neighborhood  of  En-gedi,  almost  none  at  all,  —  even  here  there  were  more  favored  dis- 
tricts like  that  about  Gibeon,  the  plain  of  Rephaim  near  Jerusalem,  the  low-lands  (n^CtT) 
on  the  sea-coast,  which  have  maintained  their  productiveness  till  the  present  day.  The 
mountain  of  Judah  which  rises  northwardly  from  Beer-sheba  like  a  higher  story  of  the  land, 
to  an  average  height  of  2,400  feet  (von  Raumer,  p.  87),  gives  that  region  in  many  places 
a  gloomy  aspect ;  but  so  much  the  more  beautiful  appears  the  green  of  the  deeply-cleft 
wadies  whose  waters  flow  partly  towards  the  Mediterranean,  and  partly  towards  the  Dead 
Sea.  Much  more  fertile  was  an  I  is  the  northward  extension  of  the  mountain  of  Judah, 
called  the  mountain  of  Ephraim,  "Mount  Ephraim,"  also  eh.  xi.  16  the  mountain  of  Israel, 
whose  summits,  at  the  time  when  Joshua  divided  the  land,  were  still  densely  covered  with 
forest  (ch.  xvii.  15).  On  account  of  this  richer  vegetation,  the  patriarchs  also  found  here  in 
the  early  days  pasture  for  their  herds  about  Beth-el  and  Shecliem  (Gen.  xii.  8  ;  xiii.  3  ;  xxviii. 
19;  xxxvii.  13).  It  is  most  luxuriantly  produced,  either  where  the  Shephelah1  extends  itself 
through  the  plain  of  Sharon  even  up  to  the  woody  and  far  outstretching  promontory  of  Car- 
mel,  or,  north  of  Carmel.  in  the  plain  of  Jezreel.  on  the  heights  of  the  mountain  of  Naphtkali, 
named  only  once  in  the  Bible  and  that  in  our  book  (ch.  xx.  7),  and  in  the  plain  by  the  sea 
of  Gennesaret.  This,  now  el-Ghuweir,  is  "described  by  Josephus  (Bell.  Jurl.  iii.  10,  8)  in 
glowing  terms  for  its  fertility  and  productiveness"  (Robinson,  Ph>/s.  Geog.  of  the  Holt/  Liwil, 
p.  77.) 

While  thus  Canaan  proper,  especially  in  its  middle  and  northern  portions,  was  eminently 
adapted  to  agriculture,  the  land  east  of  the  Jordan  offered  the  most  excellent  pasturage  for 
cattle.  Hence  the  Reubenites  ami  Gadites,  abounding  in  herds,  to  whom  also  half  of  the 
tribe  of  Manasseh  joined  themselves,  had  early  requested  of  Moses  to  be  allowed  to  settle  on 
that  side  of  the  stream  (Num.  xxxii.  1  tf.  33;  Deut.  iii.  12  ;  xxix.  8;  Josh.  xiii.  7,  8),  on 
those  high  table-lands  which  stretch  eastward  to  the  mountains  of  Hauran,  and  to  the  Arnon 
on  the  south.  These,  now  called  en  Rukrah  and  Belka,  were  then  Bashan  and  Gilead,  or 
merely  Gilead.  The  former  is  even  to  this  day  of  extraordinary  fruitfulness,  and  everywhere 
tillable.  The  latter,  cleft  by  the  deep  valleys  of  the  Jarmuk  and  Jabbok,  and  other  smaller 
torrents,  is  fatno  is  as  a  grazing-land,  its  soil  being  adorned  with  a  luxuriant  growth  of  grass, 
out  of  which  rise  majestically  the  evergreen  oaks,  the  oaks  of  Bashan  (Is.  ii.  13;  Ez.  xxvii. 
6  ;  comp.  Robinson  ubi  sup.  p.  57  (F.  139  ff.).  Here  on  these  high  grounds  (3,000  feet  abov 
the  Mediterranean,  4,300  feet  above  the  Dead  Sea),  breathes  a  fresh  and  invigorating  air, 
doubly  invigorating  to  the  traveller  who  emerges  from  the  deep  Jordan  valley.  This  lies  far 
below  the  surface  of  the  Mediterranean,  —  625  feet  below  it  where  the  Jordan  leaves  the  Sea 
of  Gennesaret,  and  1,231  where  it  empties  into  the  Dead  Sea.  In  it  there  is  no  tillable  soil 
except  at  Bethshan  in  the  north  and  about  Jericho  at  the  south  end  of  the  Ghor  ;  between 
hese  two  places  the  river  is  shut  in  on  both  sides  by  two  ranges  of  chalky  hills  (von  Raumer 
p.  58).    The  region  about  Jericho  in  particular  was  celebrated  for  its  fertility  (von  Raumer,  p 

1  [The  PhilistiDe  lowlands.     See  Smith's  Did.  of  the  BtUe.  art.  "  SeDhelah."  —  Tb.1 


26  THE   BOOK   OF  jOSIIUA. 


58,  Anm.  118  a).  Further  south  all  vegetation  is  dried  up.  There  the  Dead  Sea,  as  w< 
commonly  call  it,  after  Galenus  and  Jerome,  but  which  appears  in  the  historical  books  of  the 
O.  T.  under  the  name  of  the  Sea  of  tie  Plain  (mi^rr  C  .  Deut.  iv.  49  ;  2  K.  adv.  25), 
or  the  Salt  Sea  (nb^rt  c,  Gen.  xiv.  3  ;  Num.  xxxiv.  3.  12  ;  Josh.  xv.  2,  5  ;  xviii.  19),  or 
under  both  names  at  once  (Deut.  iii.  17  ;  Josh.  iii.  16  ;  xiii.  3),  spreads  out  its  desolate  sur- 
face, forty-seven  miles  long  and  more  than  ten  miles  wide,  between  bare,  high,  steep  cliffs 
of  limestone  and  chalk,  inhospitably  silent,  aptly  called  by  the  son  of  the  desert  "  a  curst 
sea'"  (von  Raumer,  p.  61).  From  its  southern  point  the  southern  border  of  Canaan  ran  across 
to  Beer-sheba,  according  to  eh.  xv.  2,  and  to  the  river  of  Egypt,  that  is.  to  the  point  from 
which  we  began  this  survey  of  the  land. 

We  have  before  remarked  incidentally  how  very  different  is  the  temperature  in  the  Jordan 
valley  from  that  on  the  heights  to  the  east  of  the  Ghor.  Other  such  contrasts  appear  in 
the  holy  land,  embracing  as  it  does  very  lofty  heights  and  profoundest  depths ;  so  that  on 
its  climate  no  general  judgment  can  be  pronounced,  as  can  usually  be  done  in  the  case  of  so 
Bmall  a  country,  with  more  uniform  quality  of  soil,  and  a  different  situation.  Of  Lebanon, 
whose  magnificent  mountain  scenery  has  been  described  in  the  liveliest  colors  by  Furrer,  in 
his  Wanderungen  durch  Palastina  (p.  356  ff.),  a  work  which  we  shall  often  have  to  quote, 
the  Arabic  poets  say,  "  that  he  bears  the  winter  on  his  head,  the  spring  on  his  shoulders,  in 
his  bosom  the  autumn ;  and  that  summer  slumbers  at  his  feet  "  (von  Raumer,  p.  89,  after 
Volnev,  i.  243).  Consistently  with  this  writes  Burckhardt  as  he  comes,  on  the  5th  of  May, 
1812,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mandhur  (Jarmuk,  Hleromax),  where  it  empties  into  the  Jordan  : 
"Northward  rose  the  snow-covered  Jebel  el-Scheick  (Hermon)  ;  on  the  east  the  fruitful 
plains  of  Jaulan  lay  bedecked  with  the  flowers  nf  spring :  while  in  the  south  the  drooping 
vegetation  appeared  to  show  the  effects  of  a  tropical  heat."  The  temperature  of  Jerusalem 
(and  the  same  is  true  in  general  of  the  whole  hill-country  west  of  the  Jordan,  Robinson,  ubi 
tup.  p.  297  f.)  is  for  the  most  part  cool  and  pleasant,  and  never  oppressively  hot  except  while 
a  sirocco  or  south  wind  lasts  (p.  293).  On  the  western  plain,  which  rises  only  a  little  above 
the  .Mediterranean,  it  is  of  course  warmer,  so  much  so,  indeed,  that  the  harvest  ripens  there 
about  two  weeks  earlier  than  on  the  mountain  (p.  298  f. ).  Disregarding  the  roush.  high 
mountain  regions  of  Lebanon  and  Anti-lebanon,  and  on  the  other  side  the  tropical  heat  of 
the  Ghor  (where  Van  de  Velde  found  it  more  trying  than  in  South  Africa,  von  Raumer.  p. 
89),  the  great  part  of  Palestine  has  a  pleasant,  generally  healthy  climate,  excellently  suited 
to  agriculture  and  grazing  ;  for  there  are  but  few  swamps  or  other  causes  to  operate  against 
the  salubrity  of  the  atmosphere  (Rob.  p.  308).  Yet  Palestine,  as  in  ancient  times  so  now, 
is  not  without  contagious  diseases,  and  "  the  pestilence  that  walketh  in  darkness,"  Ps.  xci.  6 
(Rob.  /.  a.). 

Of  the  natural  productions  of  the  country,  wheat,  barley,  vines,  fig  trees,  pomegranates, 
olive  trees,  and  honey  are  mentioned  in  the  passage  (Deut.  viii.  7-9)  before  quoted,  and  it  is 
there  said  also,  that  the  stones  of  the  land  are  Iron,  and  brass  is  dug  out  of  its  mountains. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  many  iron  mines  are  still  found  on  Lebanon,  and,  from  the  communi- 
cations of  Rusegger,  who  has  accurately  explored  Palestine  in  respect  to  its  geology,  they  use 
the  brown  iron-stone  and  spathic  iron-stone  for  building  near  Merjibah  (Ruseg.  i.  690,  iii. 
284,  ap.  von  Raumer,  p.  96).  "  Iron  and  brass  shall  be  on  thy  shoes,"  was  promised  to  Asher 
in  the  blessing  of  Moses  (Deut.  xxxiii.  25).  And  according  to  our  book  Asher  must,  with 
great  probability,  have  received  a  place  precisely  on  Lebanon  (ch.  xix.  24-31).  So  that  the 
occurrence  of  iron  and  brass  in  Palestine  is  a  fixed  fact,  although  it  is  a  question  whether  by 
the  stones  of  the  land  which  "are  iron,"  we  are  not  to  understand  rather  (as  von  Raumer 
supposes,  p.  96),  the  widespread  basalt  formation  of  Hauran,  Leja,  and  Jaulan.  The  plants 
mentioned  in  Deut.  viii.  7-9,  wheat,  barley,  vines,  Jig  and  olive  trees,  as  well  as  pomegranates, 
ure  still  met  with,  and  are  often  mentioned  in  the  books  of  travel.  The  olive  trees  grow  to 
the  height  of  from  twenty  to  thirty  feet ;  the  fruit  begins  to  ripen  in  October,  and  is  pressed 
after  lying  in  hot  water.  Early  figs  were  the  first  fruit  of  the  year  to  ripen  ;  a  second 
sort,  the  summer  figs,  came  on  in  August,  and  a  third,  the  winter  figs,  remained  till  January 
on  the  tree.  The  vines  bear  very  heavy  clusters,  grow  to  be  even  thirty  feet  high  (Stephan 
Schultz,  in  von  Raumer,  p.  101  [Tristram,  Land  of  Israel,  pp.  610,  622]),  and  yield  excellent 
wine.  Pomegranates  grow  about  Gaza,  Hebron,  and  flsewhere  in  the  land.  Of  the  other 
tall-growing  plants  of  Palestine,  we  ought  specially  to  indicate  the  oaks  (Is.  ii.  13  ;  Ezek.  xxvii 
i  ;   Zech.  xi.  2)  which  are  found  not  on  the  east  side  of  the  Jordan  alone  (Robinson,  Bibu 


$   ;.     THE    OKIGINAL   INHABITANTS   OF   PALESTINE. 


Res.  in  Pal.,  etc.  ii.  443  [Tristram,  ubi  sup.  p.  120,  etc.])  ;  the  palm  trees,  near  Jericho  and 
En-gedi  formerly  (Judg.  i.  16  ;  iii.  13),  at  the  present  day  near  Gaza  (Rob.  ii.  276),  and  in 
Jerusalem  (Tobler,  Denkbtatter,  p.  109  [at  Jaffa,  Tiberias,  and  elsewhere,  Tristram,  pp.  413, 
♦  29,  etc.])  ;  and  finally  the  cedars,  the  glory  of  Lebanon  (von  Raumer,  p.  31  [Tristram,  p.  630 
1'.]).  The  richness  of  the  land  in  honey  (Ex.  iii.  8,  17  ;  xiii.  5  ;  Deut.  viii,  8  ;  Jud.  xiv.  8 ; 
I  Sam.  xiv.  25-45)  presupposes  the  multitude  of  flowers ;  hyacinths,  anemones,  jonquils,  on 
Carmel ;  on  the  plain  of  Sharon,  tulips,  white  and  red  roses,  white  and  yellow  lilies,  narcis- 
suses and  stockgillies  (von  Raumer,  p.  98). 

The  mention  of  honey  leads  naturally  to  some  remarks  on  the  animals  of  Palestine. 
While  the  bees  are  a  blessing  to  the  country  [comp.  Tristram,  p.  87  f.]  the  locusts  bring  upon 
it  the  horrors  of  desolation,  such  as  Joel  has  pictured  with  a  master's  hand  (ch.  i.  3  fl'.).  To 
the  locust  which  rises  out  of  the  abyss  (Rev.  ix.  3,  5,  10)  was  power  given,  as  the  scorpions 
have  power  on  earth.  These  latter  are  found  in  extraordinary  numbers  in  the  Jordan  valley 
below  Jericho  (von  Raumer,  p.  103),  and  the  mountain  of  Akrabbim  is  named  from  them 
(ch.  xv.  5,  from  2~)|7S,  "a  scorpion").  Serpents  which,  like  them,  are  created  for  ven 
geance  on  the  wicked  (Sirach,  xxxix.  36),  are  in  modern  Palestine  but  few  (von  Raumer,  p. 
106).  Their  place,  however,  is  well  supplied  by  numerous  birds,  especially  singing  birds,  not 
merely  in  Samaria  and  Galilee,  but  also  along  the  Jordan,  where  Robinson  (Lai.  Bibl.  Res. 
p.  316)  heard  the  nightingale  warble  [comp.  Tristram,  pp.  513,  523,  585].  Even  the  Dead 
Sea  is  not  uncheered  by  these  songsters.  "  We  ourselves,"  writes  Robinson  (Phys.  Geog. 
p.  219),  "  and  many  other  travellers,  saw  birds  flying  in  all  directions  over  the  sea.  That 
no  water-fowl  are  here  to  be  met  with  is  simply  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  sea  shows  no  trace 
of  fish  or  plant  on  which  those  birds  subsist.  But  the  region  is  full  of  birds :  and  at  Aiu 
Jidy  we  were  surprised  and  delighted  to  hear  their  morning  song  in  the  midst  of  the  solitude 
and  grandeur  of  these  desolations.  The  trees,  and  rocks,  and  air  around  were  full  of  the 
carol  of  the  lark,  the  cheerful  whistle  of  the  quail,  the  call  of  the  partridge,  and  the  warbling 
of  many  other  feathered  songsters ;  while  birds  of  prey  were  soaring  and  screaming  in  front 
of  the  cliffs  and  over  the  waters  of  the  sea." 

Of  predaceous  quadrupeds,  the  lions  (Judg.  xiv.  5,  6  ;  1  Sam.  xvii.  34-36  ;  2  Sam.  xxiii. 
20;  1  K.  xiii.  24,  26;  Jer.  xlix.  19)  which,  in  the  days  of  Samson  and  David  showed 
themselves  in  cultivated  districts  of  Judaea,  and  when  Jeremiah  lived  still  haunted  the  Ghor, 
aave  now  disappeared  from  Palestine.  Bears,  on  the  contrary,  are  yet  found  in  the  uiouii- 
:ains  of  the  North  (von  Raumer,  p.  106),  but  especially  axe  foxes  and  jackals  numerous  in  all 
;he  land,  and  not  less  so  the  hares  (p.  107).  Of  domestic  animals,  the  country  had  dogs, 
jamels,  asses,  horses  (mentioned  in  our  book  ch.  xi.  4  as  belonging  to  the  Canaanites), 
mules,  oxen,  buffaloes,  numerous  flocks  of  goats  and  sheep  in  which  the  patriarchs,  Jacob 
in  particular,  were  already  rich  (Gen.  xxx.  43). 

§  7.      The  Original  Inhabitants  of  Palestine. 

When  the  Israelites  forced  their  way  into  this  highly  favored  land  where  once  their  father* 
had  dwelt  as  nomads,  the)'  found,  east  of  the  Jordan,  the  kingdoms  of  Sihon  and  Og  (ch.  xii 
1  ff.)  and,  in  Canaan  proper,  thirty-one  smaller  kingdoms  besides,  as  would  appear,  one  free 
state,  Gibeon  with  its  dependent  towns  Chephira,  Beeroth,  and  Kirjath-jearim  (ix.  3,  17).  The 
land  was  already  cultivated,  and  owed  this  cultivation  to  its  inhabitants.  These  lived  in 
cities,  tilled  the  ground,  and  had  planted  olive-yards  (eh.  xxiv.  13),  were  acquainted  with 
writing,  as  the  previous  name  of  Debir,  Kirjath-sepher  (ch.  xv.  15),  proves,  owned  horses  and 
chariots  (ch.  xi.  4  ;  xvii.  18)  ;  but  in  a  moral  and  religious  respect  were  very  degraded  (Gen. 
xv.  16  ;  xix.  5 ;  Deut.  xii.  29-31  ;  xviii.  9-12 ;  Ex.  xxiii.  31-33  ;  xxxiv.  11-14 ;  Josh,  xxiii. 
12,  13  ;  xxiv.  15).      Of  them  are  separately  named  in  our  book,  — - 

1.  Canaanite  tribes  (ch.  iii.  10;  ix.  1  ;  xi.  3,  where  their  places  of  habitation  are  given, 
xii.  8  ;  xxiv.  11)  : ' 

A.  The  Hittites,  \Finn  (Xettoioi),  living  on  the  mountain  of  Judah  (Num.  xiii.  29 ;  Josh, 
xi.  3,  and  in  general  — iiia)  near  Hebron  where  Moses  bought  of  Ephron  the  Hittite,  a  cave 
for  a  burial-place  (Gen.  xxiii.  3-20;  xxv.  9,  10  ff.).  The  race  appears  to  have  been  very 
powerful,  since  ch.  i.  4  the  whole  land  promised  to  the  Israelites  is  called   the  land  of  the 

1  [On  the  different  races  of  the  Canaanites  compare  the  brief  but  comprehensive  sketch  by  Stanley,  Hist,  of  Jewnk 
3h.  lect.  ix.,  and  the  articles  under  the  respective  titles  in  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible.  —  Te-1 


2S8  THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


Hittites.  According  to  Ewald  (Gesch.  des  Voltes  Isr.,  i.  p.  279  ff.)  the  Hittites  were  dweller* 
in  the  valleys,  which,  however,  does  not  agree  with  ch.  xi.  3,  where  they,  together  with  the 
Auiorites,  Perizzites,  and  Jebusites,  are  reckoned  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  mountain. 
[This  name  is  used  in  the  Hebrew  always  in  the  singular,  '•  the  Hittitc,"  with  five  excep- 
tions.] 

B.  The  A  monies,  *7*-...-'  CAM°P|5<"oi.  according  to  Ewald,  "mountaineers"1)  Sometimes 
a  name  for  all  the  peoples  of  Canaan  (ch.  xxiv.  18 ;  Gen.  xv.  16  ;  Judg.  vi.  10 ;  2  Sam.  xxi.  2. 
and  often),  according  to  ch.  xi.  3,  dwelling  on  the  mountain  also,  either  on  the  mountain  of 
Judah,  in  particular  (Gen.  xiv.  7,  13),  or  on  the  mountain  west  of  the  Dead  Sea,  thence 
called  mountain  of  the  Amorites  (Deut.  i.  7,  19,  20,  comp.  w.  Num.  xiii.  30),  and  to  be  re- 
garded as  a  southerly  continuation  of  the  mount  of  Judah  ;  or,  northwardly,  on  the  mount  of 
Ephraim,  about  Shechem  (Gen.  xlviii.  22,  comp.  w.  John  iv.  5)  :  also  on  the  east  of  the 
Jordan  where  the  kingdoms  of  Sihon  and  Og  in  Gilead  and  Bashan  are  designated  as  Am- 
oritish  kingdoms  (ch.  ix.  10,  comp.  w.  xii.  2,  4  ;  Num.  xxxii.  33,  39  ;  Deut.  iv.  47-49).  [He- 
brew always  singular.] 

C.  The  Canaanites,  "OVJSn  (Xwaraioi,  according  to  Ewald  [and  Gesen.]  "  lowlanders  "), 
a  designation  in  a  wide  sense  for  all  the  people  of  Canaan  (Gen.  x.  18  ;  xii.  6  ;  xxiv.  3 , 
Ex.  xiii.  11,  and  often),  more  strictly  for  a  race  along  the  sea  and  along  the  Jordan  (ch.  v.  1 ; 
xi.  3  ;  Num.  xiii.  29  ;  Deut.  xi.  30).  That  they  dwelt  in  Gezer,  is  expressly  mentioned  ch. 
xvi.  10,  comp.  the  Comm.  in  loc.  In  ch.  xiii.  4  the  land  of  the  Canaanites  is  the  same  as 
that  of  the  Sidonians  (ch.  xiii.  5),  that  is,  the  Phoenicians.     [Almost  always  plural.] 

D.  The  Girgashiles,  >C'J~l3ri  (mentioned  inch.  iii.  10;  xxiv.  11;  Deut.  vii.  1;  Neh.  ix. 
8,  while  they  are  wanting  in  the  lists,  ch.  ix.  1  ;  xi.  3  ;  xii.  8  :  Ex.  iii.  8  ;  xxiii.  23  ;  xxxiii. 
2  ;  xxxiv.  11),  according  to  Gesenius  "  those  dwelling  on  clayey  or  loamy  soil  "  (tt'2^2).  They 
had  probably  (ch.  xxiv.  11),  as  von  Raumer  suspects,  settled  as  colonists  on  the  west  side  of 
the  Jordan.  In  Matt.  viii.  28  the  Cod.  Sinait.  reads  not  Tepyev-rivuv,  which  is  probably  no 
more  than  a  conjecture  of  Origen  (von  Raumer,  Gesen.),  but  Tafrwvuv.  [Plural  with  two 
exceptions.] 

E.  The  Hivites,  ^nn  (Eveuot,  according  to  Ewald,  "townsmen,  midlanders "  [Gesen.; 
pagani,  villagers];  in  the  cities  Shechem  (Gen.  xxxiv.  2)  and  Gibeon  (Josh.  ix.  7;  xi.  19), 
but  also  on  mount  Hermon  in  the  land  Mizpeh,  ch.  xi.  3,  cf.  Judg.  iii.  3).  [In  the  Hebrew 
always  singular.] 

F.  The  Perizzites,  '"•T~r?n  (*fpe(,"a7oi  ,■  according  to  Gesenius  connected  with  nii~)B,  "  open 
country,"  whence  "'TIS  Est.  ix.  16;  Deut.  iii.  5  ;  1  Sam.  vi.  18,  and  then  also  *-T"12  = 
"countryman,  rustic,"  with  which  also  paganus  may  be  compared),  according  to  ch.  xi.  3  : 
Judg.  i.  4,  5.  likewise  living  on  the  mountains,  probably  with  Canaanites,  between  Beth-el  and 
Ai  in  Abraham's  time  (Gen.  xiii.  3,  7).  It  may  be  questioned,  with  von  Raumer  (p.  362), 
whether  also  near  Shechem  ?  which  is,  I  think,  from  the  connection  of  Gen.  xxxiv.  30  not 
improbable.      [Always  singular  in  the  Hebrew.] 

G.  The  Jebusites,  ^yT]  (from  "  CfO>,  a  place  trodden  down,  threshing-floor,  r.  ~^2 " 
Gesenius),  at  Jerusalem  (jebus),  and  in  the  region  around  Jerusalem  (ch.  xv.  8,  63 ;  xviii 
28;  Judg.  xix.  11),  according  to  ch.  xi.  3  on  the  mountain  also  (cf.  besides  Num.  xiii.  20), 
like  the  Amorites,  Hittites,  and  Perizzites  ;  invariably,  except  ch.  xi.  3,  named  in  the  lists  (ch. 
ix.  1  ;  xii.  8  ;  xxiv.  1 1  :  Gen.  xv.  21  ;  Ex.  iii.  8 ;  xxiii.  23 ;  xxxiii.  2  ;  xxxiv.  1 1  ;  Deut.  vii. 
I  ).      [Always  singular.] 

"  As  regards  the  origin  of  the  Canaanites,"  says  Winer  (Bibl.  Realworterbuch,  s.  v.  "  Cana- 
aniter  "),  "  they  are  reckoned  in  Gen.  x.  15,  comp.  vers.  6,  18  ;  ix.  22  —  as  descendants  of  a 
certain  Canaan  who  was  a  son  of  Ham,  and  so  grandson  of  Noah,  — among  the  Hamites.  But 
this  ethnographical  conception,  which  rests,  perhaps  (Tuch,  p.  245).  on  the  tradition  concern- 
ing the  original  abodes  of  tie  Canaanites,  is  contradicted  by  the  language  of  this  race,  which 
was  no  other  than  the  Hebrew  (Is.  xix.  18,  see  Gesenius,  Hist,  of  the  Heb.  Lang.  16  f.).  The 
prevailing  view  of  antiquity  regarded  them  (the  Phoenicians,  Sidonians)  as  immigrants  in 
western  Asia,  comp.  also  Justin,  xviii.  3,  2  ;  and  according  to  Herod,  i.  1 ;  vii.  89,  they  must 
have  dwelt  originally  on  the  Red  Sea  (that  is,  on  the  ocean  south  of  Asia),  especially,  per- 

1  [This  interpretation  is  said  by  Grove,  Smith's  Diet,  oftk;  BiUe,  art  "  Amorite.''  "  to  be  due  to  Simonif  though  con 
nonly  ascribed  to  Ew:ild.'T —  Ta.  I 


S  7      THE    ORIGINAL   INHABITANTS    OF  PALESTINE.  29 

haps,  on  the  Persian  Gulf  (comp.  Strabo,  i.  42  ;  xvi.  784 ,/,  where  at  a  later  period,  two  islands, 

Tyrus  and  Arados,  were  pointed  out  as  the  home  of  the  Phoenicians  (Strabo,  xvi.  7b'tj) 

That,  finally,  the  immigrant  Canaanites  first  occupied  the  northern  (Phcen.)  coast,  and  then, 
crowding  back  the  primitive  inhabitants,  spread  themselves  south  and  east  throughout  Pales- 
tine, is  probable  under  all  the  circumstances."  Knobel  has,  as  Lange  remarks  (Cumin,  on 
Gen.,  p.  347),  "solved  the  problem  by  the  supposition  that  the  Canaanites  who  migrated  to 
that  country  might  have  received  the  Shemitic  language  from  Shemites  who  had  previously 
settled  there.  Add  to  this  that  the  affinity  of  the  Phceniciaus  and  Canaanites  with  the 
Hamitic  nations  of  the  south  seems  to  be  established  (Kurtz,  p.  90,  Kauleu,  p.  235)."  J. 
George  Muller,  on  the  contrary,  had  still  earlier  maintained  (iSchweitzerisch.es  Museum,  1837, 
p.  275  if.  esp.  282),  and  again  repeats  (Herzog's  Realencyk.,  vii.  241),  in  agreement  with  Gro- 
tius,  Clerieus,  and  Gesenius,  that  the  Hebrews  had,  as  early  as  the  patriarchal  age,  received 
their  language  from  the  Canaanites  who  migrated  from  the  Egyptian  sea. 

On  a  more  careful  consideration  of  these  several  views,  the  question  at  once  arises, 
Whether  the  ethnological  table  in  Gen.  x.  shall  maintain  its  historical  character  or  not. 
This  is  denied  to  it  by  the  majority  of  recent  critics.  An  error  in  the  Table  is  assumed 
and  then  ascribed  to  national  hatred,  which  is  supposed  to  have  shrunk  from  the  idea  of  a 
common  derivation  (Realencyk.,  ubi  sup.  240).  Knobel,  Bertheau,  and  J.  G.  Muller,  on  the 
contrary,  defend  the  table,  and  assume  that  the  Hebrews  and  Canaanites  were  of  different 
families,  the  former  belonging  to  that  of  Shem,  the  latter  to  that  of  Ham.  On  this  supposi- 
tion arises  the  second  question  :  How  we  are  to  explain  the  undeniable  agreement  in  lan- 
guage, as  it  appears  e.  g.  in  the  inscription  of  Eschmunazar,  king  of  the  Sidonians  (cf. 
Schlottmann's  careful  explanation  of  it  in  the  treatise,  Die  Inschrift  Eschmunazar's  Kbnigs  der 
Sidonier,  geschichtlich  und  sprachlich  erkldrt,  Halle,  1868).  Knobel  supposes  that  the  Canaan- 
ites had,  upon  their  settlement  in  the  country,  received  the  language  of  the  Shemites,  whom 
he  conceives  to  have  been  resident  there  already.  Among  them  he  reckons  the  liephaites 
[Rephaim],  Emites  [Emims],  Susites  [Zuzim],  Samsumites  [Zamzummim],  Enakites  [AnakimJ, 
Avites,  Hivites ;  and  he  supposes  that  the  Terahites  then  followed  at  a  later  period.  Muller, 
as  we  have  seen,  gives  the  opposite  explanation.  He  maintains  that  "  the  Hebrews,  who  as 
a  rule,  throughout  their  history,  have  with  great  facility  appropriated  to  themselves  the  lan- 
guages of  the  peoples  among  whom  they  dwelt "  (better,  perhaps,  "  appropriate,"  for  whether 
it  was  always  so  we  know  not,  can  only  conjecture),  "  without  in  the  least  sacrificing  their 
nationality,  had  substituted  the  language  of  the  Canaanites  for  their  own,  as  they  also  bor- 
rowed of  them  other  elements  of  civilization,  especially  alphabetic  writing,  republican  institu- 
tions (Sufi'etes),  architecture,  etc."  (p.  242). 

This  is  the  present  state  of  the  discussion.  One  class  of  investigators  give  up  the  ethno- 
graphical table,  and  arrive  at  a  not  unsatisfactory  result ;  the  others  have  striven  to  support 
the  historical  authority  of  the  table,  but  are  then  compelled  to  propose  hypotheses  of  which 
that  of  Knobel,  supposing  the  Rephaim,  etc.,  to  have  been  Shemites,  is  against  all  previous 
views  (see  below),  while  that  of  Muller  raises  against  it  the  consideration,  Whether  iudeed  a 
people  so  originally  endowed  as  the  Hebrews  could  so  easily  have  given  up  their  "  primi- 
tively Indogermanic,"  more  specifically  their  "  Aryan  or  Iranian  language  (!),"  and  adopted 
that  of  the  Canaanites  ?  Under  these  circumstances  we  hold  that  the  whole  question  con 
eerning  the  origin  of  the  Canaanites  is  as  yet  by  no  means  satisfactorily  answered. 

2.  The  Philistines  (CVFlttJbs,  more  rarely  0,!,Pltt7bs,  LXX.  in  Pent,  and  Josh. :  <pvKtaTui^ 
elsewhere  commonly:  oi  a.KK6<puKkoi, UaKai<n'ivoi  Joseph.  Ant.  v.  1,  18.  According  to  Gesenius: 
"wanderers,  strangers,"  which  is  the  meaning  of  *AK6(pvKKoi,  from  the  ^Ethiop.  falasa,  "travel, 
wander,"  Heb.  ti'7-),  mentioned  in  our  book,  ch.  xiii.  2,  3.1  Their  cities,  according  to  ch. 
xv.  45—47,  were  allotted  to  the  tribe  of  Judah,  but  Ekron  later  to  Dan,  ch.  xix.  43.  They 
were,  as  appears  from  Gen.  x.  13,  14,  descendants  of  Mizraim,  the  son  of  Ham,  and  hence, 
like  the  Canaanites,  were  Hamites.  From  [Deut.  ii.  23 ;]  Jer.  xlvii.  4  ;  Am.  ix.  7,  we 
learn  that  they  came  from  the  island  Caphtor,  probably  Crete.  With  that  agrees,  as 
von  Raunier  observes,  Deut.  ii.  23,  where  it  is  said  that  the  Caphtorim  who  came  out  of 
Caphtor  destroyed  the  Avim,  who  dwelt  in  villages  unto  Gaza  (later  the  city  of  the  Philis- 
ines),  and  then  dwelt  there,  in  their  stead.  From  this,  through  confusion  of  names,  may 
have  arisen  the  story  handed  down  by  Tacitus:  "  Judceos  Creta  profugos  nocissima  Libya 
insedisse"  (Hist.  v.  2).     Hitzig,  particularly,  in  his  Urgeschichte  der  Philister  (p.  17  H'.),  has 

1  [The  almost  entire  absence  of  the  article  with  this  name  throughout  the  historical  books  is  noticeable.  —   Ta.J 


'60  THE   BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


proved  that  the  designation  of  David's  body-guard  ^nbsrn  TP3n  (2  Sam.  xv.  18 ;  xx.  7 
1  Kgs.  i.  38,  44  ;  2  Sam.  viii.  18 ;  xx.  23)  lends  support  to  the  Cretan  origin  of  the  Philis- 
tines. That  the  name  of  Crete  is  preserved  in  \"Y13rT  is  clear  at  a  glance,  and  in  referencs 
to  VwS,  Hitzig  (p.  21)  has  shown  the  possibility  of  its  arising  from  \"?lttJb3.  Whether  the 
former  of  these  words  is  applicable  to  the  southern,  the  latter  to  the  northern  portion  or 
whether  VH3  is  the  more  general,  ^jY??  a  more  particular  term,  the  Philistines  being  Cro- 
tans,  is  questionable.  Vaihinger  (Herzog's  Realencyk.  xi.  557)  decides  for  the  former  view, 
and  would  make  the  immigration  of  the  Cretes  or  Caphtorim  (Deut.  ii.  23  ;  Am.  ix.  7)  to 
have  taken  place  not  till  after  Joshua's  time,  and  at  first  into  the  district  south  of  Gaza, 
which  thus  included  the  222  (Josh.  xv.  21-32),  but  not  the  rr?2t£7  embracing  the  five  Phil- 
istine cities  (Josh.  xiii.  3  ;  comp.  w.  xv.  45-47).  Be  that  as  it  may,  it  is  certain  that  the 
whole  people  of  the  Philistines  inhabited  the  "  southern  sea-plain,"  as  von  Raumer  descrip- 
tively calls  it  (p.  365),  and  that  this  plain  was  preeminently  Palestine  (see  above,  §  6). 
Even  in  the  time  of  Abraham  and  Isaac  they  dwelt  about  Beer-sheba  and  Gerar  (Gen.  xxi.  34  ; 
xxvi.  1).  Already  at  an  early  day  they  appear  as  a  people  practiced  in  war,  whose  country 
Moses  on  that  account  avoids  (Ex.  xiii.  17,  18).  Joshua  seems,  if  we  consider  ch.  xiii.  3, 
not  to  have  come  into  conflict  with  them,  and  the  division  of  the  Philistine  territory  among 
the  tribes  of  Israel  (ch.  xv.  45—47  ;  xix.  43)  was  and  remained,  as  Winer  expresses  it,  "  a 
project."  But  under  the  Judges  begins  the  strife  with  them,  thenceforth  prolonged  through 
centuries  (Judg.  iii.  31  ;  x.  7  ;  xiii.  1,  5),  most  victoriously  maintained  by  David  (2  Sam.  v. 
17-25 ;  viii.  1).  after  he  had  already  under  Saul  distinguished  himself  as  a  youthful  hero,  by 
the  overthrow  of  Goliath  especially  (1  Sam.  17),  but  still  leaving  it  necessary  for  Hezekiah 
at  a  much  later  period  to  "  smite  the  Philistines " '  (2  K.  xviii.  8).  It  is  historically 
remarkable  that  precisely  this,  the  people  most  hostile  to  the  Israelites,  should  have  given  to  the 
country  of  the  latter  the  name  by  which  it  must  probably  be  forever  most  familiarly  known  to  us 
of  the  West,  —  Palestine. 

3.   Other  Peoples. 

Among  these  belong,  above  all,  the  giant  peoples  (D^SS"1),  of  whom  repeated  mention  is 
made  in  our  book  as  well  as  elsewhere,  e.  g.  eh.  xii.  4;  xiii.  12;  xv.  8;  xviii.  16. 
They  were  divided  into  various  tribes,  of  which,  in  ch.  xi.  21,  22;  xiv.  15;  xv.  13; 
p23J  '23,  D^pSS  are  specified.  Although  they  are  noted,  Judg.  i.  10,  as  Canaanites,  this 
statement  does  not  agree  with  the  other  places  in  which  they  are  spoken  of.  Von  Raumer 
therefore  regards  them  as  aborigines.  He  says  :  "  Before  the  time  of  the  Canaanitish  races, 
and  among  them,  dwelt  giants  (D^SS"!)  in  Palestine"  (p.  364).  To  these  aborigines  be- 
longed also,  probably,  the  Horites  (Gen.  xiv.  6,  36  ;  20  fF. ;  Deut.  ii.  12,  22),  —  cave-dwellers, 
troglodytes  (comp.  Job  xvii.  6  ;  xxiv.  5  fF. ;  xxx.  1  ff.),  but  not  mentioned  in  our  book  ;  and 
besides  these  the  Avites  (D^V)  subdued  by  the  Philistines  ch.  xiii.  3;  Deut.  ii.  23  ;  also  the 
Geshuritts  at  the  foot  of  Hermon  not  far  from  Maacha  (ch.  xii.  5  ;  xiii.  13),  and  the  Geshurites 
(D'Tltra  perhaps  connected  with  ~l!|t!?3  a  bridge)  in  the  south  of  Palestine,  near  Philistia 
(ch.  xiii.  2 ;  1  Sam.  xxvii.  8),  and  finally  the  Giblites  (ch.  xiii.  5,  "bsjin  from  b?3,  Arab, 
jebel  =  mountain)  in  the  region  of  Lebanon. 

§  8.    .  Division. 
Part  First. 

the  conquest  of  the  land  of  canaan  ;  or,  "  the  exploits  of  the  wab  " 

(F.   Burmann).      Chaps,  i.-xii. 
Section  First.   The  preparation.      Chaps,  i.-v. 
1.   The  summons  to  the  war,  ch.  i. 

a.   The  command  of  God  to  Joshua,  i.  1-9. 

1  [See  further  on  the  Philistines  particularly  the  very  valuable  article  s.  A.  v.  in  Smiths  out.  of  Bible.  On  the  wtaota 
r:bjeet  of  the  aborigines  of  Palestine,  the  account  given  by  Ritter  in  vol.  ii.  of  W.  L.  Gage's  abridgment  of  his  great  work 
nay  also  be  strongly  recommended.  —  Tr.1 


§  8      DIVISION.  81 


b.  The  command  of  Joshua  to  the  leaders  of  the  people,  and  to  the  Reuhenites,  Gad- 

ites,  and  the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh,  i.  10-18. 
S.  The  mission  of  the  spies  to  Jericho,  ch.  ii. 

a.   Sending  of  the  spies  and  their  reception  by  Rahab,  ii.  1-7. 

6.  Preservation  of  the  spies  by  Rahab  on  their  promise  to  her  that  they  would  spare 
her  and  her  father's  house  in  the  capture  of  the  land,  ii.  8-21 . 

c.  Return  of  the  spies  to  Joshua,  ii.  22-24. 

3.  The  passage  of  the  Israelites  through  the  Jordan,  chaps,  iii.,  iv. 

a.  Regulations  of  Joshua  in  regard  to  the  passage  through  the  Jordan,  iii.  1-18. 

b.  The  passage  itself  of  the  people  through  the  Jordan,  iii.  14  -  iv.  18. 

c.  The  erection  of  the  memorial  at  Gilgal,  iv.  19-24. 

4.  The  consecration  to  the  holy  war,  ch.  v. 

a.  The  effect  of  the  entrance  into  Canaan  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  land,  t.  i. 

b.  The  circumcision  of  the  people,  v.  2-9. 

c.  The  Passover.    Bread  of  the  land,  v.  10-12. 

d.  The  war-prince  of  God,  v.  13-15. 

Section  Second.  The  contests  of  Israel  with  the  Canaanites.    Chaps,  vi.-xi. 
A.    Contest  against  particular  cities.     Chaps,  vi.-viii. 

1.  The  capture  of  Jericho,  ch.  vi. 

a.  Preparation  for  it,  vi.  1-14. 

b.  Capture  and  destruction  of  Jericho,  vi.  15-27. 

2.  Achan's  theft,  ch.  vii. 

a.  The  crime,  vii.  1. 

6.  The  evil  consequences  in  the  unfortunate  expedition  against  Ai,  vii.  8-ft. 

c.  Joshua's  humble  prayer  and  God's  answer  thereto,  vii.  6-15. 

d.  Detection  and  punishment  of  the  culprit  Achan,  vii.  16-26. 
8.  Conquest  and  destruction  of  the  city  of  Ai,  ch.  viii.  1-29. 

a.  Joshua's  stratagem  against  Ai,  viii.  1-13. 

b.  Apparent  flight  of  the  Israelites.     Their  victory,  capture  of  the  city,  and  ill 

destruction,  viii.  14-29. 
4.  The  altar  of  the  blessing  and  curse  on  Ebal,  ch.  viii.  30-35. 

B.    Contest  against  the  allied  kings  of  the  Canaanites.     Chaps.  ix.-xi. 

1.  The  first  league  of  Canaanitish  kings  against  Israel,  ix.  1,  2. 

2.  The  fraud  of  the  Gibeonites,  ix.  3-27. 

a.  Coming  of  the  Gibeonites  to  Joshua  and  league  with  them,  ix.  3-15. 

b.  Discovery  and  punishment  of  their  fraud,  ix.  16-27. 

3.  The  great  victory  at  Gibeon  over  the  five  allied  Canaanite  kings,  x.  1-27. 

a.  Investment  of  Gibeon  by  the  five  allied  kings,  x.  1-5. 

b.  Battle  at  Gibeon,  x.  6-15. 

c.  Flight  and  destruction  of  the  five  kings,  x.  16-27. 

4.  Conquest  of  South  Canaan,  x.  28-43. 

5.  Vanquishment  of  the  northern  Canaanites.     Capture  of  their  land.     General  review 

of  the  conquest  of  Canaan,  ch.  xi. 
a.  The  second  league  of  Canaanitish  kings,  xi.  1-6. 
6.  The  great  victory  at  the  water  of  Merom,  xi.  7-9. 

c.  Subjugation  of  the  rest  of  northern  Palestine,  xi.  10-15. 

d.  General  review  of  the  conquest  of  West  Palestine,  xi.  16-23. 

Section  Third.    Catalogue  of  all  the  kings  conquered   under  the  leadership  of  Moses   and 
Joshua,  in  East  and  West  Palestine. 

1.  Catalogue  of  the  kings  conquered  in  East  Palestine,  xii.  1-6. 

2.  Catalogue  of  the  kings  conquered  in  West  Palestine,  xii.  7-24. 

Part   Second. 

thf.  division  op  the    land  op  canaan ;    ob,  "  deeds  of  the  peack  * 

(F.  Burmann).       Chaps,  xiii.-xxiv. 

Section  First.    God's  command  to  Joshua  to  distribute  the  land  in  West  Palee*ine.     Retro 


32  THE    BOOK   OF   JOSHUA. 


spective  glance  at  the  territory  already  assigned  to  the  two  and  a  half  tribes  east  of  th< 
Jordan.      Beginning  of  the  division.      Caleb's  portion.     Chaps,  xiii.,  xiv. 

1.  God's  command  to  Joshua  to  distribute  the  land,  xiii.  1-7. 

2.  The  territory  of  the  two  and  a  half  tribes  east  of  the  Jordan,  as  already  granted    t< 

them  by  Moses,  xiii.  8-33. 
it.    Its  boundaries.      The  tribe  of  Levi,  xiii.  8-14. 
h.   The  possession  of  the  tribe  of  Reuben,  xiii.  15-23. 

c.  The  possession  of  the  tribe  of  Gad,  xiii.  24-28. 

d.  The   possession  of  the   half  tribe   of  Manasseh.     More   concerning   the  tribe  of 

Levi,  xiii.  29-32. 

3.  Beginning  of  the  distribution,  xiv.  1-5. 

4.  The  possession  of  Caleb,  xiv.  6-15. 

Section  Second.    Division   of  West  Palestine   among   the  nine  and  a  half  tribes  remaining 
Appointment  of  the  cities  of  refuge,  and  the  cities  of  the  Levites.      Chaps,  xv.-xxi. 

1.  Territory  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  ch.  xv. 

a.   Its  boundaries,  xv.  1—12. 

6.    Caleb's  possession.      His  daughter  Achsa.      Conclusion  to  vers.  1-12,  XT.  13-20. 

e.  Catalogue  of  the  cities  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  xv.  21-63. 

a-   Cities  in  the  south,  xv.  21-32. 
0.  Cities  in  the  lowland,  xv.  33-4  7. 

7.  Cities  on  the  mountain,  xv.  48-60. 

8.  Cities  in  the  wilderness,  xv.  61-63. 

2.  Territory  of  the  tribes  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  chaps,  xvi.,  xvii. 

a.  Its  boundaries,  xvi.  1-4. 

b.  Portion  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  xvi.  5-10. 

c.  Portion  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh,  xvii.  1-13. 

</.    Complaint   of  the   children    of  Joseph   on    account   of    an    insufficient   possess'on, 
xvii.  14-18. 
8.  Territories  of  the  seven  remaining  tribes  :   Benjamin,  Simeon,  Zebulon,  Issachar,  Asher, 
Naphtali,  Dan,  and   the  possession  of  Joshua,  chaps,  xviii.,  xix. 

a.  Setting  up  of  the  Tabernacle  at   Shiloh.      Description  of  the  land  yet  to  be  li- 

vided. 

b.  Portion  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  xviii.  11-28. 

a.    Its  boundaries,  xviii.  11-20. 

3.  Cities  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  xviii.  21-28. 

c.  Portion  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon,  xix.  1-9. 

d.  Portion  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun,  xix.  10-16. 

e.  Portion  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar.  xix.  1  7-23. 

f.  Portion  of  the  tribe  of  Asher  xix.  24-31. 

(j.  Portion  of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali,  xix.  32-39. 
/(.  Portion  of  the  tribe  of  Dan,  xix.  40-48. 

i.  Joshua's  possession,  xix.  49,  50. 

/.   Conclusion,  xix.  51. 

4.  Appointment  of  the  cities  of  refuge,  ch.  xx. 

a.    God's  command  to  Joshua,  xx.  1-6. 
6.   Fulfillment  of  this  command,  xx.  7-9. 

5.  Appointment  of  the  cities  for  the  priests  and  Levites,  ch.  xxi. 

a.  Demand  of  the  Levites  that  cities  should  be  given  them,  xxi.  1-8. 

b.  General  account  of  the  Levite  cities,  xxi.  4-8. 

c.  Cities  of  the  children  of  Aaron,  xxi.  9-19. 
(/.  Cities  of  the  other  Kohathites,  xxi.  20-26. 
e.  Cities  of  the  Gershonites,  xxi.  27-33. 

/'.   Cities  of  the  Merarites,  xxi.  34-42. 

g.  Conclusion,  xxi.  43-45. 

Section  Third.   Release  of  the  two  and  a  half  tribes  belonging  across  the  Jordan       Joshua  I 
farewell  discourse.      His  own  and  Eleazar's  death.      Chaps,  xxii.-xxiv. 
1.  Release  of  the  two  and  a  half  tribes,  ch.  xxii. 


§  9.    LITERATURE.  Hg 


a.  Joshua's  parting  discourse,  xxii.  1-8. 

b.  Return  of  these  tribes   to  their   home.      Erection   of   an   altar  on   the  Jordan 

xxii.  9,  10. 

c.  Embassy  of  Israel  to  these  tribes  on  account  of  the  altar,  xix.  11-20. 

d.  Apology  of  the  two  and  a  half  tribes  for  building  the  altar,  xxii.  21-31. 

e.  Return  of  the  embassy.     Naming  of  the  altar,  xxii.  32-34. 

t.  Joshua's  parting  with  the  people.     His  death   and   that  of  Elcazar.      The   bones  of 
Joseph,  chaps,  xxiii.,  xxiv. 

a.  The  first  parting  address,  ch.  xxiii. 

a.  Promise  that  Jehovah  will  still  further  contend  for  his  people  and  help  them 

to  the  complete  possession  of  the  land,  xxiii.  1-11. 
0.  Warning  against  apostasy  from  God,  xxiii.  12-16. 

b.  The  second  parting  address.     Renewal  of  the  covenant.      Conclusion,  ch.  xxiv. 

a.  The  second  parting  address,  xxiv.  1-15. 

0.  Renewal  of  the  covenant,  xxiv.  16-28. 

7.  Death  of  Joshua  and  Eleazar.     Joseph's  bones,  xxiv.  29-33. 

§  9.     Literature. 

I.  Isagogical.  —  Besides  the  Introductions  to  the  O.  T.  of  De  Wette  [translated  into  English 
by  Theo.  Parker],  Bleek  [translated  by  Venables,  2  vols.  London,  1869],  Haverniek  [trans- 
lated, Edinb.  1852],  [Home  (Davidson)],  and  Keil  [translated  by  C.  Douglass,  2  vols.  Glasgow, 
1870],  the  following  treatises  are  worthy  of  special  mention:  C.  H.  Van  Herwerden,  Dispu- 
tatio  de  Libro  Josua;  sine  de  Diversis,  ex  quibus  constat,  Josuce  Liber  Monumentis  deque  JEtate, 
qua  eorum  vixerunt  Auctores  Grbning.  1826.  G.  A.  Hauff,  Einige  Bemerkungen  iiber  das 
Buck  Josua  in  Klaiber's  Studien  der  wiirtemb.  Geistlichkeit,  ii.  1,  105-126;  and  by  the  same 
author :  Offenbarungsglaube  uml  Kritik  der  biblischen  Geschichtsbiicher  am  Beispiele  des 
Buches  Josua  in  ihrer  nothwendigen  Einheit  dargethan,  Stuttgart,  1843.  Kdnig,  Alttest. 
Studien.  Heft.  1.  Authentie  des  Buches  Josua,  Meurs,  1836.  See  Theol.  Studien  und  Kritiken, 
xi.  260  ff.  Baumgarten,  on  Josua,  also  on  das  Buck  Josua  in  Herzog's  Theol.  Realencyklo- 
padie,  vii.  38-43.  Winer,  in  his  Bibl.  Realworterbucli,  art.  Josua.  Knobel,  Kritik  des  Pen- 
tateuch und  Josua  in  the  Exeget.  Handbuch,  1861,  part  xiii.  pp.  489-606.  Ndldeke,  Die 
alttestamentliche  Literatur,  Leipz.  1868,  pp.  13-42.  Ndldeke,  Untersuchungen  zur  Kritik  des 
Alten  Testamentes,  Kiel,  1869,  pp.  1-144.  Fiirst,  Geschichle  der  biblisch.  Literatur,  Leipz. 
1867,  vol.  i.  Fiirst,  Der  Kanon  des  Alten  Testamentes,  Leipzig,  1868.  Schlottmann,  Die 
Inschrijl  Eschmunazars,  Kbnigs  der  Sidonier,  Halle,  1868,  pp.  9-34. 

II.    Commentaries. 

"  Ephraem  Syri,  Explanatio  in  Libr.  Josua;  in  vol.  i.  of  his  Opera  Syriace.  Theodoretl, 
Quwstiones  in  Josuam,  in  vol.  i.  of  his  Opera,  ed.  Schulze.  Aurel.  Augustini,  Quastiones  in 
Libr.  Josua;,  in  vol.  iii.  of  his  Opera,  Antwerp,  1700,  fol.  R.  Sal.  Jarchi  (Raschi),  Comment. 
Heb.  in  Libr.  Josua;,  etc.,  Lat.  vers,  a  Jo.  Fr.  Breithaupto,  Goth.  1714,  4to. 

"Jo.  Calvini,  Commentarii  in  Libros  Mosis  necnon  in  Librum  Josuoz,  Amstelodami,  1667, 
fol.  Nic.  Serarius,  Comment,  in  Libr.  Josua;,  etc.,  Mog.  1609,  vol.  i.  fol.  Andreas  Masius, 
Josuce  Imperatoris  Historia  illustrata,  Antwerp,  1574,  fol.  Dav.  Chytroei  in  Historian)  Josua;, 
etc.,  Explications  Utilissimce,  Lips.  1592,  fol.  J.  A.  Osiander,  Commentarius  in  Josuam, 
Tiib.  1681,  fol.  J.  Christ.  Ysing,  Exercilationes  Historicoz  in  Pentateuchum  et  Librum  Josua;, 
Regiom,  16X3,  4to.  Scb.  Schmidt,  Annotationes  in  Libr.  Josua;,  appended  to  his  Comment, 
in  Jesaiam,  ed.  2,  Francof.  1692,  4to.  Critici  Sacri,  containing  Annotata  in  Libr.  Josuce  by 
Seb.  Munster,  Fr.  Vatablus.  Isid.  Clarius,  A.  Masius,  Jo.  Drusius,  and  Hugo  Grotius,  vol.  i. 
ed.  2,  Francof.  1696,  fol.  Synopis  Criticorum,  etc.,  adorn,  a  Matth.  Polo,  Francof.  1694, 
vol.  i.  4to.  Corn,  a  Lapide,  Comment,  in  Josuam,  etc.,  Antwerp,  1718,  fol.  Jo.  Clerici,  Vete- 
Hs  Test.  Liiri  Historici,  etc.,  ed.  nov.  Tiib.  1783,  fol. 

"  Aug.  Calmet,  Commentaire  Literal  sur  le  Vet.  Test.,  Josue,  le  Juges,  etc.,  Paris,  1711,  4to. 
J.  I).  Michaelis,  A  nmerkungen  fiir  Ungelehrte,  with  his  Germ,  translation  of  the  O.  T.,  part  v.  i. 
Gdtting.  1774,  4to.  Jo.  Christ.  Frid.  Schulzii,  Scholia  in  Vet.  Test.,  vol.  ii.,  Noriinb.  1784, 
8vo.  Exsqetisches  Handbuch  des  Allen  Test.,  part  i.  with  appendices  in  three  parts.,  Leipz., 
1797,  8vo  Thadd.  Ant.  Dereser,  Anmerkungen  zu  tier  heiligen  Schrift  des  Alten  Test.  (a» 
3 


84  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 

edited  by  him  and  Dom.  v.  Brentano)  part  ii.  vol.  i.,  Frankf.  1801,  8vo.  F.  J.  V.  D.  Maurer 
Commentar  Uber  das  Buch  Josua,  Stuttg.  1831,  8vo.  Em.  Fr.  Car.  Bosenmuller,  Scholia  it 
Vet.  Test.,  part  xi.  vol.  i.  Josuam  continens,  Lips.  1833,  8vo." 

To  this  list  of  Commentaries  given  by  Keil,  and  very  carefully  prepared,  we  may  add 
still :  Walch,  Bibl.  Theol.  iv.  466  sqq.,  980.  Das  Buck  Josua  nach  dem  Masoretischem  Texh 
neu  ubersetzt  (by  Edward  Kley),  edited  by  Frankel,  Leipz.  1817.  F.  J.  V.  D.  Maurer,  Com- 
mentarius  grammaticus  criticus  in  V.  T.  in  Usum  maxime  Gynasiorum  et  Academiarum  adornatus, 
vol.  i.  97-126,  Lips.  1835,  8vo.  K.  F.  Keil.  Kommentar  Uber  das  Buck  Josua,  Erlano-en, 
1847,  8vo.  [translated  into  English,  Edinb.  1857 '].  Kurzgefasstes  Exegetisches  Handbuch 
zum  Alten  Test.,  part  xiii. ;  Numeris,  Deuteronomium  und  Josua,  erkliirt  von  Dr.  A.  Knobel, 
Nebst  einer  Kritik  des  Pentateuch  und  Josua,  Leipz.  1861,  8vo.  Biblischer  Kommentar  uber 
das  Alte  Test.,  edited  by  K.  F.  Keil  and  F.  Delitzsch,  Zweiter  Theil.  Die  prophetischen 
Geschichtsbucher,  Erster  Band  :  Josua,  Richter  und  Ruth,  von.  K.  F.  Keil,  Leipz.  1863.2 
(An  abridged  edition  of  his  former  work,  revised  with  reference  to  the  commentary  of  Knobel 
which  had  appeared  in  the  interval  [translated  into  English,  Edinb.,  1865]). 

[Many  of  the  general  Commentaries  on  the  O.  T.  and  special  Treatises  on  pertinent  topics 
mentioned  in  the  first  volume  of  this  Commentary  on  the  N.  T.,  p.  19,  and  in  the  first  on  the 
O.  T.  pp.  62,  63,  might  here  be  recalled.  In  particular,  our  old  popular  commentators 
should  not  be  altogether  overlooked  :  Mat.  Henry,  Scott,  Gill,  Ad.  Clarke,  etc.  Though  they 
may  be  often  less  than  satisfactory  on  the  "  hard  places,"  and  sometimes  unduly  swayed  by 
their  theological  systems  respectively,  their  insight  into  the  religious  significance  and  uses  of 
the  divine  word  at  times  shows  itself  very  instructively. 
We  may  mention  especially  on  the  Book  of  Joshua  :  — 

Bush,  Notes  Critical  and  Practical  on  the  Books  of  Joshua  and  Judges,  1838. 
Chr.  Wordsworth,  Holy  Bible  with  Notes,  ii.  part  i.  pp.  1-74,  Lond.  1865.  —  Tr.] 
Of  the  numerous  monographs  which  have  been  published  on  particular  passages  of  our 
book,  especially  on  ch.  x.  9  ff.,  we  specify  the  following :  A.  Calmet,  Concerning  the  Com- 
mand of  Joshua  that  the  Sun  and  the  Moon  should  stand  still,  and  the  Rain  of  Stones  which  fell 
on  the  Canaanites,  Josh.  x.  11  ff.,'ui  his  Biblical  Researches,  iii.  1,  53  ff.  An  Attempt  to  prove 
from  the  Scripture  that  the  Sun  did  not  stand  still  in  Joshua's  Time :  in  the  Theological  Re- 
pository, vol.  i.  See  Allgem.  Deutsche  Bibliothek,  iii.  29  ff.  Biblisch-astron.  Abhandlung  von 
der  Kopernischen  Meinung  der  Wellban,  als  der  heil.  Schrift  nicht  entgegen,  Leipz.  1774. 
Sturm,  1st  Jos.  x.  12  der  Slillstand  des  Sonnes  oder  des  Hagelwetters  zu  verstehen  ?  Schleitz, 
1778.  J.  D.  Ugen,  De  Imbre  Lapideo  et  Solis  et  Luna:  Mora  inter  Pugnam  Israelitarum  sub 
Josuce  Auspiciis  cum  Amorrhwis,  Lips.  1793,  4to.  J.  Chr.  F.  Steudel,  Was  sagt  der  Stillstand  der 
Sonne  auf  Josua  Geheiss?  in  the  Tubing.  Zeitschrift,  1813,  i.  126-152.  N.  A.  Chr.  Weigle, 
Ueber  Josua  x.  7-15,  ibid.  1834,  iv.  107-165.  Hengstenberg,  in  the  Evangelische-Kirchen- 
zeitung,  1832,  No.  88,  and  ibid.  1868,  Nos.  47  and  49.  Das  W under  des  Herrn  in  der  Schlact 
wider  die  Amoriter :  A  Reply  to  the  Essay  in  the  Evang.  Church  Gazette  (Nov.  1832)  on  the 
standing  still  of  the  Sun,  Josh,  x.,  Barmen  und  Schwelm,  1833.  G.  F.  Goltz,  Die  Stillste- 
hende  Sonne  zu  Gibeon,  nach  Grundsatzen  des  Koperkanischen  Systems  erlaiitert  und  vertheidlg'. 
Dr.  G.  Barzilai,  Un  Errore  di  Trente  Secoli,  1868,  translated  into  German  by  Dr.  J.  M.  Triest, 
under  the  title :  Josua  und  die  Sonne :  Explanation  of  the  passage  Josh.  ch.  x.  9-14  by 
Dr.  G.  Barzilai,  Printing-House  of  the  Austrian  Lloyds,  1868.  Zbckler,  Kopernikus  order 
Ptolomaiust  Betrachtung  Uber  Josua  x.  12,  13,  in  the  Beweis  des  Glaubens,  iv.  (July  and 
Auo-ust  1868),  p.  248  ff.  G.  Jahn,  Der  gesunde  Menschenverstand  und  die  stillstehende 
Sonne  zu  Gibeon,  Ducherow,  1868.  A.  Hengstenberg  (in  Bochum),  on  Josh.  x.  12-14,  in 
the  Beweis  des  Glaubens,  v.  (June  1869),  pp.  287,  288. 

HI.   Historical  Writings. 

J.  J.  Hess,  Geschichte  der  IsraelUen  vor  den  Zeiten  Jesu,  Zurich,  1776-1778,  12  Bde. ;  in  pai. 
ticular  Bd.  1,  History  of  the  Commanders.  Bertheau,  Israelit.  Geschichte,  p.  271  ff.  H.  Ewald, 
Geschichte  des  volkes  Israel  bis  Chrislus,  Bd.  2,  p.  296  ff.  (2  Ausg.)  Gdttingen,  1853  [trans- 
lated into  English  by  Russell  Martineau,  Lond.  1868.  The  references  in  this  work  are  to  the  2d 
Germ,  edition,  but  the  nature  of  the  topics  will  easily  lead  in  all  cases  to  the  place  intended.  — 
Tr.]     J.  H.   Kurz,  Lehrbuch  der  heiligen  Geschichte,  6  Aufl.,  Konigsberg,  1853,  pp.  97-103. 

i  [References  to  this  earlier  work  of  Keil  in  the  present  commentary  will  be  adapted  to  the  English  translation.  — T». 
i  [References  to  this  work  in  these  pages  will  apply  to  the  German  Edition.— Ta.  J 


$  9.    LITERATURE.  35 


[Translated  into  English,  Edinb.  1859.]  L.  Noach,  Von  Eden  und  Golgotha,  Biblisch-geschichtl 
Forschungen,  Leipz.  O.  Wigand,  1868.  (Hitherto  two  volumes  have  appeared  full  of  the 
strangest  hypotheses  suited  to  confound  all  previous  researches.  See  the  critique  in  the 
Literar.  Centralblatt,  1869,  No.  25).  F.  Hitzig,  Geschich/e  des  Volkes  Israel  vom  Anbeginn  bis 
zur  Eroberung  Masada's  im  Jahre  72  nach  Christus.  In  two  parts,  Part  I.  To  the  end  of 
the  Persian  Rule.  Leipz.  1869,  p.  95  ff.  [Oehler,  Das  Volk  Gottes,  in  Herzog,  Realencyk. 
vol.  xvii.  p.  259  f.  Dean  Milman,  History  of  the  Jews,  N.  Y.  1867,  book  v.  Dean  Stanley, 
Lectures  on  the  History  of  the  Jewish  Church,  1st  Series,  lects.  ix.-xii.  "The  Conquest  of  Pal- 
estine."    Rawlinson's  Historical  Evidences,  Boston,  1860,  lect.  iii.  —  Tr.] 

IV.   Geographical  Writings. 

1.  Books  of  Travel.  As  important  towards  the  geographical  explanation  of  the  Book  of 
Joshua,  we  must  mention  particularly  :  Travels  in  Syria  and  the  Holy  Land,  by  Burekhaiut, 
Lond.  1822.  In  German  :  J.  L.  Burckhardt's  Reisen  in  Syrien,  Palastina  und  der  Gegend  des 
Berges  Sinai,  edited  by  Gesenius,  Weimar,  1823,  2  Bde,  8vo.  Seetzen's  Reisen  durch  Syrien, 
Palastina,  Phonizier,  die  Transjordanldnder,  Arabia,  Petroza  und  Unteregypten,  edited  by  Kruse, 
Berlin,  1854,  3  Theile.  G.  H.  v.  Schubert,  Reise  in  das  Morgenland  in  den  Jahren  1836  u. 
1837,  Erlangen,  1838-40,  3  Bde.  Biblical  Researches  in  Palestine,  Mount  Sinai,  and  Arabia 
Petroza  ;  A  Journal  of  Travels  in  the  Year  1838,  by  E.  Robinson  and  E.  Smith,  edited  by 
Edw.  Robinson,  D.  D. ;  3  vols.  Boston,  1841.1  [2d  ed.  1856,  2  vols.  8vo.]  Later  Biblical 
Researches  in  Palestine,  by  the  same,  1856,  8vo.2  [Next  in  importance  to  Dr.  Robinson's  inval- 
uable writings,  for  the  American  student,  and  almost  indispensable  to  interpret  even  them  to 
our  imagination  and  heart,  must  now  be  reckoned  Stanley's  Sinai  and  Palestine  (Am.  ed.  N.  Y. 
1868).  The  praise  bestowed  on  this  by  Grove  in  the  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  is  not  exaggerated. 
Singularly  valuable  towards  a  revision  of  the  English  version  of  the  O.  T.  is  the  Vocabulary 
of  Topographical  Terms,  with  which,  as  an  appendix,  this  work  is  enriched.  —  Tr.] 
Strauss,  Sinai  und  Golgotha,  7  Aufl.  Berlin,  1859.  J.  Rusegger,  Reisen  in  Europa,  Asien 
und  Africa,  Stuttg.  1841-50,  7  Bde.  Philip  Wolf,  Reise  in  das  Gelobte  Land,  with  a 
new  plan  of  Jerusalem,  Stuttg.  1849.  E.  W.  Schultz,  Reise  in  das  Gelobte  Land,  Mulheim 
a.  d.  M.  1853.  Titus  Tobler,  Dritte  Wanderung  nach  Palastina,  im  Jahr  1857  ;  A  ride 
through  Philistia,  travels  on  foot  in  the  mountain  of  Judsea,  and  gleaning  in  Jerusalem ; 
Gotha,  1859,  with  a  map.  Titus  Tobler,  Nazareth  in  Palastina.  Nebst  Anhang  der  vierten 
Wanderung,  with  a  supplement  of  Illustrations ;  Berlin,  1868.  Konrad  Furrer,  Wanderun- 
gen  durch  Palastina,  with  a  view  and  plan  of  Jerusalem  and  a  map  of  Palestine  (by  Henry 
Lange),  Zurich,  1865.  Fr.  Valentiner,  Das  heilige  Land,  "  wie  es  war  "  und  "wieesist." 
Keil,  1868.  Van  de  Velde,  Memoir,  in  explanation  of  his  Map  of  the  Holy  Land,  mentioned 
below.  See  on  the  whole  subject,  Titus  Tobler,  Bibliographia  Geographica  Palozstinm,  Leipz. 
1867. 

[This  work  is  said  by  Dr.  Hackett  (Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  art.  Palestine,  p.  2319)  to 
present  the  names  of  1066  writers  on  subjects  connected  with  the  geography  of  Palestine. 
The  appendix  to  Dr.  Robinson's  Biblical  Researches  gives  a  chronological  list  of  such  authors, 
embracing  almost  all  of  much  importance  up  to  that  time,  and  the  catalogue  published  in 
Gage's  Translation  of  Ritter  (vol.  ii.),  with  that  at  the  close  of  the  article,  Palestine,  in  the 
Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  Amer.  edition,  will  supply  all  that  is  needed  to  fill  out  this  department 
of  bibliography  to  the  present  date.  And  here  we  take  occasion  to  say  that  in  that  Die 
tionary  almost  every  geographical  topic,  mentioned  in  the  present  work,  and  scarcely  less 
topics  of  biography,  antiquities,  ethnology,  will  be  found  treated  with  a  satisfactory  fullness 
of  learning  and  admirable  succinctness.  The  corrections  and  additions  of  the  American 
edition  are  valuable  throughout,  and  within  the  sphere  of  sacred  geography  are  quite  essential 
to  the  due  presentation  of  a  few  important  questions.  It  may  almost  replace  for  the  English 
itudent,  and  is  in  some  respects  superior,  in  point  of  geographical  information,  to  the  great  Ger- 
nan  Theological  Dictionary,  Herzog's  Theologische  Realencyklopadie  fur  Protestantische  Theol- 
igie  und  Kirche,  Stuttg.  &  Hamb.  1844-1866. 

Much  of  the  same  praise  is  believed  to  be  due  to  the  geographical  articles  in  the  last  editioa 

1  [The  references  to  this  work  in  the  present  volume  are  adapted  to  the  edition  of  1841.     The  copious  Indices  will  la 
kunost  all  cases  readily  direct  to  the  desired  portion  of  either  edition.  —  Tr.] 
3  [Tlw  references  to  Later  Bibl.  Res.  in  this  work  are  conformed  to  the  2d  ed.,  Boston,  1857.] 


36  THE    bunk    OF   JOSHUA. 

of  Kitto's  Cyclopaedia   of  Biblical  Literature,  and  Fairbairn's  Imperial   Bible  Dictionary,  illus- 
trated ;   with  which,  however,  the  present  writer  is  less  well  acquainted. 

We  repeat  the  titles  of  two  or  three  books  of  travel,  besides  those  named  above,  whirl: 
teem  most  likely  to  be  accessible  and  of  service  to  Biblical  students  generally,  in  this  country. 
so  far  as  the  Bunk  of  Joshua  is  concerned. 

H.  B.  Tristram,  The  Land  of  Israel,  a  Journal  of  Travels  in  Palestine,  under/alien  with 
Special  Reference  to  its  Physical  Character.  Lond.  1866.  Worthy  to  stand  on  the  same  shelf 
with  Robinson  and  Stanley. 

Wm.  M.  Thomson,  The  Land  ami  the  Book;  or  Biblical  Illustrations  drawn  from  tie  Man- 
ners and  Customs,  the  Scenes  and  the  Scenery  of  the  Holy  Land :  with  maps,  engravings,  etc.  2 
vols.  N.  Y.  1865.  Full  of  general  information  on  the  country,  the  fruit  of  twenty-live 
years'  experience  as  a  missionary  there,  and  rendered  more  useful  by  a  large  number  of  reallv 
illustrative  pictorial  representations. 

A  multitude  of  American  and  English  travellers  in  Palestine  have  published  books  within 
a  few  years,  all  contributing  something  towards  a  complete  knowledge  of  the  land,  its  present 
aspect  and  condition,  its  productions,  its  ancient  monuments,  and  its  history.  We  name  the 
following  without  pausing  to  give  full  titles,  because  their  works  are,  for  the  most  part,  famil- 
iar and  easily  procurable :  Bailsman,  Miss  Beaufort,  Drew,  Durbin,  Fiske,  Hackett,  Herschell. 
Lieut.  Lynch,  McGregor  (Rob  Roy  on  the  Jordan),  Miss  Martineau,  Olin,  Osborne,  Miss 
Rogers,  Stephens,  Wilson.  —  Tit.] 

2  Geographies  of  Palestine.  Adriani  Relandi,  Palastina  ex  Monumentis  Veteribus  illuslrata, 
Trajeeti  Batavorum,  1714,  4to.  K.  Ritter,  Erdkunde,  2  Ausg.,  Berlin,  1850-1852  (Bd.  15  u. 
16).  [Of  these  remarkable  volumes,  which  must  long  remain  the  great  storehouse  of  all  that 
had  been  communicated  concerning  the  Bible-lands,  the  portions  most  essential  to  the  Bibli- 
cal student  have  been  translated  by  Wm.  L.  Gage,  and  published  in  four  octavo  volumes. 
The  Comparative  Geography  of  Palestine  and  the  Sinaitic  Peninsula,  N.  Y.  18C6.  — Tr.]  By 
the  same  author  :  Der  Jordan  uwl  die  Beschijfung  des  todten  Meeres,  Berlin,  1850  ;  and,  Ein 
Blick  auf  Palastina  und  seine  christliche  Becb/kerung,  Berlin,  1852.  K.  v.  Raumer,  Palastina  , 
with  a  map  of  Palestine,  4  Auf!.,  Leipz.  1860.  L.  Vblter,  Das  heilige  Land  und  das  Land  der 
Israelitischen  Wanderung,  with  a  map  of  Palestine  and  a  number  of  engravings,  2  Ann.,  Stuttg. 
;864.  Edw.  Robinson,  Physical  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land,  Boston,  1865  (excellent). 
(i.  Amoud,  La  Palestine  Ancienne  et  Moderne  ou  Geographic  Historique  et  Physii/ue  de  la 
Palestine,  avec  3  cartes  chromo-lithographiees,  Paris,  1868  (leaves  much  to  be  desired,  and  in 
the  accompanying  maps  also.  Coinp.  the  Review  in  the  Jaltrbiichern  fur  Deutsche  Theulngie, 
xiv    2). 

[On  the  Geography  of  Palestine  we  may  add,  as  perhaps  more  appropriately  belonging  undei 
this  head,  — 

N.  C.  Burt,  The  Land  and  its  >tory:  or  the  Sacred  Historical  Geography  of  Palestine,  N. 
Y    18G9. 

H.  S.  Osborne,  Palestine,  Past  and  Present,  with  Biblical,  Literary,  and  Scientifc  Notices. 
Phil.  1859. 

Very  full  and  valuable  on  the  Geography  of  Palestine  are  the  articles,  "  Palestina,"  by 
Arnold,  in  Herzog's  Realencyk.,  vol.  xi.,  and  "  Stiidten  und  Ortschaften,"  vol.  xiv.  by  the 
same. 

•'The  Bibliotheca  Sacra  (vols.  1-26,  1864-1869)  is  particularly  rich  in  articles  on  Biblical 
Geography  from  Dr.  Robinson  and  various  American  missionaries  in  Palestine  and  othei 
parts  of  the  East."  —  (Hackett). 

The  following  are  worthy  of  notice  more  particularly  in  reference  to  the  Natural  Histon 
of  the  Holy  Land  :  — 

The  Natural  History  of  the  Bible,  by  W.  H.  Tristram,  published  by  the  Society  for  Promot- 
ing Christian  Knowledge.  The  sketch  by  the  same  author  in  the  article  Palestine  in  the 
Dictionary  of  (he  Bible,  p.  2307  tf.  is  a  real  multum  in  parvo. 

H.  S.  Osborne,  Plants  of  the  Holy  Land  with  their  Fruits  anil  Flowers.  Illustrated.  Phil 
I860. 

W.  S.  Gage,  Studies  in  Bible  Lands,  with  72  Illustrations,  N.  Y. 

II.  15.  Hackett,  Illustrations  of  Scripture,  suggested  by  a  Tour  t'~(ugh  the  Holy  Land 
Boston,  1866. 


LITERATURE.  37 


J.  G.  Wood,  Bible  Animals:  being  a  Description  of  every  Living  Creature  men'ioned  in  th- 
Scriptures,  from  the  Ape  to  the  Coral.     N.  Y.  1870. 

Finally  we  must  notice  the  publication  of  a  work  which,  from  the  proved  ability  of  its  authors 
and  the  peculiar  advantages  which  they  have  enjoyed,  is  sure  to  add  much  to  the  accuracv 
of  our  knowledge  of  the  Holy  Land  :  — 

The  Recovery  of  Jerusalem  ;  a  Narrative  of  Exploration  anil  D'lscncerg  in  the  City  and  in 
the  Holy  Land.  By  Capt.  Wil>on,  R.  E.,  Capt.  Warren,  R.  E.,  etc.,  etc.  With  an  Introductior 
by  Arthur  Penrhyn  Stanley,  D.  D.,  Dean  of  Westminster.  Edited  by  Walter  Morison,  M 
P.,  Honorary  Treasurer  to  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund,  London,  1871. — Tr.] 

3.  Maps.  Besides  those  given  in  the  different  travels  and  geographical  works  on  Palestine 
we  will  mention  :  Karte  von  Palastina,  principally  after  the  itineraries  and  measurements  of 
Robinson  and  Smith,  constructed  and  engraved  by  H.  Kiepert,  Berlin,  1840.  Karte  von  Pal- 
astina nach  den  neuesten  Quellen  bearbeitet  und  gezeichnet  von  H.  Kiepert,  edited  by  C.  Ritter, 
Berlin,  1842.  H.  Kiepert,  Wandkarte  von  Palastina  in  achi  Bladem,  3  Aufl.  1866.  Karte  von 
Palastina,  by  C.  W.  M.  Van  de  Velde.  Eight  sheets  printed  in  colors.  Gotha,  Justus  Perthes, 
1866.  A  German  edition  of  the  2d  English  edition  of  the  map  of  the  Holy  Land,  first  pub- 
lished in  Gutha  by  Justus  Perthes,  1858.  The  scale  is  1-315000.  (Extremely  valuable  for  the 
study  of  the  second  part  of  our  book,  and  in  general  quite  excellent). —  From  the  same  pub- 
lisher appeared  in  1868  :  Der  Bibelatlas  in  acht  Bldttern,  von  Dr.  Theodor  Menke,  which  has 
rightly  met  with  high  appreciation  in  all  the  criticisms  upon  it,  and  has  rendered  us  the  most 
essential  aid  in  the  preparation  of  our  commentary,  by  its  clear  cliarto^raphic  representation 
of  the  territory  of  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel  before  the  exile.  It  even  distinguishes  by  the 
appropriate  numbers  (Map  iii.),  the  groups  of  cities  (Jos.  xv.,  xviii.)  in  Judah  and  Ben- 
jamin. 

[Preeminently  valuable  is  the  Bible  Atlas  of  Maps  and  Plans  by  Samuel  Clark,  M.  A. 
(Lond.  1868),  published  by  the  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Christian  Knowledge.  Except 
for  the  expense,  this  misht  satisfy  all  wants  until  further  discoveries,  especially  of  the  Pales- 
tine Exploration  Fund  shall,  as  they  must,  supersede  the  best  representations  heretofore  pos- 
sible. 

Only  less  complete  and  accurate  than  this  is  Menke's  Bible- Atlas,  deservedly  praised 
above,  and  which,  although  the  names  are  given  in  German,  will  still  be  quite  intelligible  to 
any  English  scholar,  —  at  less  than  one  third  the  cost. 

What  the  foregoing  collections  of  Maps  are  for  hand  use,  in  the  study,  that  is  the  large  Wall 
Ma/>  of  Palestine  and  other  parts  of  Syria,  by  H.  S.  Osborne,  LL.D.,  and  Lyman  Coleman, 
D.  D.,  Philadelphia,  for  public  exhibition  in  the  Sunday-school,  or  lecture  room.  It  is  6  feet 
by  9  in  size,  with  a  side  map  of  Jerusalem  and  its  immediate  vicinity,  on  a  scale  much  larger 
still.  Its  delineation  of  the  boundaries  of  the  tribes  west  of  the  Jordan  differs,  however, 
considerably  from  that  on  Menke's  Maps,  and  needs  to  be  carefully  tested  by  the  record  in 
our  book. 

About  two  thirds  the  size  of  the  former  is  Kiepert's  Wall  Map  of  Palestine,  very  highly 
recommended  and  costing  about  half  as  much. 

Raaz's  Neio  Wall  Map  of  Palestine,  photo-lithographed  from  a  very  excellent  relief,  so 
that  "  all  the  effects  of  the  relief  in  light  and  shadow,  mountains,  valleys,  lakes,  streams,  etc., 
are  produced  on  a  plane  surface  without  destroying  the  illusion  of  a  raised  surface,"  has  been 
reproduced  in  this  country  with  the  names  and  descriptions  in  English,  and  at  a  very  mod- 
erate price.     N.  Y.  1S70.      Size  52  inches  by  32. 

There  is  also  an  excellent  Relief  Map  of  Palestine,  after  Van  de  Velde,  easily  obtainable 
through  the  German  bookstores.      Size  22  by  1 7  inches. 

Le^s  ambitious  and  costly  than  most  of  these  are  several  good  atlases  and  maps  (but  varying 
'.n  excellence),  published  by  the  American  Tract  Society,  the  American  Sunday  School  Union, 
ind  by  private  publishers,  such  as  Colton,  New  York  ;  Garigues  &  Co.,  Philadelphia,  etc.,  etc. 

A  small  relief  map,  prepared  by  W.  L.  Gage,  is  worth  far  more  than  its  cost  ;  and  quite 
marvelous  for  its  combination  of  accuracy,  fullness,  and  cheapness  is  the  little  Atlas  designed 
o  accompany  the  New  Hand-Book  of  Bible  Geography,  Carleton  &  Lanahan,  New  York.  1870. 
-Tr.] 

V.  Homiletical  Literature. 

Besides  the  well-known  Commentaries  of  Starke,  von  Gerlach,  Lisco,  Dachsel,  the  Ber- 
leburger,  Herschberger  and  Calwer  Bibles,  we  cite  also  :  Franciskus  Burmannus,  Die  Richer 


38  THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


Israels  oder  Auslegung  und  Betrachtung  der  Bilcher  Josua,  der  Richer  und  Ruth,  Frankfort 
bei  Jost  Hinrich  Drecker,  Ao.  1695,  4to.  Handel  has  musically  wro  ight  Joshua  into  his 
glorious  Oratorio. 

[J.  N.  Darby,  Synopsis  of  the  Books  of  the  Bible,  in  5  toIs.  Vol.  i.  pp.  299-345.  2d  ed 
Lond. 

Matthew  Henry  deserves  to  be  specially  mentioned  under  this  head.  Many  of  his  quaint 
remarks  equal  both  in  piety,  aptness,  and  point,  the  rich  comments  of  the  German  writers 
given  in  the  following  pages. 

The  Gospel  in  the  Book  of  Joshua  (Anon.  N.  Y.  1870)  may  suggest  some  profitable  Chris- 
tian applications  of  the  language  of  the  O.  T.,  although,  like  Darby  above,  but  in  a  greater 
decree,  too  much  inclined  to  make  gospel  where  the  revealing  spirit  had  only  seen  fit  to  put 
wmething  else,  perhaps  equally  good  in  its  place.  —  Tb.] 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


PART  FIRST. 


The  Conquest  of  the  Land  of  Canaan, 
Chapters  I.-XII. 


SECTION  FIRST. 

The  Preparation. 
Chapter  I.    l-V.  15. 


1.      The  Summons  to  the  War, 
Chapter  I. 

a.  The  Command  of  God  to  Joshua. 
Chapter  I.  1-9. 

1  Now  [And *]  after  the  death  of  Moses,  the  servant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah J,  it 
came  to  pass,  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  spake  unto  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun,  Moses' 

2  minister,  saying,  Moses  my  servant  is  dead  ;  now  therefore  [and  now  2]  arise,  go  over 
this  Jordan,  thou  and  all  this  people,  unto  [into]  the  land  which  I  do  [omit :  do]  give 

3  to  them,  even  [omit :  even]  to  the  children  [sons 3]  of  Israel.  Every  place  that  the  sole 
of  your  foot  shall  tread  upon,  that  have  I  given  unto  you,  as  I  said  [  ^.FHa'T  properly  : 

4  spoke]  unto  Moses.  From  the  wilderness  and  this  Lebanon  even  [and]  unto  the 
great  river,  the  river  Euphrates,  all  the  land  of  the  Hittites,  and  unto  the  great  sea 

5  toward  the  going  down  of  the  sun,  shall  be  your  coast  [border  4].  There  shall  not 
any  man  be  able  to  [Not  a  man  shall]  stand  before  thee  all  the  days  of  thy  life  :    as 

6  I  was  with  Moses,  so  [omit :  so]  will  I  be  with  thee :  I  will  not  fail  thee,  nor  forsake 
thee.6  Be  strong  and  of  a  good  courage  [strong  and  firm  6]  :  for  unto  this  people  shalt 
thou  divide  for  an  inheritance  [for  a  possession  ']   the  land  which  I  sware  unto  their 

7  fathers  to  give  them.  Only  be  thou  strong  and  very  courageous  [firm],  that  thou  mayest 
observe  to  do  according  to  all  the  law  which  Moses  my  servant  commanded  thee . 
turn   not  from  it  to  the  right  hand  or  [Heb.  and  8]  to  the  left,  that  thou  mayest  pros- 

8  per  whithersoever  thou  goest.  This  book  of  the  Law  shall  not  depart  out  of  thy  mouth  ; 
but  [and]  thou  shalt  meditate  therein  day  and  night,  that  thou  mayest  observe  to  do 
according  to  all  that  is  written  therein  :  for  then  shalt  thou  make  thy  way  prosperous 

9  and  then  thou  shalt  have  good  success.9  Have  not  I  commanded  thee  ?  [,]  Be 
strong  and  of  a  good  courage  [firm]  ;  [?]  be  not  afraid,  neither  be  thou  dismayed  :  for 
the  Lord  [Jehovah]  thy  God  is  with  thee  whithersoever  thou  goest. 

textual  and  grammatical. 

[1  Ver.  1.     Tbe  obvious  and  exact  rendering  of  the  conjunction  here  by  "  and  "  seems  required  to  indicate  the  trw 
Grammatical  relation  of  this  to  the  preceding  books.     It  is  a  circumstance  of  some,  although  perhaps  not  great,  signill 


40  THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


canee,  in  respect  to  the  composition  of  the  historical  books  of  the  0.  T.  that,  as  the  first  four  books  of  the  Pentateuch  »rt 
closely  joined  together  by  the  copulative  conjunction  at  the  beginning  of  each  after  the  first,  so  the  historical  books,  with 
out  exception  as  far  as  to  First  Chronicles,  are  thus  linked  to  each  other,  and  all  to  the  Pentateuch  as  parts  of  one  greal 
whole.  The  Chronicles  appear  to  make  a  new  begiuning ;  and  various  reasons  might  be  assigned  why  Deuteronomy 
should  in  this  point  differ  from  the  three  preceding  books  of  Moses.  —  TR,] 

[2  Ver.  2.  —  ("li-ll?!.  In  rare  instances  the  conj.  in  this  compound  needs  to  be  understood  in  an  illative  sense  ;  but 
generally  it  marks  the  simple  succession  of  thoughts,  and  what  there  is  of  inference  is  equivalent!}-  expressed  by  our 
''and  now.1'  So,  invariably,  De  Wette  and  Fay  ;  but  the  English  Version  almost  always  reoders  as  in  this  passage 
—  Tr.] 

k8  Ver.  2.  —  t£?^  **  3.  My  also  translates  :  "  children  of  Is.,''  De  Wette,  always,  "sous.''  This  is  exact  and  much 
more  faithful  to  the  spirit  of  the  East  which  now.  precisely  as  in  ancient  times,  names  a  people  with  reference  to  its  males, 
"  the  Beni  Hassan,"  "  Beni  Sakkar,"'  etc.  So  the  Hebrew  nation  were  the  Beni  Israel,  even  when,  in  many  instances,  prob- 
ably the  women  and  children  were  distinctly  thought  of;  but  generally  the  men  were  considered  in  a  political  respect  af 
instar  omnium.  —  Tr.] 

[4  Ver.  4.  —  The  word  ■'  coast  '"  is  in  this  book  synonymous  with  border  (boundary  line),  except  in  the  three  places,  ch. 
ix.  1 ;  xii.  23 ;  xix.  29,  where  it  was  intended  to  denote  tf  coast  "  in  our  present  sense,  but  incorrectly,  as  would  appear,  ia 
the  last  two  passages.  "  Border  "  is  what  we  should  now  say,  and  that,  especially  in  the  plural,  signifies  figuratively, 
like  the  Hebrew,  "  territory,"  tf  tract,"  "  country."'  —  Tr.] 

[5  Ver.  5.  —  Gesen.  s.  v  HCI :  I  will  not  cast  thee  off  and  not  forsake  thee.  So  substantially  Fay  ;  De  Wette,  on  the 
contrary  :  I  will  not  withdraw  myself  from  thee,  etc.  "  Fail  thee,"  etc.,  in  our  familiar  expression,  is,  perhaps,  as  near 
the  Hebrew  as  anything  proposed.  —  Tr.J 

[6  Ver.  6.  —  v*BS1  piTl.  "  'Verbum  fTTH  proprie  notat  vires  quae  sunt  in  manibus  ad  prehendendum  retinendum 
que  viriliter;  sicut  contra  VDM  J&wir'*udtn«n,.qu8B  ingenibus  est,  ad  consistendum,  ne  ab  alio  quisevertatur,'  Michaelis  ; 

;conf.  yaWn  Job  iv.  4,  yBS\~in,  1  K.  xii.  18,    ybW,  equus  aimer,  Zech.  vi.  3."  Maurer.  —  Tr.] 

[7  Ver.  7.—  Fay  here  renders  "'divide  for  an   inheritance  "  with   the  English  Version,  but  De  Wette  gives  simply  "  to 

partition,"  and  Gesenius  appears  to  be  abundantly  warranted  in  saying,  5.  V.    VH3,  that  "  the  specific  idea  of  inheritance 

In  this  verb  is  rare."  —  Tr.] 

[8  Ver.  8 The  expression  is  stronger  with  "  and,"  and  "  that  vav  is  put  as  a  disjunctive  between  words,  i  q  or,  is 

hardly  supported  by  a  single  probable  example."  Gesen.  Lex.  p.  266,  Robinson's  Trans.    Fay  after   this  "  and  "  supplies 

[not]._TR.] 

[9  Ver.  9 V'SE.Tl  should  in  consistency  with  ver.  7  be  translated  "  shalt  thou  prosper,"  and  the  whole  clause 

might  then  perhaps  be  rendered  "  for  then  shalt  thou  have  success  in  thy  way,  and  then  shalt  thou  prosper."  —  Tr.] 


t.  Joshua's  Command  to  the  Leaders  of  the  People,  and  to  the  Reubenites,  and  to  the  Gadites,  and  to 

the  Half  Tribe  of  Manasseh. 

Chapter  I.  10-18. 

10,  11  Then  Joshua  commanded  the  officers  [overseers']  of  the  people,  saying,  Pass 
through  the  host  [camp]  and  command  the  people,  saying.  Prepare  you  victuals  ; 
for  within  three  days  ye  shall  pass  over  this  Jordan,  to  go  in  to  possess  the  land 
which  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  giveth  you  to  possess  it. 

12  And  to  the  Reubenites  [Reubenite],  and  to  the  Gadites  [Gadite],  and  to  half  the 

13  tribe  of  Manasseh,  spake  Joshua,  saying,  Remember  the  word  which  Moses  the  ser- 
vant of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  commanded  you,  saying,  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God 

14  hath  given  [giveth]  you  rest,  and  hath  given  you  this  land.  Your  wives,  your  little 
ones,  and  your  cattle  shall  remain  in  the  land  which  Moses  gave  you  on  this  [the 
other  -]  side  [of  the]  Jordan  ;  but  ye  shall  pass  [pass  over]  before  your  brethren 

15  armed  [eager  for  war.  or,  in  ranks  *],  all  the  mighty  men  of  valour  [strong  heroes  '], 
and  help  them  ;  until  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  have  given  [shall  give]  your  brethren  rest, 
as  he  hath  given  you,  and  they  also  have  possessed  [shall  possess]  the  land  which  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  vour  God  giveth  them  ;  then  ye  shall  return  unto  the  land  of  voui 
possession,  and  enjoy  [possess]  it,  which  Moses  the  Lord's  [Jehovah's]  servant  gave 
you  on  this  [the  other]  side  [of  the]  Jordan  toward  the  sun-rising.  And  they  answered 

16  Joshua  saying,  All   that  thou  commandest  us.  we  will  do,  and  whithersoever  thou 

17  sendest  us,  we  will  go.     According  as  we  hearkened  unto  Moses  in  all  things,6  so  will 

18  we  hearken  unto  thee:  only  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  thy  God  be  with  thee,  as  he  was 
with  Moses.  Whosoever  he  be  [Every  man]  that  doth  rebel  against  thy  command- 
ment [literally, mouth],  and  will  not  hearken  unto  thy  word,  in  all  that  thou  com- 
mandest him  [or,  us]  he  shall  be  put  to  death  :  only  be  strong  and  of  a  good  courage 
[firm] 


TEH  I. 


41 


TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL 

[1  Ver.  10.  —  To  indicate  distinctly  the  office  of  the   C^l^C,  is  desirable,  but  perhaps  (with  our  scanty  data)  scarcely 

possible.  While  etymologically  (r.  ^12^)  scribe  or  clerk,  would  suit  very  well,  yet  from  the  passages  cited  in  the 
exegetical  notes  on  this  verse,  aud  from  mauy  others,  it  appears  that  the  name  designates  a  kind  of  overseer  of  a  section 
Df  the  people,  in  some  way  ordering  them,  and  on  the  other  hand  representing  his  charge  to  the  judge,  governor,  or  com- 
mander to  whom  he  was  subordinate.  Thus  in  Egypt  they  stood  between  the  people  and  the  task-masters.  According  tc 
Num  xvi.  18,  the  sholerim  appear  then  to  have  been  chosen  from  the  elders  of  the  people,  and  to  have  constituted  some 
times  a  council  of  advisers,  with  Moses,  and  sometimes  (Deut.  i.  16  ;  xvi.  18)  a  sub-magistracy  who,  in  connection  witi 
the  "Judges  "  dispensed  justice  to  the  people.  Superintendent,  overseer,  or  director  (Fay :  Vorsteher,  Ordner),  probably 
gives  substantially  the  sense,  but  is  not  so  clearly  specific  as  we  could  wish.  —  Tr.] 

[2  Ver.  14.  —  '^71  "H3V3.    This  phrase  constantly  denotes  the  region  beyond  the  Jordan  where  the  speaker  then  was  : 
t»  Smplor  ex  eo,  in  quo  ipse  coitstilittus  trat,  loco,  i.  e.  *z  Pnlestina  rem  metitur.n    Maurer.  —  Tr.] 
[8  Ver.  14.  — Fay,  in  Sciaaren.     See  the  authorities  iu  exegetical  note.  —  Tr.] 
[4  Ver.  14.  —  De  Wette,  Fay :  a'U  slteilharen  Manner.     But  while  the  English  phrase  fr  mighty  men  of  valor,"  im 

plies  something  too  marvelous,  it  may  well  be  doubted  whether  7*rTi"7  ^"1132  does  not  often  convey  the  idea  of 
special  ability  in  the  military  service,  from  natural  endowments  or  extraordinary  experience  of  war,  something  like 
:t  heroes,"  or  f:  veterans  iu  war.,! —  Tr.] 

[5  Ver.  17.  —  A  little  more  exactly  for  the  sense  :    In  all  respects  as  we  hearkened  unto  Moses,  etc.  —  Tr.] 


EXE8ETICAL    AND    CRITICAL. 

a.  Vers.  1-9.  The  Command  of  God  to  Joshua. 
The  history  of  the  conquest  of  the  land  of  Canaan, 
commencing  here  and  constituting  the  first  part  of 
the  Book  of  Joshua,  connects  itself  closely  with 
Deuteronomy.  There,  at  the  end,  ch.  xxxiv.,  the 
death  of  Moses  is  reported,  Israel's  mourning  for 
him  described,  and  mention  made  of  Joshua  (ver. 
9)  his  successor,  while  yet  Moses  himself  is  once 
more  celebrated  in  words  of  highest  praise  as  a 
prophet  and  leader  of  the  people  without  parallel  in 
all  the  subsequent  times.  Only  Samuel  afterward 
in  some  sense  reached  the  same  level  (Jer.  xv.  1). 
Here  in  ver.   1,  Moses,  after  notice  of  his  death, 

is  honorably  entitled  v  f??  as  in  ver.  7,  as  in 
Deut.  xxxiv.  5 ;  Num.  xii.  7,  8,  in  a  long  series  of 
places  in  our  book  (i.  7, 13,  15  ;  viii.  31,  33  ;  ix.  24 ; 
xi.  15  ;  xii.  6  ;  xiii.  8 ;  xiv.  7  ;  xviii.  7  ;  xxii.  2,  4,  5), 
1  K.  viii.  56;  2  K.  xviii.  12;  xxi.  8;  2  Chr.  i.  3 ; 
xxiv.  6  ;  Ps.  cv.   26.     Sometimes  also  he  is  called 

Z'Hib^  15^.  ps.  xc.  1 ;  1  Chr.  vi.  49  ;  2  Chr. 
xxiv.  9  ;  Dan.  ix.  1 1  ;  Neh.  x.  29.  Besides  Moses 
there  are  so  designated  or  so  addressed  by  God  : 
the  Patriarchs,  Deut.  ix.  27,  especially  Abraham, 
Gen.  xxvi.  24  ;  Ps.  cv.  6,  42 ;  Job  i.  8  ;  ii.  3  ;  xlii. 
7,8;  Kings,  as  David  (Ps.  xviii.  1  ; 1  xxxvi.  1  ; 
lxxviii.  70;  1  K.  viii.  66;  2  K.  viii.  19;  Ezr. 
xxxvii.  24),  and  Hezekiah,  2  Chr.  xxxi.  16,  as  a 
theocratical  leader,  but  Nebuchadnezzar  also  as  one 
who  executed  God's  designs  (Jer.  xxv.  9  ;  xxvii.  6  ; 
xliii.  10) ;  Prophets,  as  Isaiah  xx.  3,  whom  God 
himself  so  names  (Is.  xliii.  10  ;  xliv.  26  ;  Jer.  vii. 
25;  xxvi.  5;  Am.  iii.  7  ;  Dan.  ix.  6,  and  often). 
Properly  all  the  Israelites  also  are  servants  of  God 
(Ex.  six.  5  ;  Lev.  xxv.  42-55)  and  recognize  them- 
selves as  such,  the  authors  of  the  Psalms  most 
freely  expressing  this  consciousness  in  their  distinct 
individuality  (Ps.  xix.  12,  14;  xxxiv.  23;  xxxv. 
27;  lxix.  37;  xc.  16;  cxix.  17,65,  84,122,176; 
cxxxv.  14;  cxliii.  2).  Hence  in  the  second  part 
of  Isaiah,  the  whole  people  is  so  named  (Is.  iv.  8,  9 ; 
xlii.  19  ;  xliv.  1,  2,  21  ;  xlv.  4;  xlviii.  20),  and 
then  again  He  who  is  the  Israelite  tear'  f'joxVi  the 

1  [It  will  be  noticed  by  the  reader  of  the  English  Bible 
that  iu  reterences  to  the  Psalms,  the  title  sometimes  counts 
u  one  verse.  —  Tr  ] 

2  [The  article  on  the  Jordan  in  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible, 
*ill  be  found  quite  full  and  satisfactory.     See  also  the   art. 


Messiah,  (Zech.  iii.  8;  Is.  xlii.  1-7;  xlix.  3.5,  8 
Iii.  13-15,53).     On  the  sense  of  this  designation, 
see  below  under  Do*rinal  and  Ethical.  —  Concern- 
ing Joshua  see  Introduction. 

Moses'  Minister.     Observe  that  Joshua  is  not 

spoken  of  as  Moses'  servant,  but  as  rHffQ, 
minister ;  "  adjutant,"  we  should  now  say,  in  so  far 
as  Moses  was  not  law-giver  but  commander-in- 
chief.  The  formal  installation  of  Joshua  in  this 
position  is  reported  to  us  in  Num.  xxvii.  15  It". 

Jordan.      17!"??^I>  almost  everywhere  in  the  0. 

T.  with  the  art.,  from  the  r.  "J  3*  "to  go  down," 
or,  when  a  stream  is  spoken  of,  "  to  flow."  "  The 
Jordan  therefore  means,  the  '  flowing '  ["  the  De- 
scender," Stanley],  perhaps  with  allusion  to  its  ex- 
tremely abrupt  fall  and  rapid  course.  At  the 
present  day  it  is  called  by  the  Arabs  esh  Scheriah, 
1  the  drinking-place,'  occasionally  with  the  addition 
el-Kebir,  '  the  great."  The  name  el-Jurdun  (Jor- 
dan), is  however  not  unknown  to  the  Arabic  writers 
.  The  length  of  the  Jordan  from  where 
it  leaves  the  sea  of  Gennesaret  to  the  Dead  Sea  is 
about  sixty  miles,"  measured  in  a  straight  lint 
[but  following  the  sinuosities  of  the  stream  tw 
hundred  miles].  Furrer,  Wanderimgen,  p.  15£ 
Robinson,  Phys.  Geog.  p.  144  fl".  Von  liaumer,  Pa, 
iistina,  p.  54  ff.- 

Ver.  4.  Here  the  boundaries  of  Canaan  are  laii 
down  very  much  as  they  are  given  in  Deut.  xi 
24.  In  the  other  passage,  however,  the  wilderness, 
Lebanon,  and  the  Euphrates  are  taken  together 
as  opposed  to  the  great  sea,  while  here,  (1.)  the 
wilderness  and  Lebanon  (south  and  north),  and 
then  again  (2.)  the  Euphrates  and  the  great  sea 
(east  and  west)  are  brought  together.  Substan- 
tially they  amount  to  the  same.  The  land  should 
be  bounded  on  the  south  by  the  Arabian  desert,  on 
the  north  by  Mount  Lebanon,  on  the  east  by  the 
Euphrates,  and  on  the  west  by  the  Mediterranean 
Sea,  as  was  already  promised  to  Abraham  ( Gen.  xv. 
18-21).  Still  more  vaguely  is  it  expressed  (Ex.xxiii 
31)  "  from  the  Red  Sea  even  unto  the  sea  of  the 
Philistines,"  and  "  from  the  desert  unto  the  river" 
(Euphrates),   while  in   Num.  xxxiv.   1-12;   Josh. 

"Palestine"  in  the  same  work;  Bibl.  Sarra,  Aug.  1848, 
p.  396  ff.,  Nov.  1848,  p.  764  (T.,  Apr-  1850,  p.  393  fl".  Lynch'l 
Expedition  to  the  Dend  Sen  ;  Cruise  of  ike  Hob  Roy  on  th* 
Jordan,  N.  Y.  1870.  —  Tr.) 


42 


THE   BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


xiii.-xix.,  the  boundaries,  stated  only  in  a  general 
way  in  our  passage,  are  quite  accurately  fixed. 

The  territory  to  be  occupied  by  the  people  of  Is- 
rael is  further  and  more  exactly  ascertained  from 
the  definition,  "  all  the  land  of  the  Hittites." 

This  Lebanon,  as  in  ver.  2  this  Jordan,  because 
the  river  was  visible  close  at  hand,  and  the  moun- 
tain could  be  seen   although  at  a  great  distance. 

]i32yri  (in  prose  always  with  the  art.)  is,  from 
1?  v  "  to  be  white,"  the  white  mountain.  Farther 
particulars  see  in  the  Introduction,  and  in  von 
Baiimer  p.  29  ff.  Concerning  the  Hittites  as  well 
as  the  other  Canaanitish  peoples,  comp.  the  Intro- 
duction, §  7. 

Ver.  6.  Be  strong  and  firm.  Luther  translates 
finely  but  not  accurately  :  "  Be  comforted  and  un- 
dismayed." De  Wette  :  "  Be  firm  and  strong." 
Schroeder  :  "  Be  strong  and  firm,"  Deut.  xxxi.  6  ; 

vii.  23.  We  prefer  this  rendering  of  V^S")  P^< 
since  the  words,  as  J.  H.  Michaelis  has  noted,  sig- 
nify not  firmness  and  strength  in  general,  but  the 

strength  in  the  hands  (P*I""I)  and   the  firmness   in 

the  knees  (VQN,  Is.  xxxv.  3,  cf.  Heb.  xii.  12,  13). 
Joshua  must  lay  hold  boldly  and  with  a  strong 
hand,  and  then  when  he  has  done  so,  allow  noth- 
ing to  drive  him  from  his  position.  It  will  be  no- 
ticed that  in  ver.  6  we  find  simply  repeated,  in  al- 
most the  same  words,  what  haa  been  said  to  Joshua 
in  Deut.  xxxi.  7,  23,  precisely  as  the  promise  ver. 
5  is  a  repetition  of  Deut.  xxxi.  6,  8. 

Vers.  7,  8,  admonish  Joshua  to  a  careful  observ- 
ance of  the  law,  in  order  that  the  great  work  laid  on 
him  by  the  Lord  may  be  successfully  accomplished. 
Not  depart  out  of  thy  mouth,  is  the  same  as  "  to 
be  continually  in  the  mouth."  Joshua  must,  on  the 
one  hand,  speak  to  the  people  in  the  words  of  the 
law,  in  order  rightly  to  impress  on  them  its  sacred 
design,  and  on  the  other,  must  also  ground  himself 
always  more  deeply  therein.    Hence  it  is  added  :  — 

Thou  shalt  meditate  therein  day  and  night. 
We  are  not  to  think  of  this  meditation  as  a  learned 
study,  but  rather  as  a  mature  reflection  upon  the 
law  by  which  Joshua  penetrates  more  deeply  into  its 
meaning,  and  thus  becomes  qualified  to  speak  more 
clearly,  pointedly,  and  powerfully  to  the  people 
For  to  that  particularly,  and  not  to  the  "  reading 
aloud,"  as  Bunsen  explains  it,  is  the  reference  in 
the  command,  that  the  law  should  not  depart  out 
of  his  mouth.  Comp.  Deut.  vi.  7  ;  xi.  19  ;  xvii.  19. 
Comp.  further,  Ps.  i.  2,  and  on  lr?2n,  ver.  3  es- 
pecially. 

Ver.  9  :  "  The  assurance  gains  in  strength  when 

to  the  positive  V^"1  """'  tnere  *s  added  also 
the  negative  HnrrbST  2"TOn  7H,  as  in  Deut. 
xxxi.  6,  8."  Keil. 

How  did  God  speak  to  Joshua  ?  By  the  Urim 
and  Thummim,  as  Hess  (Gesch.  Jos.  i.  p.  29)  sup- 
poses, appealing  to  Num.  xxvii.  21,  or,  as  most 
interpreters  assume,  immediately,  by  an  inward 
revelation  ?  Probably  the  latter,  because,  although 
we  must  admit  that  Joshua  had  been  directed  by 
God  himself  to  employ  the  other  means,  and  there- 
with the  mediation  of  the  high-priest,  yet  the  Lord 
himself  by  whom  —  observe  that —  the  initiative  is 
Aere  taken,  was  not  bound  to  this  means,  as  ap- 
pears very  clearly  from  the  manifestation  of  the 
angel,  ch.  v.  13-15.  The  Lord  spoke  to  Joshua  as 
he  had  spoken   to   Moses,  and  as  he   afterwards 

l  [In  hia  later  work  (Bib.  Com.  in  loc.)  Keil  still  deDving 


spoke  to  the  prophets.  Together  with  the  divinelj 
regulated  office  there  went  on  this  free  communi 
cation  of  God's  purposes  without  disturbance  to  the 
functions  of  that  office  when  they  were  in  proper 
exercise,  but  sometimes  also  to  awaken  them  to 
life  when  light  and  right  was  extinguished  in 
Israel,  1  Sam.  iii. ;  Joel  i.  13. 

6.  Vers.  10-18.  The  Command  of  Joshua  to  the 
Magistrates  of  the  People  as  weU  as  to  the  Reuben- 
benites,  Gudites,  and  the  Half  Tribe   of  Manasseh. 

After  Joshua  has  received  the  command  from 
God  to  cross  the  Jordan  with  the  people,  he 
adopts  his  plans  and   immediately   enjoins   upon 

the   D>-lc3E7    (comp.  Ex.  v.  10;  Num.  xi.  16; 

Deut.  xvi.  18;  Josh.  viii.  33;  xxiii.  2;  xxiv.  1)  to 
go  through  the  camp,  and  call  on  the  people  to 
provide  themselves  with  victuals  (the  need  of 
which  is  explained  by  the  cessation  of  the  manna, 
ch.  v.  12),  since  within  three  days  the  march 
would  begin.  This  statement  of  time  is  not  exact, 
since  rather,  as  Keil  also  assumes,  seven  days  in 
all  intervene,  namely,  one  day  for  the  journev  of 
the  spies  to  Jericho,  three  days  for  their  stay  in  the 
mountain,  three  days  for  the  march  from  Shittim 
to  the  Jordan,  and  the  delay  there,  after  all  which 
the  crossing  of  the  river  took  place.  Keil  says 
concerning  this :  "  We  give  up  the  attempt  to 
identify  the  three  days  in  ch.  iii.  2  with  those  men- 
tioned in  ch.  i.  11,  since  the  text  in  ch.  iii.  2  con- 
tains not  the  slightest  hint  of  such  a  combination. 

The  article  is  not  found  with   n^O'1  (ch.  iii.  2)  by 

which  the  D^O*  n2r7tT  might  be  referred  to  ch. 
i.  11  ;  and  we  stand  by  the  simple  statements  of  the 
text,  assuming  that  the  spies  were  sent  out  imme- 
diately after  the  command  in  ch.  i.  11,  probably  on 
the  same  day,  ('.  e.  on  the  third  of  Nisan,  that  they 
returned  after  three  full  days,  i.  e.  on  the  6th  of 
Nisan,  at  evening  (ch.  ii.  22),  and  that  on  the 
next  morning,  i.  e.  on  the  7th  of  Nisan,  Joshua 
broke  up  from  Shittim,  came  on  to  the  bank  of  the 
Jordan  (ch.  iii.  1),  where  he  rested  three  days, 
and  on  the  tenth  effected  the  passage."  Not  so 
Gerlach,  who  says  rather  :  "  As  regards  the  chro- 
nological succession  of  these  events,  we  see  from 
ch.  iv.  19  that  the  passage  of  the  Jordan  was 
effected  on  the  tenth  of  the  first  month.  That 
command  of  Joshua  (ch.  i.  11)  was  given  there- 
fore on  the  7th.  Early  the  same  day  he  sent 
out  the  spies,  and  they  so  quickly  accomplished 
the  journey  of  perhaps  scarcely  a  dozen  miles  that 
they  left  Jericho  before  the  approach  of  that  night ;  " 
(but  how  does  this  agree  with  ch.  ii.  2,  5  ff.f)  "  the 
three  days  which  they  spent  in  the  mountain  were 
not  full" days"  (where  are  we  told  that?)  "  being 
the  remainder  of  the  7th"  (which  must  thus 
have  been  an  uncommonly  long  day),  "the  8th, 
and  part  of  the  9th.  On  this  last  they  returned 
to  Joshua,  and  thus  he  was  able,  in  accordance 
with  his  orders  received  early  on  the  7th,  to  cross 
over  on  the  10th.  Thus  we  have  a  very  sat- 
isfactory correspondence  between  the  series  of 
events  and  the  successive  dates."  The  perplexity 
in  which  these  two  interpreters  find  themselves 
may  be  very  simply  cleared  up  if,  with  Knobel,  we 
assume  that  the  three  days  mentioned  in  ch.  iii.  2 
are  identical  with  the  three  days  here  in  ver.  11, 
but  that  ch.  ii.  was  a  separate  report  here  worked 
in  by  the  author,  and  in  the  insertion  of  which, 
attention  was  not  paid  to  the  exact  determination 
of  the  dates.1 

that  the  "  three  days  "  here,  ver.  11,  are  the  same  m  Id  oil 


CHAPTER   I. 


43 


There  follows  now,  vers.  12-18,  a  special  demand 
of  Joshua  upon  the  Reubenites,  Gadites,  and  the 
half  tribe  of  Manasseh.  These  had,  according  to 
Num.  xxxii.  on  account  of  their  wealth  in  flocks 
and  herds,  received  their  possession  in  the  laud  of 
the  conquered  Amorite  kings,  Sihon  and  Og,  east 
of  the  Jordan.  This  was  on  the  condition,  how- 
ever, that  they  should  help  the  other  tribes  to  con- 
quer West  Palestine  ;  and  Joshua  now  calls  upon 
them  to  fulfill  that  condition  and  carry  out  the 
promise  they  had  made.  This  they  declare  them- 
selves ready  to  do. 

Ver.  13.  Remember  the  word  which  Moses 
commanded  you,  etc.  Num.  xxxii.  20-24  is 
quoted  not  literally  but   freely  according  to  the 

sense,  for  CD  V  fTOO  does  not  occur  in  the  pas- 
sage cited,  —  a  very  beautiful  expression  :  to  aflbrd 
rest,  to  cause  to  rest.  It  is  the  same  as  giving  a 
dwelling-place  secure  and  undisturbed  by  enemies 
(Deut.  xxv.  19), after  the  long,  restless  wanderings 
through  the  wilderness.  The  disobedient  (Num. 
xiv.  2ti  ft".)  come  not  into  this  rest  (Ps.  xcv.  11)  ; 
but  not  even  this  is  the  true  rest,  the  full  Kard- 
iraucns,  the  true  <ra$tiaTia^6s  of  the  people  of  God, 
Heb.  iii.  11,  18;  iv.  1,8,  8,  9. 

This  land  (Deut.  iii.  18)  as  in  ver.  2,  this  Jor- 
dan, ver.  4,  this  Lebanon :  the  land  in  which  then 
the  whole  people  as  yet  and  the  speaker  also  were, 

the  land  east  of  the  Jordan,  —  while  ~Q3?3,  trans- 
lated by  Luther,  De  Wette,  and  Eng.  Vers.  "  on 
this  side,"  means  on  that  side,  or  beyond,  and  is 
employed  from  the  writer's  point  of  view. 

Ver.  14.  C'ttflDn  is  variously  derived;  either 
(Gesen.1  Fiirst,  [with  whom  agree  Masius,  De 
Wette,  Keil]),  from  tTOn,  lumbus,  venter,  tanquam, 
sedes,  roboris  =  lumbis  accincti,  with  which  comp. 
Num.  xxxii.  27,32  (O^Vj,  or  S3'J  V^D) ; 
also  Job  xxxviii.  3;  Lu.  xii.  35  ;  Eph.  vi.  14  ;  1 
Pet.  i.  13,  — or,  (Ewald)  from  tPDIl,  five  =  ar- 
ranged in  fives,  i.  e.,  in  companies.  With  this 
Knobel  sides,  in  so  far  that  in  Ex.  xiii.  18,  he 
defines  the  word,  which  is  met  with  only  here  and 
inch.  iv.  12  ;  Ex.  xiii.  18  ;  Judg.  vii.  11  (cf.  also  the 

iii.  2,  seeks  to  reconcile  the  present  date  with  the  actual 
time  of  the  crossing,  by  assuming  first  that  it  is  not  meant 
that  tiaey  should  jiass  ocrr  within  three  days,  but  only  begin 
to  move  towards  it ;  and  secondly ,  that  although  Joshua  did 
desisn  to  reach  the  Jordan  and  cross  it  within  three  days, 
his  intention  was  frustrated  by  the  delay  which  his  spies  un- 
expectedly experienced.  He  says  :  "  The  designation  '  in  three 
days  '  ((.  e,|  as  appears  from  a  comparison  of  Gen.  xl.  13  and 
19  with  ver.  20.  reckoning  from  the  day  of  giving  this  com- 
mand, on  the  third  day  following)  'shall  ye  pass  over  the 
Jordan,1  is  not  to  be  taken  as  an  announcement  of  the  time 
within  which  the  crossing  should  actually  take  place,  but. 
with  Vatabl,  and  J.  J.  Hess,  as  the  term  agaiust  which  the 
people  should  he  prepared  for  the  crossing  :  as  if  he  had 
said  :  Prepare  you  victuals  in  order  to  go  over  the  Jordan 
within  three  days,  i.e.. in  order  then  to  break  up  from 
Shittim,  to  cross  the  Jordan  and  be  able  to  commence  the 
conquest  of  Canaan.  Thus  apprehended  this  statement 
igrees  with  chapters  ii.  and  iii.  For  according  to  ch.  ii. 
Joshua  sent  from  Shittim  spies  to  Jericho,  who  after  their 
escape  from  that  city  had  to  hide  themselves  three  days  in 
the  mountain,  before  they  could  come  to  the  camp  of  Israel. 
They  were  abseut  therefore  certainly  three  or  four  days, 
ind  returned  at  the  earliest  on  the  evening  or  in  the  night  of 
loe  fourth  day  from  that  on  which  they  were  sent  out.  Not 
until  then  did  the  Israelites  break  up  from  Shittim  in  the 
morning,  and  moved  to  the  Jordan,  where  they  still  tarried, 
»nd  then  after  three  days  mor;,  crossed  over  the  stream. 
it  the  least,  therefore,  eight  full  lays,  4+1-1-3,  must  have 


D'tPn,  Num.  xxxii.  17,  which  should  be  amended 
to  this  form),  as  meaning,  drawn  together,  collected, 
I.  e.,  in  separate  divisions  or  fixed  companies,  at 
opposed  to  individual  separateness  and  irregular 
dispersion.     Knobel   seeks  the   proper  etymon  in 

the  Arabic  with  a  comparison  of  the  Heb.  V*P!7" 
to  compress.  We  translate  with  Ewald,  Knobel, 
and  Bunsen,  "arranged  in  companies."  - 

But  ye  shall  pass  before,  etc.  So  had  they 
promised  Num.  xxxii.  17,  27,  32. 

All,  not  to  be  taken  strictly,  since  according  to 
ch.  iv.  13,  only  forty  thousand  men  went  over,  while 
the  two  and  a  half  tribes  had,  according  to  Num. 
xxvi.  7,  18,  34,  110,580  men. 

Vers.  16-18  contain  the  joyful  answer  pervaded 
by  the  spirit  of  obedience  and  fraternal  love,  closing 
with  the  same  call  from  the  two  and  a  half  tribes,  to 
be  strong  and  firm,  which  God  had  addressed  to 
Joshua.  So  David  also  addresses  himself  when  h« 
sings .-  Die  of  good  courage  and  he  shall  strengthen 

thy  heart,  If?  VP^ll  PIC!,  Ps.  xxvii.  15. 

DOCTRINAL  AND  ETHICAL. 

1.  If  we  would  accurately  determine  the  mean- 
ing of  the  distinguishing  title  "  servant  of  Jehovah," 
ascribed  to  Moses  in  ch.  i.  1,  we  cannot  be  content 
to  say  merely  that  it  signifies  a  "  worshipper  of 
Jehovah  "  who  may  be  also  a  messenger,  an  am- 
bassador of  Jehovah.  We  are  concerned  rather  to 
know  how  it  comes  to  pass  at  all  that  the  pious 
worshippers  and  messengers  of  God  are  called  his 
servants.  The  answer  might  be  given  in  the  fol- 
lowing hints.  In  the  first  place,  we  must  not  for- 
get that  we  are  here  on  oriental  qround,  where  king* 
and  subjects  stand  related  to  each  other  as  lords 
and  slaves,  where  the  inferior  towards  the  superior 
studies  the  most  humble  submission  and  uncondi- 
tional obedience,  and  expresses  himself  also  in  a 
proportionately  humble  manner  (Gen.  xliv.  27,32; 
Dan.  x.  17).  And  thus  God  himself  appears  only 
as  under  the  figure  of  the  Most  High,  the  Ruler  of 
all  worlds,  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  before  whom  all 
the  world  keeps  silence  (Hab.  iii.  20;  Zach.  ii.  13), 

passed  between  the  first  mission  of  the  spies  and  the  passage 
of  the  Jordan  by  the  people.  Without  doubt  Joshua  de- 
signed to  march  to  the  Jordan  within  three  days  from  the 
sending  of  the  spies,  and  to  go  over  the  river; and  simulta- 
neously with  his  command  to  the  people  to  prepare  to  cross 
over  within  three  days,  he  had  sent  the  spies,  so  that  he 
was  warranted  in  hoping  that  they  would  have  accomplished 
their  errand  and  returned  within  two  or  three  days.  But 
since  they,  through  the  unforeseen  discovery  of  their  arrival 
in  Jericho,  and  the  chase  of  the  pursuers,  were  obliged  to 
hide  themselves  three  days  in  the  mountain,  Joshua  could 
not  until  the  day  after  their  return  break  up  from  Shittim, 
and  proceed  to  the  Jordan.  Neither  then  could  he  imme 
diately  cross  the  river,  but  must  tarry  yet  three  days  after 
his  arrival  at  the  briuk." 

As  this  provides  for  the  less  of  only  three  days  of  the 
eight,  it  would  appear  that  Joshua's  "design  "  must  have 
been  still  a  miscalculation  by  at  least  two  days.  In  other 
reBpects  the  explanation  is  not  as  successful  as  could  be 
desired.  — Tr.] 

1  [Gesenius  derives  the  word  not  from    Cil'DPT    but  from 

an  assumed  root  127pn,  acrem,  strenuum  esse;  erd  the 
sense  in  which  he  understands  the  partic.  is  slrenuus,  atacer. 
Thes.  p.  494.—TR.1 

2  [After  all  is  said,  tue  derivation  remains  very  obscure 
and  the  considerations  i"  favor  of  the  two  principal  render* 
ings  very  evenly  balanced.  For  the  meaning  t(  armed  "  the 
lexicographers  give  little  authority.  —  Ta.l 


14 


THE  BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


before  whom  also  on  his  throne,  the  seraphim  veil 
their  faces  (Is.  vi.).  He  is,  therefore,  the  master, 
men   the   servants.      Those,  however,  among  men 

(more  particularly  in  Israel,  the  w  »1^P.  Ex.  xix. 
5  ;  Deut.  vii.  6  ;  xiv.  2;  xxvi.  18)  who  serve  him 
with  special  obedience,  and,  with  extraordinary 
talent,  like  the  angels  in  heaven  (Job  iv.  18),  per- 
form his  will,  are  called  his  servants  in  a  preemi- 
nent sense.  So  Moses  ;  before  him  Abraham ;  af- 
ter him  David,  Hezekiah,  the  prophets  ;  all  Israel, 
moreover,  in  so  far  as  they  are,  according  to  Deut. 
xxxii.  1:"j,  xxxiii.  5,  26  ;    Is.  xliv.  2,  the  Jeshurun, 

the  beloved,  pious  people,  who  rightly  (1'1~""  *  from 

""^t)  walk  before  Jehovah  ;  and  lastly  the  Messiah, 
since  in  Him  all  the  excellences  of  his  people  are 
combined.  In  the  second  place,  it  is  carefully  to  be 
considered  that  in  the  economy  of  redemption  we  are 
still  on  the  ground  of  the  old  covenant,  therefore  on 
the  ground  of  the  Law,  where  God  commands,  and 
man  has  unconditionally  to  perform  his  dictates 
exactly  to  the  letter,  without  any  freedom  what- 
ever, hence  as  a  slave,  not  as  a  child  (Rom.  viii. 
15).  Not  even  the  most  pious,  therefore,  can  claim 
any  higher  distinction  than  this.  A  relation  of 
freedom  between  God  and  man  does  not  yet  exist. 
Man  stands  yet  under  the  law,  not  yet  under  grace 
(John  i.  17) ;  but  precisely  this  absolute  obedience 
leads  to  freedom.  Moses  is  the  instrument  of  ef- 
fecting the  deliverance  of  his  people  out  of  the  slav- 
ery of  Egypt,  where  they  pined  in  the  house  of 
bondage  (Ex.  xx.  2),  the  iron  furnace  (Deut.  iv. 
20) ;  hut  the  Messiah  makes  man}'  righteous  (Is. 
liii.  11)  and  is  a  Servant,  the  Branch  (Zech.  iii.  9). 
In  his  time  God  gives  holy  increase,  takes  away  the 
sins  of  the  land  in  one  day  (Zech.  iii.  9),  and  makes 
peace,  so  that  one  invites  his  neighbor  under  the 
vine  and  fig-tree  (Zach.  iii.  10).  He  is  the  true 
waTs  0eoD  (Matt.  xii.  1 8  ;  Acts.  iii.  13,  26,  iv.  27,  30), 
whom,  on  account  of  his  obedience,  God  acknowl- 
edges as  his  Son  ;  on  which  cf.  Nitzsch,  Treatise 
on  the  irois  Bcov  in  the  Acts  (Studien  u.  Kritiken, 
1828,  2). 

2.  The  declaration  in  ver.  4,  that  God  has 
assigned  to  the  people  of  Israel  its  portion  of  the 
earth,  is  in  accordance  with  Deut.  xxxii.  8  and 
Acts  xvii.  26,  in  which  passages  he  marks  oft'  to  the 
nations  their  bounds.  This  is  involved  in  God's 
government  of  the  world,  which  embraces  every- 
thing, the  least  as  well  as  the  greatest,  so  that 
all  accident  is  excluded.  As  He  determines  for 
each  particular  man  his  place  on  earth,  by  birth, 
education,  external  circumstances,  so  He  deter- 
mines for  each  people  its  habitation  in  congruitv 
with  the  disposition  and  character  which  He  has 
lent  to  them,  and  the  design  which  He  entertains 
concerning  them.  That  was  peculiarly  the  case 
witli  Israel,  when  He  actually  gave  to  them  the  land 
pi  utilised  to  the  fathers,  where  they  might  in  beau- 
tiful seclusion  serve  the  Lord  their  God.  True,  the 
previous  inhabitants  must  give  way,  but  jure  di- 
rino,  because  through  their  enervating  idolatry 
thi'V  had  forfeited  the  right  to  a  historical  existence. 
It  is  not  just,  therefore,  in  the  manner  ot  the 
Wolfenbiittler  fragmentist,  to  charge  God  and  his 
agents  with  cruelty  and  injustice,  but  rather  to 
heed  the  fundamental  laws  of  divine  Providence, 
according  to  which  also  his  judgments  are  executed. 
An  analogy  may  he  seen  in  the  destruction  of  the 
Homan  empire  amid  the  storms  of  the  northern  in- 
vasions.   Sec  Introd.  §  3. 

3.  The  silent  collection  of  one's  thoughts,  holy 
meditation,  is,  in  the  over-busv   activities   of  our 


time,  an  aid  to  all  religious  and  moral  life,  whicl 
cannot  be  too  earnestly  recommended.  It  a  e-> 
joined  upon  Joshua  in  ver.  8,  in  simple  but  verj 
suitable  words,  and  is  necessary,  in  order  that  the 
soul  may  constantly  remember  its  origin,  that  tht 
heart  may  lose  itself  ill  God  and  his  word,  that 
from  this  inward  concentration  of  the  living  facul- 
ties, word  and  deed  may  come  forth  in  noble  per- 
fection. "  Uratio,  meditatio  tentatio,"  make  not 
only  the  theologian,  but  in  general  every  religious, 
pious,  and,  in  his  piety,  morally  capable,  man. 

4.  The  rest  which  God  gives  (ver.  15)  is,  first, 
the  secure  possession  of  the  land  of  Canaan  which 
had  been  promised  to  the  people  of  Israel.     This 

nm2Q  however  is  not,  according  to  the  view  of 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (iv.  8),  the  true  rest  , 
rather,  since  God  long  after  Joshua  offered  through 
David  (Heb.  iv.  7)  an  entrance  into  rest,  must  then- 
still  be  another  rest;  "for  if  Joshua  had  brought 
them  to  the  rest.  He  (God)  would  not  speak  of 
another  day  after  this  time  "  (ver.  8).  "  Therefore," 
the  conclusion  is  from  these  arguments,  "  there  yet 
remains  lawoMiwfTati  a  Sabbath  rest  (<raA8<rn<rju<is) 
for  the  people  of  God.  For  he  who  has  entered 
into  his  (God's)  rest,  has  given  himself  also  rest 
from  his  works"  (i.e.  the  works  of  the  labor-week). 
It  is  still  to  be  carefully  noted  that  to  express  this 
rest  of  God,  not  KaTouravo-ts  but,  in  allusion  to  ver. 
4,  or  to  Gen.  ii.  2,  the  word  aa&f}aTi<rix6s,  oc- 
curring nowhere  else  in  the  N.  T.,  is  employed. 
The  0-afSfSa.TL<Jii6s  is  the  completed  Karatravais,  the 
holy  and  blessed  Sabbath  rest  in  eternity  for  the 
people  of  God,  the  lapari?.  to'u  Ssov,  after  the  pil- 
grimage of  life  is  finished  with  the  toils  of  the  hard 
week  of  our  earthly  existence.      Of  this  rest  the 

nn*l3!3  in  the  earthly  Canaan  is  a  type.  So  speak 

the  Rabbins  also  of  the  Vn2n  H2C'  ( Tr.  Thamid. 
f.  33,  2;  Jabk.  Rub.  f.  95,  4).  Compare  also  the 
beautiful,  profoundly  tender  hymn  by  Jno.  Sig- 
iiiund  Kunth  (t  1779),  "A  rest  there  is  which  yet 
awaits  us." 


HOMILET1CAL  AND  PRACTICAL 

God's  command  to  Joshua  that  he  should  cross 
the  Jordan,  indicates  (1)  the  task  proposed  to  him  ; 
contains  (2)  the  promise  of  his  assistance  in  its  ac- 
complishment ;  but  requires  also  (3)  the  conscien- 
tious observance  of  his  law,  in  order  to  success ; 
and  closes  (4)  with  another  enlivening  exhortation 
to  the  new  leader  of  Israel.  —  As  Moses  was  a 
servant  of  the  Lord,  so  should  we  also  be  his  serv- 
ants, that  we  may  be  found  faithful  like  him. 
(Num.  xii.  7;  Heb.  iii.  2)  —  Moses  the  servant 
of  the  Lord.  Joshua  as  a  type  of  a  good  servitor 
(not  slave).  —  The  earthly  Canaan  a  type  of  the 
heavenly  —  God  is  faithful  (ver.  5).  I  will  not  fail 
thee  nor  forsake  thee,  —  a  promise;  (1)  its  rich 
import;  (2)  under  what  conditions  to  be  appro- 
priated by  a  Christian  to  himself.  —  Be  strong  and 
firm,  comforted  and  undismayed,  a  text  in  connec- 
tion with  Ps.  xxvii.,  xlvi.  of  inexhaustible  use  for  the 
field-worship  of  God. —  <  If  fidelity  to  the  commands 
of  God.  —  How  should  a  true  general  be  character- 
ized ?  (1)  He  should  be  strong  and  firm,  but  (2) 
also  pious  and  conscientious,  that  all  may  go  well 
with  him.  — Fear  not,  neither  be  dismayed,  for  the 
Lord  thy  God  is  with  thee  in  all  which  thou  shalt 
do  ;  to  be  well  considered  before  the  outbreak  of  a 
war,  as  well  as  before  a  battle.  —  Joshua  and  the 
Gileadite  tribes;  (1)  his  powerful  appeal  to  them 
for  fraternal  assistance;  (2)  their  cheerful  answei 


CHAPTER   II. 


45 


(ver.  12-18).  — The  Rest  of  the  people  of  God  :  (1) 
Who  gives  it?  (2)  In  what  does  it  consist?  (3) 
How  do  we  attain  to  it '.  (ver.  13).  How  beauti- 
ful when  the  call  of  a  commander,  or  a  governor 
of  the  people,  meets  with  a  joyful  readiness  on  their 
part!  Should  we  not  so  meet  the  claims  which 
God  himself  by  his  Word  makes  on  us,  and  espe- 
cially those  which  call  for  brotherly  help,  even 
though  sacrifices  also  be  required  > 

Starke  :  O  soul,  remember  here  first  of  all  the 
true  Joshua,  thy  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  who  has 
for  thy  good  acquired  the  heavenly  Canaan,  to  pre- 
pare for  thee  a  place  there,  that  thou  also  mayest 
dwell  there  and  remain  ;  fight,  therefore,  and  sub- 
due thy  foes  under  the  lead  of  thy  Jesus,  that  thou 
mayest  al>o  one  day  take  it.  Whom  God  sends, 
him  He  also  qualifies  and  procures  for  him  author- 
ity and  respect.  The  Bible  and  the  sword  with 
Christian  rulers  go  very  well  together.  O  that 
these  would  also  avail  themselves  rightly  of  both  ! 
One  Christian  should  take  upon  him  the  necessity 
of  another  —  and  bear  his  burden.  In  the  strife  of 
Christianity  also  one  should  not  be  pusillanimous, 
but  strong  and  firm  (2  Tim.  ii.  3).  A  spirit  that 
would  all  goods  and  blood  fain  for  thy  mere  pleas- 
ure proffer,  and  the  heart's  desires  all  otter,  give 
me,  Supreme  Good,  through  thy  precious  blood. 

Cramer  :  As  the  eyes  of  the  servants  are  to  the 
hands  of  their  masters,  and  the  eyes  of  a  maiden 
unto  the  hand  of  her  mistress,  so  should  our  eyes 
also  look  constantly  to  the  Lord,  Ps.  cxxiii.  2.  If 
God  is  for  us  who  can  be  against  us  ?  (Rom.  viii. 
31).  Christian  rulers  also  are  bound  to  submit 
themselves  to  God's  commands  ;  it  should  not  be 
with  them,  quod  libet  licet,  i.  e.  what  I  please  I  do, 
1   K.  xxi.  7. 

Marginal  note  (of  Lnther)  :  He  who  walks 
according  to  God's  words  acts  wisely  and  happily, 
but  he  who  goes  according  to  his  own  head  acts  un- 
wisely and  to  no  profit. 

Bibl.  Wirt.:  In  dangerous  duties  and  circum- 
stances there  is  no  better  comfort  than  when  one 
has  a  regular  call  to  the  position,  and  God  for  his 
patron  and  protector.  God's  command  should  be 
promptly  performed  without  any  long  discussion 
as  to  whether  we  will  do  it  or  not ;  for  God  re- 
quires obedience. 

Bibl.  Tub  :  Consoling  promise !  0  soul  mark  it 
well,  for  what  God  says  to  Joshua  He  says  also  to 
thee.  Therefore  be  of  good  courage  in  the  struggle 
with  sin  and  Satan ;  God  will  stand  by  thee. 


Osiander  :  We  should  (in  man)  cases)  fir* 
care  for  our  neighbors,  for  love  seeks  not  her  own, 
1  Cor.  xiii.  5. 

Gerlach  :  The  first  revelation  of  God  after 
the  death  of  .Moses  installs  Joshua  formally  in  his 
office,  gives  him  the  double  commission  to  lead 
the  people  into  the  promised  land  and  to  dis- 
tribute this  among  them,  renews  the  assurance  of 
divine  aid,  and  admonishes  to  steadfast  fidelity 
towards  God's  law  and  imperturbable  confidence 
in  Him  (ver.  1-9). 

[Darby  :  "  Every  place  that  the  sole  of  your  feet 
shall  triad  upon,  that  have  I  given  you."  They 
must  go  there,  overcome  the  obstacles  with  the  help 
and  by  the  power  of  God,  and  take  actual  posses- 
sion  They  never  took  possession  of 

all  the  land  which  God  had  given.  Nevertheless 
to  faith  the  promise  was  sure,  ver.  3.  Spiritual 
strength  and  energy,  the  courage  of  faith,  are 
necessary  in  order  that  the  heart  may  be  free  from 
the  influences,  the  fears,  and  the  motives  which  act 
upon  the  natural  man,  and  that  he  mav  take  heed 
to  the  Word  of  God. 

-Matthew  Henry:  The  removal  of  useful 
men  should  quicken  survivors  to  be  so  much  the 
more  diligent  in  doing  good.  Such  and  such  are 
dead,  and  we  must  die  shortly,  therefore  let  us 
work  while  it  is  yet  day.  It  is  a  great  mercy  if, 
when  useful  men  are  taken  away  in  the  midst  of 
their  usefulness  others  are  raised  up  in  their  stead  to 
go  on  where  they  broke  oft',  ver.  2.  It  is  a  great  com 
fort  to  the  rising  generation  of  ministers  .and  Chris 
tians  that  the  same  grace  which  was  sufficient  for 
those  that  went  before  them  shall  not  be  wanting 
to  them  if  they  lie  not  wanting  to  themselves  in  the 
improvement  of  it  (ver.  5). — When  God  has  given 
u-  rest  we  ought  to  consider  how  we  may  honor  Him 
with  the  advantages  of  it,  and  what  services  we  may 
do  to  our  brethren  who  are  unsettled,  or  not  so  well 
settled  as  we  are  (ver.15).  —  We  must  not  so  mag- 
nify them  that  are  gone,  how  eminent  so  ever  they 
were,  either  in  the  magistracy  or  in  the  ministry  as 
to  be  wanting  in  the  honor  and  duty  we  owe  to 
those  that  survive  and  succeed  them. 

G.  R.  B. :  As  Joshua  received  and  doubtless 
profited  by  the  admonition  of  his  Gileadite  breth- 
ren, so  may  the  leaders  in  Israel  at  all  times  gain 
benefit  from  the  pious  and  well  intended,  even 
though  superfluous,  counsels  of  God's  "  plain  peo- 
ple."— Tr.] 


2.   The  sending  out  of  the  spies  to  Jericho. 
Chapter  II. 

a.  Sending  of  the  Spies,  and  their  Reception  by  Rahab. 
Chapter  II.  1-7. 


1  And  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun  sent  out  of  Shittim  two  men  to  spy  [as  spies]  secretly, 
saying :  Go,  view  the  land,  even  [and]  Jericho.  And  they  went,  and  came  into  an  har- 

2  lot's  house,  named  Rahab,  and  lodged  [lay  down]  there.     And  it  was  told  the  king 
of  Jericho,  saying,  Behold,  there  came  men  in  hither  to-night  of  the  children  [sons]  of 

3  Israel,  to  search  out  the  country  [V~H  land].     And  the  king  of  Jericho  sent  unto 
Rahab,  saying,  Bring  forth  the  men  that  are  come  to  thee,  which  [who]  are  entered 


46  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 

4  kito  thine  bouse,  for  they  be  come  to  search  out  all  the  country  [land].  And  the 
woman  took  the  two  men,  and  bid  them,  and  said  thus,  There  came  men   unto  me 

o  [and  said  :  True,1  the  men,  came  to  me]  but  I  wist  [knew]  not  whence  they  were  ; 
and  it  came  to  pass  about  the  lime  of  shutting  of  the  gate,  when  it  was  dark,  that  the 
men  went  out ;  whither  the  men  went,  I  wot  [know]  not :  pursue  after  them  quickly 

6  for  ye  shall  overtake  them.  But  she  had  brought  them  up  to  the  roof  of  the  house 
[omit :  of  the  house 2],  and  hid  them  with  the  stalks  of  flax,  which  she  had  laid   in 

7  order  [spread  out,  or  stacked  up  for  herself]  upon  the  roof.  And  the  men  pursued 
after  them  the  way  to  [the]  Jordan  unto  [to]  the  fords :  and  as  soon  as  they  which 
pursued  after  them  were  gone  out,  they  shut  the  gate. 

TEXTUAL    AND   GRAMMATICAL. 
[1  Ver.  4. —  So  the  lexicographers  and  interpreters  with  one  consent  understand  13.  — Ttt.] 

[2  Ver.  6.  —  «  Of  her  house  "  is  purely  superfluous.     The  LXX.  had  substituted  Ji^a  for  33,    and  the  Vulgate  com- 
Dined  both  notions,  and  was  followed  by  the  English  Version.  —  Te.] 

b.  Rescue  of  the  Spies  by  Rahab  on  their  Promise  to  her  that,  in  the  taking  of  the  Land, 
they  would  spare  her  and  hers. 

Chapter  II.  8-21. 

8  And  before  they  were  laid  down,  she  came  up  unto  them  upon  the  roof;  and  she 

9  said  unto  the  men,  I  know  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  given  you  the  land,  and 
that  your  terror  is  fallen  upon  us,  and  that  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  faint 

10  r*12'0?!  melt]  because  of  you.  For  we  have  heard  how  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  dried 
up  the  water  of  the  Red  Sea  for  [before]  you,  when  ye  came  out  of  Egypt ;  and  what 
ye  did  unto  the  two  kings  of  the  Amorites  that  were  on  the  other  side  [of  the]  Jor- 

11  dan,  Sihon  and  Og,  whom  ye  utterly  destroyed  [ye  devoted  *].  And  as  soon  as  we 
had  heard  these  things,  our  hearts  [heart]  did  melt  [DE^,  flow  down],  neither  did 
[does]  there  remain  any  more  courage  in  any  man,  because  of  you  [ch.  v.  1]:  for 
the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God,  He  is  God  in  heaven  above,  and  in  earth  beneath. 

1"2  Now  therefore  [And  now],  I  pray  you,  swear  unto  me  by  the  Lord  [Jehovah], 
since2  I  have  showed  you  kindness,  that  ye  will  also  show  kindness  unto  my  father's 

13  house,  and  give  me  a  true  token  [a  token  of  truth]  ;  and  that  ye  will  save  alive  my 
father,  and  my  mother,  and   my  brethren,  and   my  sisters,  and  all  that  they  have 

14  [ch.  vi.  23,  25],  and  deliver  our  lives  from  death.  And  the  men  answered  her. 
Our  life  for  yours,  if  ye  utter  not  this  our  business.    And  it  shall  be,3  when  the  Lord 

15  [Jehovah]  hath  given  us  the  land,  that  we  will  deal  kindly  and  truly  with  thee.  Then 
she  let  them  down  by  a  [the]  cord  through  the  window :  for  her  house  was  upon 

16  the  town-wall  [in  the  "wall-side,"  Gesen.],  and  she  dwelt  upon  the  wall.  And  she 
said  unto  them  :  Get  you  to  the  mountain,  lest  the  pursuers  meet  you,  and  hide  your- 
selves there  three  days,  until  the  pursuers  be  returned ;  and  afterward  may  ye  go 

17  [go  ye]  your  way.     And  the  men  said  unto  her,  We  will  be  [are]  blameless  of 

this    thine    Oath  which  thou    hast    made    US  SWear,  [unless  thou  doest  what  we  now  say  to  thee], 

18  Behold,  when  we  come  into  the  land,  thou  shalt  bind  this  line  of  scarlet  [crimson] 
thread  in  the  window  which  thou  didst  let  us  down  by :  and  thou  shalt  bring 
[gather]  thy  father,  and  thy  mother,  and  thy  brethren,  and  all  thy  father's  house- 

19  hold  home  unto  thee.  And  it  shall  be,  that  whosoever  shall  go  out  of  the  doors  of 
thy  house  into  the  street,  bis  blood  shall  be  upon  his  head,  and  we  will  be  guiltless 
[blameless,  as  ver.  17]:  and  whosoever  shall  be  with  thee  in  the  house,  his  blood 

20  shall  be  on  our  head,  if  any  hand  be  upon  him.  And  if  thou  utter  this  our  busi- 
ness, then  we  will  be  [are]  quit  [blameless]  of  thine  bath  which  thou  hast  made  us 

21  to  [omit:  to,  as  ver.  17]  swear.  And  she  said,  According  unto  your  words,  so  be  it. 
And  she  sent  them  away,  and  they  departed:  and  she  bound  the  scarlet  [crimson] 
line  in  the  window. 

TEXTUAL    AND    GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver  10.—  DPP^nn.     The  meaning  of  this  verb  is  well  indicated  in  the  Exegetical  Note  on  the  verse.    It  seeml 
rery  desirable  to  express  it  more  specifically  than  is  done  by  the  vague  phrase  "  utterly  destroyed."  In  employing  for  tnl* 


CHAPTER   II. 


17 


purpose,  throughout,  the  word  "  devote,''  which  is  used  LeT.  xrril.  28,  29,  Sam.  xviii.  14,  etc.,  it  is  to  be  regretted  th»l 
we  have  not  a  cognate  noun  to  denote  the  devoted  object.  Still  we  may  come  near  to  the  Hebrew  directness  by  adhering 
to  *'  devote. ''  "devoted  thing,  "  etc.  — Tr.] 

[2  Ver.  12  —  *3  ut  ati'is  s&pissime  siontfirat  quod  6ti.  Maur.  To  imitate  exactly  the  Hebrew  construction  is  not 
po-«ib  e  in  idiomatic  EngUsh.  A  nearer  approach  to  it  would  be :  Swear  ....  that  I  have  shown  you  kindness  and  ye 
wll  also  show  kindness  to  my  fathers  house,  and  give  me  a  token  of  truth  (ver.  13),  and  save  alive,  etc.  Fay  explains  by 
inserticg  after  "  that  "  [as],  De  Wette,  "  because,''  and  both  omit,  of  course,  the  "  and  "  before  "  give  me."  or  rather  substi- 
tute "also  '    Either  way  gives  us  substantially  the  proper  sense  so  far,  but  whether  the  verbs  Ci7jn2  and  Cri^nn  and 

Crib-"H  are  to  be  translated  as  coordinate  with  DiTtt??  and  subordinate  to  SyZltETT  (Which  they  grammatically 
are'),  or  as  coordinate  with  the  latter,  the  practice  of  interpreters  differs.  We  incline  to  side  with  Masius,  who  translate? 
the  verbs  iu  question  as  all  depending  alike  on    ^3:  jurate  .  .      .    Vos  usuros  esse  ....  pietate  ;  et  daturos  .    . 

constrcaturosque   ....  crepturo&que.  —  Tr.] 

[3  Ver.  14.  —  Modify,  and  connect  the  two  sentences  thus  :  Our  life  for  yours  !  If  ye  utter  not  this  oar  business,  then 
It  Bhall  be  that  when,  etc.  —  Tr.] 


c.   Return  of  the  Spies  to  Joshua. 
Chapter   H.  22-24. 

22  And  they  went,  and  came  to  the  mountain,  and  abode  there  three  days,  until  the 
pursuers  were  returned :  and  the  pursuers  sought  them  throughout  all  the  way,  but 

23  found  them  not.  So  the  two  men  returned,  and  descended  from  the  mountain,  and 
passed  over,  and  came  to  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun,  and  told  him  all  things  that  befel 

24  them.  And  they  said  unto  Joshua,  Truly  [omit:  Truly1]  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
hath  delivered  into  our  hands  all  the  land ;  for  even  [and  also]  all  the  inhabitants 
of  the  country  [land]  do  faint  [melt]  because  of  us. 

TEXTUAL    AND  GRAMMATICAL. 
[1  Ver.  24.  —  ^3  simply  introduces  the  following  clause  as  quoted      See  Gesen.  Lex.  B.  1,  b.  — Tr.] 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

o.  Vjrs.  1-7.  Sending  out  of  the  Spies  and  their 
Reception  by  Rahab.  Probably  still  the  same  day 
on  which  Joshua  had  received  the  divine  command 
to  cross  the  Jordan,  he  sends  forth  secretly  two 
spies  to  go  over  to  Jericho,  which  was  somewhere 
about  fourteen  miles  distant. 

Ver.  1.     Shittim,  Num.  xxxiii.  49,  Abel-shittim, 

i.  e.  Meadow  of  the  Acacias,  from  HtStt?.  acacia, 
probably  lying  northward  from  Beth-jeshimoth  in 
the  land  of  Moab,  the  last  camping-place  of  the 
Israelites  east  of  the  Jordan,  at  the  outlet  of  the 
Wady  Heshban,  known  from  the  history  of  Balaam 
(Num.  xxv.  1  ;  Micah  vi.  5),  not  far  from  the  Jor- 
dan, 60  stadia  =  3  hours  from  the  place  of  crossing 
according  to  Josephus  {Ant.  iv.  8,  1  ;  v.  1,  1 ;  Bell. 
Jud.  iv.  7,  6).  Near  to  this  evidently  well  chosen 
camp-ground  (Num.  xxiv.  5,  6)  lay  the  city  of 
Beth-peor.  where  Moses  delivered  his  last  discourse 
and  was  buried  (Deut.  iv.  46  ;  xxxiv.  6).  Com- 
pare, further,  Knobel  on  Num.  xxii.  1,  [and  Stan- 
ley, S.  $•  P.  p.  291  f.     Am.  ed.  —  Tr.] 

Spies.  According  to  the  LXX.  two  young 
men.  nothing  like  which  is  said  in  the  Heb.  here, 
but  in  vi.  23  we  learn  that  the  spies  were  young 
men.  At  all  events  Joshua  would  choose  brave 
and  prudent  men  for  this  mission,  because,  having 
himself  been  one  of  the  twelve  spies  (Num.  xiii.  9) 

1  (The  accent  connects  C~in  with  ~10S7,  and  it  is 
probable  that  the  secrecy  is  to  be  understood  as  referring 
equally  to  the  Israelites  and  to  the  Canaanites.  Maurer 
would  seem  to  confine  it  to  the  former.  He  quotes  Schultz 
*s  follows :  '■'  Cum  Josua  tristi  experientia  edoctus  (Num. 
xiii.  14)  sciret,  quantum  periculi  habere  posset  exploratorum 
■t  muln'tudo  et  missio  pnblica.  duos  tantum  eosdemque  clam 
*tqne  inscio  populo  emisit.  ne.  si  trisria  referrent,  in  vul- 


he  knew  from  experience  the  dangers  to  which  thej 
would  be  exposed.     He  takes  only  two  and  sends 

them  secretly  if  "H.  prop. :  Silence,  here  used  ad- 
verbially) that  the  enemy  might  get  no  intimation 
of  it.1  Should  he  have  done  this  ?  the  question 
has  been  asked.'-  Toward  the  answer  it  may  be 
said,  That  the  use  of  human  prudence,  with  all  trust 
in  divine  providence,  is  not  only  allowable,  but 
often  also  a  binding  duty.  Joshua  ought  not,  in 
his  position  a?  a  general,  to  enter  into  a  strange 
and  hostile  land  without  having  explored  it  first. 
He  proceeded  in  full  conformity  with  the  example 
of  Moses,  Num.  xiii. 

Jericho.     Written  here  "  and  everywhere  in  our 

book  "in"1"}*,  but  in  the  Pent,  only  ifTT,  "  Keil ; 

1  K.  xvi.  34,  nn^T ;  a  very  strong  city  (ch. 
vi.  1 ),  the  key  to  all  the  land  west  of  the  Jordan, 
the  city  of  palm-trees  (D,_,;D.Firt  TV,  Deut. 
xxxiv.  3  ;  Judg.  i.  16:2  Ch.  xxviii.  15)  ;  in  the 
LXX.,  in  the  N.  T.  (Matt.  xx.  29  ;  Mark  x.  46; 
Luke  xviii.  35,  xix.  1,  x.  30,  Heb.  xi.30),  and  in 
Josephus  (Bell.  Jttd.  iv.  8, 3),  'Iepix<&  ;  in  Strabo  xvi. 
2,  §  47,  'lepixoDs:  the  city  of  odors  and  fragrance 

(from    nV),  n^n,   fragrant   place ;  the  ending 

i  H  being  for  )\  comp.  riVtIJ,  ii39,  Gesen.3) ; 
just  as  far  west  of  the  Jordan  as  Shittim  was  east 

gus  dimanaret  narratio,  timidoque  ac  fracto  animo  fierenl 
Israelite?  lasto  cseteroquin  duorum  seque  ac  plurium  nuntio 
facile  alacriores  futuri."  —  Tr.] 

2  [E.  g.  by  Masius  in  loc,  who  formally  discusses  the 
question  and  decides  it  in  favor  of  Joshua's  course.  —  Tr.] 

8  [For  other  derivations  and  other  forms  of  the  word,  see 
art.  "  Jericho."  in  Smith's  Bibt.  Diet,  wherealso  a  full  topo 
graphical  and  historical  account  of  the  city  mav  be  found. 
See  Stanley,  S.  If  P.  pp.  299-304.  -    Tr.1 


48 


THE    BOOK    OK   JOSHUA. 


of  it.  The  immediate  vicinity  of  Jericho  is  very  I 
fertile.  As  the  climate  approximates  to  that  of  ' 
Egypt  the  harvest  is  ripe  here  by  the  end  of  March. 
Toward  the  Jordan,  however,  the  surface  is  arid, 
and  the  region  between  Jericho  and  Jerusalem  was 
a  rocky  wilderness,  —  the  Quarantania,  not  even 
to  this  day  entirely  safe  for  travellers  (Lukex.  30). 
Comp.  Furrer,  pp.  149,  151-154. 

The  spies  successfully  reach  Jericho,  towards 
evening  (ver.  2)  ;  "  at  a  time,  therefore,  when  the 
courtezans  traversed  the  streets  (Prov.  vii.  9  ft". ; 
Is.  xxiii.  16) ;  they  met  with  Rahab  and  followed  her 

to  her  house"  (Knobel).  She  was  a  !~12T,  n6pvri 
(Heb.  xi.  31;  Ja.  ii.  25),  and  not  an  innkeeper 
SrPfT7313,  iravSoKvlnpia  (Josephus,  Ant.  V.  1,  2, 
Chald.,Rahb.,  Vatah.,  Hess,  Hist,  of  Josh.  i.  p.  37). 
Her  name  is  mentioned  also  in  the  Genealogy  of 
Jesus  (Matt.  i.  5)  where  she  appears  as  wife  of 
Salma  or  Salmon,  and  mother  of  Boaz.  "  The  Rab- 
bins derive  from  her  eight  prophets  and  priests  " 
(Knobel).  The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  that  of 
James  celebrate  her  memory  and  glorify  her  faith 
and  her  works  (Heb.  xi.  31  ;  James  ii.  25).  See 
on  this  the  Doctrinal  and  Practical  below.  In  our 
narrative  she  is  seen  as  a  very  prudent  person  (ver. 
4),  of  great  presence  of  mind,  degraded  indeed,  but 
by  no  means  sunk  in  vice,  and  who  therefore  has 
intimations  of  the  power  of  Jehovah  the  Almighty 
God  (vers.  10,11). 

To-night  (n.?Vn  as  in  Gen.  xix.  5,  34,  here 
more  precisely  defined  ver.  5).  The  king  of  Jericho 
receives  word  that  in  the  evening  twilight  two 
6trange  men  have  arrived  in  Jericho  and  been  re- 
ceived into  Rahab's  house.  Perhaps  there  were, 
as  Calvin  conjectures,  men  standing  at  the  gates,  to 
notice  suspicious  people,  especially  as  they  were 
aware,  no  doubt,  in  Jericho,  of  the  intentions  of  the 
Hebrews  beyond  the  Jordan.  The  king  sends  to  Ra- 
hab, therefore  (ver.  3),  and  demands  that  she  shall 
give  up  the  men.  At  the  same  moment  (not  ear- 
lier, as  Keil  supposes)  she  hides  the  spies,  as  the 
demand  of  the  king's  servants  was  probably  made 
from  the  outside,  with  which  the  "bring  forth" 
(ver.  3)  plainly  agrees.  She  boldly  lies  to  the  king's 
messengers  (ver.  4,  5)  who  go  away,  frustrated,  in 
order  to  pursue  as  soon  as  possible  Joshua's  spies, 
whom  they  suppose  to  have  escaped  and  fled  toward 
the  Jordan  (ver.  7). 

Ver.  3.  Notice  the  full  circumstantiality  of  the 
king's  command. 

Ver.  4.    In  i3??ijlT  the  suff.  sing,  is  not  to  be 

changed  into  Dr>  but  is  an  instance  rather  of  "  the 
free  discourse  in  which  one  passes  from  the  plural 
to  the  singular  "  (comp.  Ewald,  Gramm.  §  309  a.).1 

I  knew  not Spoken  with  the  air 

of  simplicity. 

Ver.  5.  And  it  came  to  pass  about  the 
time  of  shutting  of  the  gate.  Heb.  "I2t2n  T^J 
-riapb  as  Gen.  xv.  12,  tfclb  tTn^n  TTO,  and 
it  came  to  pass  about  the  time  of  the  going  down 
of  the  sun  (cf.  Gesen.  §  132,  Rem.  1). 

1  [Speculations  of  the  Rabbis  on  this,  given  by  Masius, 
are  curious.  «  This  use  of  the  sing.  R.  Solomon  thinks  to 
indicate  both  the  delay  of  the  woman  in  hiding  them,  and 
the  narrowness  of  the  place  in  which  they  were  stowed 
away.  RR.  Kimchi  and  Levi,  however,  suppose  them  to 
have  been  hid  not  in  one  and  the  same  place,  but  each  one 
lepirately,  either  that  the  flax  piled  on  them  both  might 
aot  rise  too  high  and  become  thus  an  object  of  suspicion,  or 


When  it  was  dark,  Tyy?  P3,  De  Weue  :  as  il 
grew  dusk.  It  may,  however,  well  be  translated, 
"  when  it  was  dark,'  since  in  the  East,  night  cornea 
on  soon  after  sundown,  and  the  evening  twilight 

(n?r.?!  Job  xxiv.  15  ;  Prov.  vii.  9)  is  of  very  short 

duration,  so  that  sometimes  H^?3  signifies  simply 
night  (Is.  v.  11  ;  xxi.  4  ;  lix.  10)'. 

Ver.  6,  relates  further  where  and  how  Rahab 
had  hidden  the  spies  (ver.  4)  on  the  roof,  under 
the  stems  of  flax.  The  roof  was  flat  (Mark  ii.  4) 
According  to  the  Jewish  law  it  must  be  provided 
with  a  "battlement"  (Deut.  xxii.  8),  that  blood 
should  not  come  upon  the  house  by  any  one  fall 
ing  therefrom.  "Here  many  men,'  as  Starke  ob- 
serves, "might  stay  together,  Judg.  xvi.27  (comp. 
also  Acts  ii.  1 ) ;  they  could  walk  about  there  within 
the  battlement  securely  (2  Sam.  xi.  2) ;  could 
speak  from  thence  to  others  (Matt.  x.  27),  and 
there  they  used  to  pray  (Acts  x.  9).  The  Romans 
also,  but  not  all,  bad  such  roofs,  and  not  over  the 
whole  house;  but  parts  of  some  of  their  houses 
were  furnished  with  such  flat  roofs  which  were 
called  solaria,  because  they  lay  exposed  on  all  sides 
to  the  sun,  and  also  mamiana,  as  the  Italians  now 

also  call  them  altana.  y~2T\  ""WipS?,  LXX.cor 
rectly  &v  rfj  AipoKa/aun,  Vulg.  stipula  lini,  therefore 
flax-stalks,  not  cotton,  as  De  Wette  (cf.  also  Furrer 
p.   151,  obs.  2),  following  the  Arab,  translation 

will  have  it,  "  since  rUTi'S  and  fitt?S  or  n^ltpS 
are  every  where  else  used  only  of  flax  "  (Knobel) 
Unbroken  flax  is  meant,  the  stalks  of  which,  abou: 
Jericho  as  in  Egypt,  reach  a  height  of  more  than 
three  feet  and  the  thickness  of  a  reed  (comp.  Winer, 
Realw.,  s.  v.  *'  Flachs"  [and  Smith's  Diet.]) 

Ver.  7.  To  the  fords — A  more  exact  deter 
mutation  of  "  the  way,"  and  not  to  be  referred  to 
"  they  pursued  after."  The  fords  themselves  can- 
not be  identified  ;  one  may  consult  the  maps,  espe- 
cially Van  de  Velde,  who  gives  a  road  from  Jericho 
southeastwardly  to  a  ford. 

c.  Vers.  8-21.  Rescue  of  the  Spies  by  Rahab, 
on  their  Promise  to  her  that  in  the  taking  of  the  land 
they  will  spare  her  and  hers.  After  the  departure 
of  the  royal  messengers  Rahab  goes  up  on  the  roof 
to  the  spies,  describes  to  them  the  faint-heartedness 
of  the  people,  desires  an  oath  from  them  as  security 
that  they  will  show  kindness  to  her  and  her  family 
in  return  for  her  kindness  to  them,  and  after  receiv 
ing  this  lets  the  men  down  by  a  rope  through  the 
window  (vers.  8-15). 

Ver.  9.  Jehovah.  The  word  is  remarkable  as 
used  by  Rahab,  but  she  might  easily,  as  even  Kno- 
bel  grants,  be  acquainted  with  the  name  of  the  God 
of  Israel,  as  the  people  had  already  camped  long 
in  the  neighborhood. 

Terror  is  fallen  upon  us  [C5i~lp',S,  suff 
having  the  force  of  obj.  Gen.],  Deut.  ii.  25 ;  xi.  25, 
cf.  particularly  Ex.  xv.  13-16.  The  vision  which 
was  there  expressed  in  Moses'  song  of  triumph 
(ver.  15)  has  now  been  fulfilled.  The  inhabitants 
of  the  land  melt  away  for  fear ;  for  they  have  heard 
how  God  (ver.  10)  has  dried  up  the  Red  Sea  (Ps. 

lest  they  should  both  be  discovered  at  once 

What  is  handed  down  in  the  Commentary  which  we  have 
said  to  be  called  Tanhuma,  is  a  Jewish  dream,  to  wit,  that 
when  the  woman  had  hidden  Caleb,  the  other,  Phinehas, 
said  to  her  :  I  am  a  priest.  Now  the  priests,  being  like  th« 
angels,  are  visible  when  they  please  to  be,  when  not  they 
are  not  perceived  ;  therefore  the  other  one  alone,  not  he 
was  hidden  by  the  woman.1'    Com.  in  Josuam,  in  loc.  —  Te. 


CHAPTER  H. 


49 


tri.  7,  9,  22 ;  cxxxvi.  13,  Heb.  reed-sea,  sea  of 
reeds,  and  in  Egypt,  Schari-sea  (sehari  =  reed)  i.  e. 
the  Arabian  Guff;  and  have  heard  also  how  ill  it 
has  gone  with  Sihon  king  of  the  Amorites  (Num. 
xxi.  21-31;  Deut.  ii.  30-37),  who  refused  the 
Israelites  a  passage  through  his  land  (Num.  xxi. 
23 ;  Deut.  ii.  30),  and  after  him  with  Ug  king  of 
Bashan  (Num.  xxi.  33-35  ;  Deut  iii.  1-7).  Both 
have  lost  land  and  people  by  the  edge  of  the  sword, 
and  the  recollection  of  this  victory  lived  yet  in  the 
memory  of  after  ages,  as  may  be  seen  from  Ps. 

2xxxvi.  19,  20.  Gesenius  derives  ^fTD  from 
rTO  =  rinO,  from  which  also  ""HP,  sweepings, 
filth  (jrepi/caflapjua,  7reptyrj,ua,  1  Cor.  iv.  13),  comes. 
Granting  the  correctness  of  this  etymology,  the 
name  Sihon  might  perhaps  be  rather  a  nickname 
which  the  Hebrews  had  applied  to  the  Amorite 
chief  than  his  real  name ;  but  this  we  will  not 

assume  to  decide.  The  name  2137,  from  3W,  ac- 
cording to  the  Arab.,  to  bend,  med.  E.  to  be  bent, 
crooked  =  the  crooked  one,  would  suit  well  with 
that  supposition. 

Ye  devoted  (C^P^Or?,  Hiph.  of  OTJ)-  The 
ground  signification  of  the  unused  Kal  is  "  to  cut 
off,"1  in  support  of  which  we  may  compare  partly 

tt?!2"]n,    a  sickle,  and   partly  the   related   words 

V~"7>  "nJJJi  i""l^i7'  Accordingly  O^Jl  is  that 
which  is  cut  off,  separated,  and  especially,  sepa- 
rated for  God,  devoted  to  him  (Lev.  xxvii.  21,  28, 
29;  Num.  xviii.  14;  Deut.  vii.  26;  xiii.  18;  Josh. 
vi.  17,  18;  vii.  1  ff. ;  1  Sam.  xv.  21  ;  Ezek.  xliv. 
29),  and  that  too  "  without  a  possibility  of  re- 
demption." avdSe/j.a  (Rom.  ix.  3  ;  1  Cor.  xii.  3; 
Gal.  i.  8.  9;  1  Cor.  xvi.  22),2  xaripa  (Gal.  iii.  13). 
Objects  of  such  a  doom  might  be  persons,  as  here 
Sihon  and  Og  (comp.  further  1  K.  xx.  42  ;  Is. 
xxxiv.  5)  or  things   (Josh.  vi.  17,  18;  vii.  1  ft'.). 

Therefore  O^nn  is  to  put  something  under  the 
ban,  to  doom,  i.  e.  to  consecrate  or  devote  it  exclu- 
sively to  Jehovah  without  a  possibility  of  redemp- 
tion, whereby  the  consecrated  object  perishes,  being 
destroyed.  Thus  the  word  is  to  be  understood  here 
as  often  in  our  book,  viii.  26  ;  x.  28,  37  ;  xi.  21  ;  a 
found  in  xi.  12,  as  in  1  Sam.  xv.  8,  having  "  with 
the  edge  of  the  sword  "  appended.  [See  further  on 
this  subject  the  exeget.  note  on  ch.  vi.  17,  and  the 
doctrinal  and  ethical  there,  No.  1 .] 

Ver.  1 1 .  Neither  did  there  remain  any  more 
courage,  that  is,  on  account  of  fear.  Differently 
in  1  K.  x.  5,  where  "  there  was  no  more  spirit  in 
her"  expresses  the  result  of  astonishment,  —  Ra- 
hab  recognizes  God  as  the  Almighty  and  Omni- 
present, a  knowledge  which  is  possible  to  the  hea- 
then (Rom.  i.  19-21). 

"Ver.  12.  A  token  of  truth,  Heb.  jTIN,  a  sign, 
ariijLz'iov,  tessara,  as  in  Ex.  iii.  12  ;  1  Sam.  ii.  34  ; 
x.  7,  9  ;  2  K.  xix.  29  ;  xx.  8,  9;  Is.  vii.  11,  14  ; 
xxxviii.  7,  22;  Ln.  ii.  12;  2  Cor.  xii.  12;  2 
Thess.  iii.   17.      ["Sign  of  truth,  i.  e.   a  sign  by 

1  [So  Winer  (Simonis  Lex.) :  Gesen.  and  Fiirst  take  sep- 
arate views  of  the  etymology  of  the  verb,  but  all  agree  as  to 
the  meaning  of  this  form.  —  Tr  ] 

2  [See  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  art.  Anathema Tr.] 

8  [Whatever  unholy  object  was  devoted  to  Jehovah,  being. 

*f  course,  incapable  of  use,  for  him  and  for  his  cause,  and 
in  abomination  in  his   sight,  must  needs  be  destroyed.  — 

*-l 

4  [Keil  als'  supposes  that  "  this  sign  consisted  in  nothing 
.■e  than  th«   solemn  oath  which  they  were  called  upon  to 


which  they  guarantee  to  her  the  truth,  or  reality 
of  the  exhibition  of  the  "IPO  desired  by  her,'' 
Keil.]  Knobel  interprets :  "  a  proof,  an  evidence 
(Job  xxi.  29),  that  yon  are  honest  and  true  men." 
and  supposes  further  that  "  Rahab  points  them  to 
the  moral  law,  which  for  a  favor  shown  prescribes 
a  thankful  and  true  return,"  and  he  rejects  the 
common  supposition  of  an  outward  sign,  with  the 
remark  that  "  this  would  have  been  demanded  by 
her  not  till  after  the  request  in  ver.  13,  and  would 
have  been  given  by  the  spies  now  before  they  were 
letdown."4  But  (1.)  such  a  sign  might  lie  required 
just  as  well  before  as  after  the  request  in  ver.  13  ; 
(2.)  all  the  passages  quoted  above,  especially  2 
K.  xx.  8,  9;  Is.  vii.  11,  14;  xxxviii.  7,  22  ;  Lu. 
ii.  12  ;  2  Thess.  iii.  17,  favor  the  common  explana- 
tion which  is  supported  by  an  actual  instance  in  1 
Sam.  xviii.  3,  4;  (3.)  in  ver.  18  the  crimson  line 
is  in  fact  given  as  such  a  "  token;"  (4.)  Rahab 
might  provisionally  content  herself  with  the  oath 
given  in  ver.  14,  although  the  sign  was  not  yet 
given  her,  but  she  received  it  afterwards. 

Ver.  14.  Our  life  for  yours,  [lit.  "our  soul 
instead  of  yours  for  death,"  anima  nostra  pro  vobis 
moriatur,  JIaur,]  i  e.  "  You  with  the  population 
of  Jericho  are  threatened  with  death,  but  it  shall 
not  strike  you  but  us,  if  we  prove  false ;  God 
shall  in  this  case  destroy  us  instead  of  you " 
(Knobel). 

Ver.  15.  Her  house  was,  etc.  The  house  was 
built  against  the  city  wall,  but  she  dwelt  on  the 
city  wall,  that  is,  her  chamber  was  in  the  upper 
story  of  the  house,  which  rose  above  the  wall. 
Many  such  houses  still  stand  in  old  cities,  as  along 
the  Rhine,  for  instance.6  As  the  spies  were  res- 
cued here  so  was  Paul  (Acts  ix.  25)  at  Damascus 
Starke  makes  here  the  following  honest  obser- 
vation :  "  It  was  generally  held,  particularly  in 
ancient  times,  punishable  to  leap  or  climb  over  a 
wall ;  but  we  readily  see  that  this  was  so  consid- 
ered properly  on  account  of  the  wanton  contempt 
that  was  shown,  comp.  Neh.  iv.  2.  But  here  the 
thing  was  done  to  save  the  lives  of  innocent  people 
and  servants  of  God ;  besides,  as  has  already  been 
seen,  Rahab  was  no  longer  bound  to  seek  the  inter- 
est and  honor  of  her  town,  accursed  and  doomed 
by  God." 

The  men  have  reached  the  ground  and  stand 
below.  Rahab,  from  above,  advises  them  to  turn 
to  the  mountain,  while  they  point  out  to  her  the 
special  conditions  on  which  they  wil'  keep  the 
oath  ;  and  then  go  their  way  (vers.  16-2'1 ) 

Ver.  16.  Get  you  to  the  mountain.  Proba- 
bly the  cavernous  mountain  t>  the  north  of  Jeri- 
cho, which  the  Arabs  now  call  Riruntul  (see  Role 
inson,  ii.  303  [Quarantania,  see  Stanley,  S.  #•  P 
301  f.]).  On  the  road  to  th.».  Jordan  "the  king's 
messengers  would  undoubtedly  have  met  them,  as 
Rahab  implies  in  the  beginning  o)  her  counsel, 
"  lest  the  pursuers  meet  you." 

Ver.  17.  We  are  blameless,  tti.  To  under- 
stand these  words  we  must  supply  :  ITiU-ss  you  do 
what  we  shall  now  say  to  you,  Gen.  xxiv.  41. 

render  and  did  render,  ver  14."  This  view,  b-M"e\er,  it  may 
be  remarked,  is  entirely  precluded  by  the  tran„'atioL  of  veri. 
12  and  13,  advocated  above  in  the  textual  not©  fin  the  pas- 
sage ;  for  what  the  men  are  called  upon  to  swear  that  they 
will  do,  they  cannot  in  the  very  act  be  doing.  —  Tr.] 

5  [Knobel  supposes  the  house  may  have  been  partly  em- 
braced within  the  wall,  and  Rahab's  chamber  strictly  on 
top  of  the  wall  [t  which  must  therefore  hs  le  been  tolerably 
thick."  _  Ta.] 


50 


THE   BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


Vers.  18-20.  This  line  of  crimson  thread 
njW  =  ^5  's  'ln6> DOt  r0Pe>  '30-  This  line  was 
3pun  out  of  "crimson  thread"  (,3^r'  ti^n). 
s?^  is  the  crimson  color  produced  by  nSvlfl 

^V?>  Coccus  ilia's,  Linn,  a  cochineal  insect  living 
on  the  holm-oak,  the  larvte  of  which  yield  the 
crimson  dye  ("crimson,"  from  the  Arabic  name 
of  the  insect,  Kermes).  This  line  is  to  be  distin- 
guished from  the  cord  (ver.  15),  and  not  identified 
with  it  as  is  done  by  Luther,  who  even  connects 

the  relative   clause    12       "IKE'S  ungrammatically 

with  n  mn  instead  of  ]i  vfl,  as  Knobel  also 
approves.  This  is  the  "  token  "  given  by  the  spies 
to  Rahab,  and  by  her  (ver.  21 )  fastened  to  the  win- 
dow.1 A  thick  red  cord  would  hardly  have  been 
proper  for  this,  as  Schulz  perceived  when  he  re- 
marked :  "  Neque  etiam  probabile  est,  eundem  ilium 
funem,  quo  Rachab  in  demittendis  exploratoribus 
usa  sit  (ver.  15),  fenestra  alligatum  fuisse,  uti 
Lutheri  versio  vernacula  statuit  multis  sequacibus  ; 
funis  enim  iste  facilem  suspiciouem  movisset,  ex- 
ploratores  in  Rachabis  sedibus  quaesitos  ejus  restis 
ope  demissos  esse,  cum  contra  teuue  ac  leve  filum 
coccineum  nihil  suspecti  haberet."  This  view  is 
held  also  by  Maurer  and  Keil,  and  before  Schulz, 
by  J.  D.  Michaelis.  From  its  bright  red  color  the 
line  was  visible  at  a  distance.  But  how  did  Rahab 
reach  the  line  when  the  men  were  below  and  she 
above  at  the  window  ?  They  probably  fastened  it 
to  the  cord  which  she  then  drew  up.  To  this  first 
condition  the  spies  add  a  second,  namely,  they 
would  be  clear  of  their  oath  also  if  she  did  not 
gather  all  her  relatives  into  her  house,  which  they 
were  not  to  leave  (vers.  18,  19).  The  third  and 
last  condition  is  that  Rahab  shall  betray  nothing 
(ver.  20). 

His  blood  be  upon  us.  Blood  =  blood-guilti- 
ness, responsibility  for  blood,  Gen.  xxxvii.  26 ; 
Lev.  xvii.  4.     In  this   signification  we  have  the 

plural  also  D^OT.  Hence  D^OT  T2,  ,T2, 
house,  city  of  blood,  2  Sam.  xxi.  1 ;  Ezek.  xxii.  2  ; 
"  man  of  blood,"  Ps.  v.  7  ;  xxvi.  9 ;  lv.  24.  Com- 
pare besides  Matt,  xxvii.  19,  24,  25. 

Ver.  21.  She  fastened  the  line  in  the  window, 
not  the  cord. 

c.  Vers.  22-24.  Return  of  the  Spies  to  Joshua. 
The  last  verses  of  the  chapter  relate  the  return 
of  the  spies  who,  after  tarrying  three  days  in  the 
mountain,  recrossed  the  Jordan  [probably  by  swim- 
ming, as  the  water  at  this  season  was  too  high  to 
ford. —  Tr.]  and  came  with  joyful  tidings  to  Joshua 
(vers.  22-23). 

All  that  befel  them.  "  The  rriS?brrb| 
DrriN  is  synonymous  with  DHIS  nhj|0"'| 
Gen.  xlii.  29  "  (Keil)  "  On  SSn,  to  overtake,  be- 
fall, eorap.  Ex.  xviii.  8 ;  Num.  xx.  14.  Similarly 
rh[i,  Gen.  xlii.  29."  (Knobel) 

Ver.  24  contains  the  most  important  part  of 
their  report,  that  the  inhabitants  of  Canaan  were 

very  much  dispirited  and  fearful  ("l-QD,  as  in 
ver.  9). 

1  [Knobel  denying  the  reference  to  any  material  sign  in 
••r.  12,  is  obliged  by  the  art.  in  !TTn  to  identify  mfOT 
line)  with   b2nn  (rope)  ver.  15.  —  Ta.] 


DOCTRINAL  AND  ETHICAL. 

1.  Besides  that  Rahab  has  received  an  honorable, 
position  in  the  genealogical  record  of  Jesus  (Matt. 
i.  5),  she  is  mentioned  with  praise  by  the  author  of 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (xi.  31  fas  well  as  In 
James  (ii.  25),  as  a  woman  of  vigorous  taith.  "The 
former  of  these,  "  as  Riietschi  observes  ( Ri  al- 
Encyklop.  xii.  514),  is  followed  by  Clemens  Rom 
who  not  only  makes  Rahab  a  pattern  of  irioris 
and  <piAo£€n'a,  but  praises  in  her  a  certain  vpo<p- 
7jTeia,  since  he  finds  in  the  red  line  a  sign  of  the 
redemption  through  Christ's  blood  of  all  who  be- 
lieve and  hope  in  the  Lord."  This  red  line  is  applied 
allegorically  by  Starke  also,  "  This  red,  scarlet 
precious  line,"  he  says,  "  leads  us  to  the  blood  of 
the  paschal  lamb  of  the  O.  T  ....  but  still 
more  plainly  points  us  to  the  precious,  crimson 
blood  of  Jesus,  shed  for  us,  etc.,  by  which  we  are 
upheld  and  kept  unto  salvation,  as  Rahab  and  her 
family  were  kept  alive  and  safe  by  that  red  line." 

It  need  scarcely  lie  said  that  the  Scripture  itself 
knows  nothing  of  this  signification  of  the  red  line, 
and  yet  it  may  be  well  worth  while  to  subject  the 
two  passages,  Heb.  xi.  31  and  Jas.  ii.  25,  to  a  brief 
examination.  In  Heb.  xi.  it  had  just  been  said 
that  the  walls  of  Jericho  fell  down  through  faith 
after  they  had  been  compassed  about  by  the  Israel- 
ites seven  days.  Then  we  read  :  "  by  faith  the 
harlot  Rahab  perished  not  (ov  o-wawdbteTo)  with 
them  that  believed  not  (tois  aTrei6r]<ra<Ti, )  since  she 
received  the  spies  with  peace  (m«t'  eipijujs,  Luth. : 
with  friendship).  Faith  is  thus  ascribed  to  her  as 
to  the  Israelites,  that  faith,  namely,  which  is  the 
"substance"  a  confident  expectation  (!nr6<rrcurts\ 
of  that  for  which  one  hopes,  and  the  "  evidence," 
or  conviction  of  the  reality  of  things  not  seen  ( Heb 
xi.  1 ).  She  is  also  called,  honestly,  TropvQ,  while  the 
Rabbins  (see  above,  after  the  example  of  Josephus, 
Ant.  v.  12,  7),  uniformly  make  of  her  an  inn-keeper, 
or  also  a  concubine  (Kimchi).  On  the  same  track 
Christian  interpreters  followed  later,  proposing  to 

translate  the  H31T  "stranger"  or  "heathen  wo- 
man." But  in  this  matter  we  must  abide  by  the 
historical  truth  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  as 
Matthew  also,  in  bringing  in  Tamar,  Rahab  and 
Bathsheba  into  the  genealogical  register.  "  without 
doubt  aimed  to  show  the  Jewish-Pharisaic  spirit 
that  there  was  a  higher  righteousness  than  that  of 
outward  Jewish  holiness"  (Lange,  Comm.on  Matt 
i.  5).  By  her  faith  Rahab  was  led  to  this  higher 
righteousness,  "  and  rose  above  the  fact  that  she  had 
until  then  been  a  heathen  and  a  harlot"  (Lange, 
/.  c).  Therefore  she  perished  not  with  the  unbe- 
lievers when  she  had  received  the  spies  with  peace. 
Her  faith  in  the  God  of  heaven  and  earth  (Josh,  ii 
1 1 )  had  so  sharpened  her  sight  that  she  distinctly 
foresaw  the  conquest  of  the  land  (ch.  ii.  9)  anc 
clearly  perceived  the  disheartened  mind  of  the 
Canaanites.  It  was  a  strong  faith,  whif  h  showed 
its  fruits  in  works  of  love  (Gal.  v.  t,).  Hence, 
James  places  her  beside  Abraham  (ch.  ii.  24)  and 
says  of  her  that  by  (e'f)  works  she  was  justified  , 
"likewise  also  was  not  Rahab  the  harlot  justified 
( itiKaicidT) )  by  works  since  she  received  the  mes 
sengers  {ayye\ovs  not  Ka.Taaic6irovs,  as  in  Heb.  xi 
31)  and  sent  them  out  another  way."  We  first 
notice  here  that,  as  in  Heb.  xi.,  Rahab  is  called 
Tripv-n.  then  that  her  practical  faith  exhibited  in  the 
reception  of  the  spies  is  praised,  as  Abraham's  prao 
tical  faith  manifested  in  the  offering  of  Isaac  is  id 
ver.  21.  But  yet  it  is  in  James  also  expressly  /h/ti 
(ver.  22)  which  constitutes  the  principle  of  all  ou« 


CHAPTER   II. 


61 


ward  conduct.  Therefore,  since  we  must  deny  all 
fundamental  difference  between  Paul  and  James,  we 
cannot  agree  with  Ruetschi  in  saying  {ubi  sup.)  : 
"  The  author  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  brings 
forward  Rahab  as  an  example  of  faith,  and  James 
(ii.  25)  consistently  with  his  position,  as  an  example 
of  righteousness  through  works."  For,  in  reference 
to  eSttccuuiSr),  Lange  has  hit  the  truth  when  he  says 
on  this  passage,  "  The  term  StKaiouv  means  with 
James,  according  to  the  O.  T.  way  of  speaking  but 
with  a  N.  T.  depth,  that  God  declares  righteous  in 
the  theocratic  forum  before  the  theocratic  congre- 
gation regarded  as  permanent.  It  is  the  divine 
declaration  of  the  proof  [proved  reality  ?]  of  faith 
in  God's  kingdom  and  for  it,  while  the  AoyttWttai 
els  5iKawo-vvnv  of  James,  or  the  Stxaiouv  of  Paul 
is  an  act  which  passes  simply  between  God  and 
the  sinner  in  the  forum  of  his  consciousness."  In 
this  theocratic  sense  now  Rahab  was  justified, 
"not  merely  in  that  her  life  was  granted  (Josh.  ii. ; 
vi.  22  ff.),  but  in  that,  still  further,  she  became 
a  highly  honored  mother  in  Israel  "  Lange,  Coiiim. 
on  James  in  /.  ft).  Her  faith  was  not  a  dead 
faith  but  living  and  effectually  active.  But  faith  re- 
mains ever,  even  according  to  the  view  of  James,  the 
principle  of  her  action,  for  he  adds  in  confirma- 
tion of  this  (ver.  26) :  "  For  as  the  body  without  the 
spirit  is  dead,  so  is  faith  also  without  works  dead." 
Faith  must  perfect  itself  through  works  (ver.  22) 
that  it  may  suffice  for  justification  not  only  before 
God  but  also  before  the  congregation.  So  was  it 
with  Abraham's  and  also  with  Rahab's  faith.  Both 
stand  justified  before  God  and  before  men  ;  be- 
fore God  immediately  through  faith,  before  men 
through  faith,  evincing,  certifying,  displaying  itself 
in  works. 

[If  God  acts  He  goes  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
existing  dispensation,  and  oversteps  his  established 
relationships  with  man.  It  is  thus  that  the  divine 
nature  of  Jesus,  and  the  divine  rights  of  his  person, 
manifested  themselves.  He  was  sent  only  to  the  lost 
sheep  of  the  house  of  Israel.  That  was  the  limit 
of  his  formal  relationship  with  men.  But  if  faith 
lays  hold  of  the  goodness  of  God,  can  that  good- 
ness deny  itself,  or  limit  itself,  to  those  who  for 
the  time  being  were  alone  the  subjects  of  his  dis- 
pensation ?  No,  Christ  could  not  say,  God  is  not 
good,  I  am  not  good,  to  the  degree  you  have  im- 
agined. How  could  God  deny  himself  1  The  Sy- 
rophenician  woman  obtains  what  she  asks  for. 
Precious  prerogative  of  faith,  which  knows  and 
owns  God  through  everything  ;  which  honors  Him 
as  He  is,  and  ever  finds  Him  what  He  is  !  " 

"  Wherein  was  manifested  that  faith  in  Rahab 
which  the  Apostle  cites  as  a  pattern  ?  Admirable 
proof  that  the  way  in  which  God  acts  in  grace  is 
before  and  above  law,  that  grace  overleaps  the 
boundary  which  law  ascribes  to  man,  even  while 
maintaining  its  authority, —  an  authority,  however, 
which  can  only  manifest  itself  in  condemnation. 
What  then  was  Rahab's  faith?  It  was  the  faith 
which  recognizes  that  God  is  with  his  people,  all 
weak  and  few  as  they  may  be,  unpossessed  of  their 
inheritance,  wandering  on  the  earth  without  a 
country,  but  btloced  of  God.  If  Abraham  believed 
God  when  there  was  not  a  people,  Rahab  identified 
herself  with  this  people  when  they  had  nothing  but 
God."    Darby,  p.  309.—  Tk.] 

But  Rahab  lied  to  the  messengers  of  her  kin< 
Did  this  falsehood  also  come  through  faith  •     Ce 

1  [On  the   propriety  in  itself  of  the  appeal  to  God  by 
■inccre  worshipper  in  confirmation  of  his  veracity  (which  is 
■senti&Uy  the  oath  ,  8ee  Thnluck's  Com.  on  the  Sermon  on 


tainlynot;  rather  in  it  she  showed  her  natural 
disposition,  precisely  as  it  was  with  the  Hebrew 
midwives  (Ex.  i.  19)  who,  although  they  feared 
Uod(Fx.  i.  17),  nevertheless  deceived  Pharaoh' 
or  with  that  woman  at  Bahurim  (2  Sam  xvii 
18-20),  who  denied  that  Ahimaaz  and  Jonathan, 
David's  spies,  were  with  her  when  Absalom's  ser- 
vant sought  them.  Abraham  on  the  other  hand, 
when  Isaac's  perplexing  question  (Gen.  xxii.  7) 
tempted  to  a  so-called  "white"  lie,  answered  from 
faith  (Gen.  xxii.  8)  and  gave  in  so  doing  an  ex- 
ample for  every  one  in  such  eases. 

[Added  from  Keil  by  the  translator 
The  falsehood  with  which  Rahab  was  shrewd 
enough  not  only  to  turn  off  all  suspicion  of  her 
being  in  collusion  with  the  men  of  Israel  who  had 
come  into  her  house,  but  also  to  lead  the  further 
pursuit  of  them  away  from  her  house,  and  to  frus- 
trate the  attempts  to  capture  them,  can  be  excused 
neither  as  a  lie  of  necessity  to  accomplish  a  good 
end,  nor  with  Grotius  on  the  unfounded   plea,  that 

ante  Evangelmm  mendacium  viris  bonis  salutare 
corpse  non  ducebatur."  Nor  can  it  be  explained  as 
either  "  allowed  "  or  "  even  praiseworthy, '  because 
the  author  simply  reports  the  fact  without  judgment 
of  his  own.  nor  yet  because  Rahab,  as  appears 
from  what  follows  (ver.  9  ff.),  being  persuaded  of 
Jehovah's  omnipotence  and  of  the  reality  of  the 
miracles  wrought  by  liod  for  his  people,  acted  in 
pious  faith  that  the  true  God  would  give  the  land  of 
Canaan  to  the  Israelites,  and  that  all  opposition  to 
them  was  vain  and  a  resistance  to  Almighty  God 
himself.  For  a  lie  is  and  always  must  be  a  sin. 
Although,  therefore,  Rahab  in  tins  was  moved  by 
no  thought  of  protecting  herself  and  her  family 
from  destruction,  and  the  disposition  from  which 
she  acted  was  rooted  simply  in  faith  in  the  living 
God  (iriorei,  Heb.  xi.  31),  so  that  what  she  did  in 
this  disposition  for  the  spies,  and  so  for  God's 
cause,  is  reckoned  to  her  for  righteousness  (e'£ 
toyuiv  45ikcuiIi8ti,  James  ii.  25),  still  the  course  which 
she  adopted  was  a  sin  of  weakness,  which  for  her 
faith's  sake  was  graciously  forgiven  her,  —  an  "  in- 
tirmitas,  quajipsiob  tidem  gratiose  condonata  est." 
Calm—  Tk.] 

2.  That  the  spies  gave  their  oath  was  quite  proper, 
since  "  necessity  required  it."  Generally  in  an- 
tiquity, and  so  also  among  the  Israelite-,  the  taking 
of  oaths  was  much  more  common  than  with  us 
(Gen.  xxiv.  37  ;  1.  5  ;  Judg.  xxi.  5  ;  1  Sam.  xiv. 
24  etc.,  Matt.  xiv.  7),  and  this  was  especially  the 
case  in  private  intercourse.  To  avoid,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, the  use  of  God's  name  in  this,  they  in  later 
times  availed  themselves  of  other  objects  by  which 
to  swear,  as  clearly  appears  from  Matt.  v.  33-37  ; 
xxiii.  16  ff.  ;  James  v.  12.  Against  such  frivolous 
swearing  both  Christ  and  the  Apostle  James  speak, 
while  both  alike  indicate  the  ideal  of  Christian 
truthfulness  in  that  yea  should  be  yea,  and  nay, 
nay.  The  more  our  life  and  the  life  of  others  ap- 
proaches to  perfection,  the  less  need  "ill  there  be 
of  oaths  and  confirmation  of  the  nature  of  oaths. 
In  the  private  intercourse  of  Christians  with  each 
other,  this  is  indeed  the  case  now  wherever  the 
spirit  of  Christianity  is  in  any  considerable  degree 
active  in  their  hearts.  The  state  also  will  have  to 
strive  after  this,  but  as  things  in  general  now  are, 
and  representing  as  it  does  the  law  and  not  the 
gospel,  it  cannot  yet  forego  the  oath  as  a  means  ol 
justice.1      Therefore   the   Christian   also,  out   of 

the  Mount,  at  Matt.  v.  33-37.  But  this  being  fully  granted, 
it  seems  to  the  present  writer  extremely  questionable  whetbes 
the  entire  disuse  of  such  appeals  before  our  courts,  custom 


THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


obedience  to  "  the  powers  that  be  "  (Rom.  xiii.  1) 
will  have  to  submit  to  the  taking  of  the  oath.  The 
rejection  of  the  oath  by  Anabaptists,  Mennonites, 
and  Quakers,  was  closely  connected  with  that  of 
military  service,  and  with  the  refusal  to  assume 
public  offices,  and  rested  on  antinomianism.  —  That 
to  pledge  the  soul,  therefore  the  life,  as  is  done 
here,  ver.  14,  and  elsewhere  in  the  0.  T.,  is  not 
allowable  for  us  Christians,  needs  no  argument. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  carefully  to  be  observed, 
and  has  with  right  been  specially  pointed  out  by 
interpreters  of  this  passage,  what  care  the  spies  take 
with  the  conditions,  under  which  they  should  be 
clear  of  their  oath  ;  how  precisely  they  put  them 
in  form,  how  clearly  and  plainly  they  express 
them,  that  they  might  not  afterwards  be  charged 
with  perjury  (vers.  14,  17  ff.)  Another  example 
of  great  conscientiousness  in  reference  to  an  oath, 
see  in  ch.  ix.  19,  20. 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

The  sending  of  the  spies  to  Jericho.  (1.)  Send- 
ing forth  and  reception  by  Rahab  (ver.  1-7) ;  (2.) 
their  rescue  (ver.  8-21 ) ;  (3. )  their  return  to  Joshua 
(ver.  22-24).  —  The  heathen  woman  Rahab  as  a 
heathen  of  true  faith,  with  reference  to  Heb.  xi. 
31  ;  James  ii.  25.  —  Base  things  before  the  world 
and   things   which    are  despised   has  God  chosen 

—  proved  by  the  example  of  Rahab  especially  as 
presented  by  Matt.  i.  5.  Comp.  1  Cor.  i.  28.  — 
How  faith  sharpens  discernment  concerning  the 
condition  of  an  individual  or  of  a  whole  people. 

—  Despondency  as  a  result  of  heathen  sentiment 
and  life.  —  Even  yet  we  may  hear  what  the  Lord 
does  if  only  we  will  hear.  —  The  glory  of  God  as 
(1.)  above  in  heaven,  and  (2.)  below,  on  the  earth. 

—  One  should  care  not  only  for  himself  but  for  all 
those  belonging  to  him.  —  Rahab  as  a  faithful 
daughter  and  sister.  —  Kindness  and  truth  a  beauti- 
ful ornament  of  God,  not  less  also  of  men.  —  The 
rescue  of  the  spies  out  of  Jericho  and  that  of  Paul 
out  of  Damascus  compared  with  each  other  (ver. 
15;  Acts.  ix.  25).  Good  advice  ought  always  to 
be  received.  Proceed  carefully  when  you  have  to 
take  an  oath,  that  no  one  afterwards  may  charge 
you  with  its  violation.  —  Of  an  oath  ;  (1.)  when 
is  it  allowable?  (2.)  what  is  it?  (3.)  what  results 
from  it  ?  —  Let  it  be  as  you  say  —  much  spoken 
in  few  words.  —  The  joyful  return  of  the  spies 
to  Joshua  with  praise  and  thanksgiving  to  the 
Lord. 

Starke:  Christian!  To  us  also  heaven  is  prom- 
ised, Luke  xiii.  24  ;  Col.  iii.  1,  2  [Heb.  iv.  1,  11]. 
Truth  and  friendship  are  never  better  sought  than 
in  extreme  danger.  —  Woman's  craft  exceeds  all 
craft,  therefore  beware  of  it.     By  God's  name  only 

house  officials,  revenue  assessors,  etc.  etc.,  would  not  rather 
promote  the  ends  of  justice,  while  it  would  certainly  do 
away  with  a  shocking  scandal  to  religion.  This  is  of  course, 
on  the  supposition  that  something  like  the  (r  affirmation 
now  allowed  should  be  regularly  substituted,  and  the  civil 
penalties  for  falsehood  here  be  righteously  assigned  and  rig- 
orously exacted.  It  is  one  thing  to  conjecture  of  what  use 
the  oath  might  be  in  these  civil  transactions  if  reverently 
administered  and  intelligently  taken  ;  it  is  quite  another 
thing  which  we  actually  witness,  and  are  likely  to  witness, 
when  men  by  myriads  throughout  the  land  daily  mumble 
over  the  most  solemn  form  of  words,  without  a  thought  of 
their  significance,  and  seal  the  mockery  for  the  most  part 
•y  an  act  of  superstitious  nonsense.  When  we  consider  that 


should  one  swear,  Deut.  vi.  13,  Zeph.  i.  5.  —  How 
sacred  and  inviolate  must  the  oath  have  been  at  all 
times  among  the  Israelites,  when  even  a  heathen 
woman  would  trust  her  life  to  it.  0,  that  Chris- 
tians would  observe  this,  and  keep  their  oaths  also 
sacred  and  inviolate!  Ecc.  v.  4.  —  In  making  con- 
tracts men  should  explain  themselves  dearly  tc 
each  other,  and  use  no  ambiguous  language. — 
Christians  should  be  silent,  for  a  loquacious  tongue 
brings  many  into  sorrow,  Prov.  xiii.  3,  16,  26; 
[James  ii.  2  ff.].  In  time  of  persecution  to  conceal 
one's  self  is  quite  proper  for  the  ministers  and  ser- 
vants of  God  also.  God  can  soon  take  courage 
away  from  enemies. 

Hedinger  :  While  one  has  ordinary  means 
one  should  use  them  ;  but  if  these  fail  one  may  be- 
take one's  self  to  God's  immediate  help.  We  enter 
not  by  the  little  side  door  except  when  the  great 
portal  is  shut.  Even  the  greatest  sinners  when 
they  truly  repent,  are  agreeable  to  God  (Jer.  v.  3). 
One  discreet  and  faithful  person  in  a  house  is  wont 
to  cause  much  good ;  where,  on  the  contrary,  all 
are  careless  and  secure,  then  it  often  happens  that 
they  all  perish  together  (Gen.  xxxix.  2-5). 

Cramer  :  For  the  best  good  of  his  country 
every  patriot  should  give  himself  up  even  to  the 
hazard  of  body  and  life  (1  Sam.  xvii.  41).  Those 
who  are  on  their  journeys  God  can  wonderfully 
keep  from  dangers,  Ps.  xxxi.  21,  xci.  1. 

Osiander:  Right  faith  breaks  forth  thus  in 
free  confession  of  the  truth,  magnifying  and  prais- 
ing God,  and  streaming  out  in  love  towards  fellow 
men. 

[Matthew  Henry  :  There  are  many  who  be- 
fore their  conversion  were  very  wicked  and  vile, 
and  yet  afterward  come  to  great  eminence  in  faith 
and  "holiness-  —  They  who  truly  believe  the  divine 
revelation  concerning  the  ruin  of  sinners,  and  the 
grant  of  the  heavenly  land  to  God's  Israel,  will 
give  diligence  to  flee  from  the  wrath  to  come,  and 
to  lay  hold  on  eternal  life,  by  joining  themselves  to 
God  and  to  his  people.  — They  that  will  be  conscien- 
tious in  keeping  their  promises  will  be  cautious  in 
making  them,  and  perhaps  may  insert  conditions 
which  others  may  think  frivolous. —  Sinners'  frights 
are  sometimes  sure  presages  of  their  fall. 

Thos.  Scott  (on  ver.  12,  13) :  When  we 
really  discover  the  danger  to  which  our  souls  are 
exposed,  from  the  wrath  of  an  offended  God,  and 
are  earnestly  seeking  salvation,  we  shall  begin  to 
feel  for  those  who  are  not  sensible  of  their  own 
lost  condition.  This  will  induce  us  to  attempt 
what  we  can  to  forward  the  salvation  of  our  beloved 
friends  and  relations;  and  thus  they  who  have 
been  the  grief  and  disgrace  of  their  families,  may, 
by  the  grace  of  God,  become  their  protection  as 
well  as  ornament.  —  Tr.] 

an  oath  thus  carelessly  employed,  is  in  the  most  aggravated 
sense,  taking  the  name  of  CJod  in  vain,  and  that  our  laws 
almost  necessitate  this  in  cases  so  numerous  that  their 
united  sound  may  be  imagined  rising  as  a  constant  murmur 
to  heaven  amidst  the  voice  of  our  public  life,  we  may  well 
dread  the  condemnation  due  to  a  profane  people.  Is  there 
really  any  counterbalancing  gain  in  the  ascertainment  of 
the  truth  ? 

Is  not  the  evidence  now  got  by  affirmations  as  satisfactory 
as  that  by  oaths  ?  The  word  of  the  man  who  actually 
regards  God  needs  not  the  sanction  of  an  oath  ;  for  him 
who  does  not  the  penitentiary  alone  has  any  terror,  and  U 
that  he  might  as  well  appeal.  —  Ta.] 


CHAPTERS  III  .-IV.  53 


3.   The  Passage  of  the  Israelites  through  the  Jordan. 
Chapters  III.-IV. 

a.  Joshua's  Regulations  concerning  the  Passage  through  the  Jordan. 
Chapter  III.  1-13. 

1  And  Joshua  rose  early  in  the  morning  ;  and  they  removed  [broke  up ']  from  Shit 
tim  and  came  to  [the]  Jordan,  he  and  all  the  children  [sous]  of  Israel,  and  lodged 

2  there  before  they  passed  over.     And  it  came  to  pass  after  three  days,  that  the  officers 

3  [overseers]  went  through  the  host  [camp]  ;  and  they  commanded  the  people,  saying, 
When  ye  see  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God,  and  the 
priests   the   Levites  bearing  it,  then  ye  shall  remove  [break   up]  from   your  place, 

4  and  go  after  it.  Yet  there  shall  be  a  space  between  you  and  it,  about  two  thousand 
cubits  by  measure :  come  not  near  unto  it,  that  ye  may  know  the  way  by  which  ye 
must  go  ;  for  ye  have  not  passed  this  way  heretofore. 

5  And  Joshua  said  unto  the   people,  Sanctify  yourselves ;  for  to-morrow  the  Lord 

6  [Jehovah]  will  do  wonders  among  you.  And  Joshua  spake 2  unto  the  priests,  say- 
ing, Take  up  the  ark  of  the  covenant,  and  pass  over  before  the  people.  And  they 
took  up  the  ark  of  the  covenant,  and  went  before  the  people. 

7  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto  Joshua,  This  day  will  I  begin  to  magnify  thee 
in  the  sight  of  all  Israel,  that  they  may  know  that  as  I  was  with   Moses,  so  I  will 

8  be  with  thee.  And  thou 3  shalt  command  the  priests  that  bear  the  ark  of  the  cove- 
nant, saying,  When  ye  are  come  to  the  brink  of  the  water  of  [the]  Jordan,  ye  shall 
stand  still  in  [or,  at  the]  Jordan. 

9  And  Joshua  said  unto   the  children  [sons]  of  Israel.    Come  hither,  and  hear 

10  the  words  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God.  And  Joshua  said,  Hereby  ye  shall 
know  that  the  [a]  living  God  is  among  you,  and  that  he  will  without  fail 4  drive  out 
from  before  you  the  Canaanites  [Canaanite],  and  the  Hittites  [Hittite],  and  the  Hiv- 
ites  [Hivite],  and  the  Perizzites  [Perizzite],  and  the  Girgashites  [Girgashite],  and 

1 1  the  Amorites  [Amorite],  and  the  Jebusites  [Jebusite].5  Behold  the  ark  of  the  cov- 
enant of  the  Lord  of  all  the  earth  passeth  over  before  you  into  [through  the] 

12  Jordan.     Now  therefore  [And  now]  take  you  twelve  men  out  of  the  tribes  of  Israel, 

13  out  of  every  tribe  a  man.  And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  as  soon  as  the  soles  of  the  feet 
of  the  priests  that  bear  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  the  Lord  of  all  the  earth, 
shall  rest  in  the  waters 6  of  [the]  Jordan,  that  the  waters  of  [the]  Jordan  shall  be 
cut  offfrotn  [omit ;  from],  the  waters  that  come  down  from  above  ;  [,]  and  thev 
[omit ;  they]  shall  stand  upon  a  heap  [in,  or,  as  a  heap.] 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  1.  —  J7D3,  see  Gesen.  s.  b.  —  Tr.] 

-  t' 

2  [Ver.6.  —  Prop  :  said,  ^QK,  but  since,  when  this  verb  is  (Tery  rarely)  repeated  as  here,  our  language  would  not 
now  bear  "  he  said  ....  saying,"  there  is  no  way  but  either  to  render  the  first  verb  "  spake  "  with  English  Ven. 
or  omit  the  participle  altogether.  —  Tr.] 

S  [Ver.  8.  —  Fay  translates,  «  and  now,"  as  though  he  read   Hrii1!  instead  of    rTj^SI.  — Tr.] 

4  [Ver.  10  —  E7,"^V  tr^in.  The  emphatic  force  of  the  infin.  absolute  in  connection  with  the  finite  verb  is  habit- 
ually neglected  in  translation  by  De  Wette  and  Fay.  Herein  we  think  our  version  certainly  is  to  be  preferred,  although 
it  doubtless  sometimes  makes  too  much  of  this  peculiar  Hebrew  combination.  To  give  as  nearly  as  possible  the  shade  of 
meaning  intended  is  often  a  matter  of  much  nicety  of  expression.     Cf.  Gesen.  Gram.  §  133,  3  a.  —  Tr.] 

5  [Ver.  10.  —  The  Gentile  names  here  are  all  in  the  sing.,  and  although  the  Hebrew  usage  in  this  respect  does  not 
always  coincide  with  the  English,  in  the  present  case  at  least  our  version  would  gain  as  much  in  force  as  in  fidelity  by  an 
exact  imitation  of  the  original.  —  TR.J 

6  [Ver.  13.  —  The  Hebrew  noun  for  water  is  always  plural,  but  construed  with  verbs  of  either  number.  The  English 
VerB.  varies  capriciously  between  the  two.  In  some  connections  the  plural  is  doubtless  more  adequate  in  the  English,  bu* 
leneraJly  "  water  "  would  be  the  right  expression.  — Tr.J 

6.  The  Passage  of  the  Jordan. 
Chapter  III.  U-IV.  17. 

14  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  the  people  removed  [broke  up]  from  their  tents  to 
pass  over  [the]  Jordan,  and  the  priests  bearing  the  ark  of  the  covenant  before  the 


!>4  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHU^. 


15  people;  and  as1  they  that  bare  the  ark  were  come  unto  [the]  Jordan,  and  the  feei 
of  the  priests  that  bare  the  ark  were  dipped  in  the  brim  of  the  water,  (for  [the] 

10  Jordan  overfloweth  all  his  [its]  banks  all  the  time  of  harvest,)2  that  the  waters  which 
came  down  from  above  stood  and  rose  up  upon  an  heap,  very  far  from  [by  3]  the 
city  Adam,  that  is  beside  Zaretan ;  and  those  that  came  down  toward  the  sea  of  the 
plain  [the  Arabah  4J  even   [omit :  even]  the  salt  sea,  failed,  and  were  cut  off  [were 

17  entirely  cut  off  ]  :  and  the  people  passed  over  right  against  Jericho.  And  the 
priests  that  bare  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  stood  firm  on  [the] 
dry  ground  in  the  midst  of  [the]  Jordan,  and  all  the  Israelites  passed  over  on  [the]  dry 
ground,  until  all  the  people  [nation,    ''ian]   were  passed  clean  over  [the]  Jordan. 

1  IV.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  all  the  people  were  clean  passed  over  [the]  Jordan, 

2  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  spake  unto  Joshua,  saying,   Take  you   twelve  men  out  of 

3  the  people,  out  of  every  tribe  a  man,  and  command  ye  them,  saying,  Take  you 
hence  out  of  the  midst  of  [the]  Jordan,  out  of  the  place  where  the  priests'  feet  stood 
firm,  twelve  stones,  and  ye  shall  carry  them  over  with  you,  and  leave  them  in  the 
lodging-place  where  ye  shall  lodge  this  night. 

4  Then  [And]  Joshua  called  the  twelve  men,  whom  he  had  prepared  of  the  children 

5  [sons]  of  Israel,  out  of  every  tribe  a  man ;  And  Joshua  said  unto  them,  Pass  over 
before  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  into  the  midst  of  [the]  Jordan, 
and  take  you  up  every  man  of  you  a  stone  upon  his   shoulder,  according  unto  the 

6  number  of  the  tribes  of  the  children  of  Israel  :  that  this  may  be  a  sign  among  you, 
that  [omit:  that]  when  your  children  ask  their  fathers  [omit:  their  fathers]  in  time 

7  to  come,  saying,  What  mean  ye  by  these  stones  ?  Then  ye  shall  answer  them 
[say  to  them],  That  the  waters  of  [the]  Jordan  were  cut  off  before  the  ark  of  the 
covenant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  ;  when  it  passed  over  [the]  Jordan,  the  waters  of 
[the]  Jordan  were  cut  off:  and  these  stones  shall  be  for  a  memorial  unto  the  children 

8  [sons]  of  Israel  forever.  And  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  did  so  as  Joshua  com- 
manded, and  took  up  twelve  stones  out  of  the  midst  of  [the]  Jordan,  as  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  spake  unto  Joshua,  according  to  the  number  of  the  tribes  of  the  children 
[sons]  of  Israel,  and  carried  them  over  with  them  unto  the  place  where  they  lodged, 

9  and  laid  them  down  there.  And  Joshua  set  up  twelve  stones  in  the  midst  of  [the] 
Jordan,  in  the  place  where  the  feet  of  the  priests  which  bare  the  ark  of  the  covenant 

10  stood,  and  they  are  there  unto  this  day.  For  [And]  the  priests  which  bare  the  ark 
stood  in  the  midst  of  [the]  Jordan,  until  every  thing  was  finished  that  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  commanded  Joshua  to  speak  unto  the  people,  according  to  all  that  Moses 

11  commanded  Joshua:  and  the  people  hasted  and  passed  over.  And  it  came  to 
pass,  when  all  the  people  were  clean  passed  over,  that  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jeho- 

12  van]  passed  over,  and  the  priests  in  the  presence  of  [before]  the  people.  And  the 
children  [sons]  of  Reuben,  and  the  children  [sons]  of  Gad,  and  half  the  tribe  of 
Manasseh    passed  over  armed  [eager  for  war,  or,  in  companies  ch.  i.  14]  before  the 

13  children  [sons]  of  Israel,  as  Moses  spake  unto  them.  About  forty  thousand  pre- 
pared for  [the]  war  passed  over  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  unto  battle,  to  the  plains 
[desert  plains,  steppes,  iTCH?  5]  of  Jericho. 

14  On  that  day  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  magnified  Joshua  in  the  sight  of  all  Israel,  and 
they  feared  him  [,]  as  they  [had]  feared  Moses,  all  the  days  of  his  life. 

15  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  spake  unto  Joshua,  saying,  Command  the  priests  that 
bear  the  ark  of  the  testimony  [law,  Gesenius]  that  they  come  up  out  of  [the]  Jor- 

16  dan.     Joshua  therefore  [And  Joshua]  commanded  the  priests,  saying,  Come  ye  up 

1 7  out  of  [the]  Jordan.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  the  priests  that  bare  the  ark  of  the 
covenant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  were  come  up  out  of  the  midst  of  [the]  Jor- 
dan, and  [omit:  and]  the  soles  of  the  priests'  feet  were  lifted  up  [plucked  out 
!ipri3]  unto  the  dry  land,  that  [and]  the  waters  of  [the]  Jordan  returned  unto  their 
place,  and  flowed  over  all  his  [its]  banks,  as  they  did  before. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ch.  3.  Ver.  15  —  Our  version  is  here  particular  to  mark  the  difference  between  2  with  Inf.  const.  (S12.3)  and  2    to 
the  same  connection  in  ver  13  (3?D33).      The  distinction  is  slight  tnd  in  many  cases  probably  none  was  deliberated 


CHAPTERS  IIL-IV. 


66 


at  in  the  choice  of  the  particle  ;  yet  strictly  the  latter  (2)  denotes  an  action  as  contained  in  another  (in  time) 

She  former  (3')  denotes  it  as  bearing  a  comparison  with  that  other  in  respect  to  time  (or  quality  or  condition),  as  simnl 
taneous,  following  close  upon,  about  the  same  as,  etc.  —  Tr.] 

2  [Ch   iii.  15. —  Literally,  and  the  Jordan  was  full  on  all  its  banks  all  the  days  of  harvest.  —  Tr.] 

3  [Ch  iii.  16. — Very  far  ("se.  from  the  place  of  crossing,"  Keil)  at  or  by  the  city  of  Adam.  Our  version  followed  the 
Keri  here  apparently  without  good  reason.  —  Tr.] 

4  [Ch.  iii.  16.  —  The  Arabah  (as  in  ch.  xviii.  18,  22)  the  definite,  individual  r  plain,"  which  bordered  the  Jordan  Rivei 
and  the  Dead  Sea.     See  the  Exeget.  Note  on  this  verse.  —  Tr.]  • 

[5  Ch.  iv.  13.  —  These  were  the  expanse  of  the  Jordan-valley  (Arabah)  in  the  neighborhood  of  Jericho,  greatly  widened 
here  by  the  retreat  of  tbe  mountains  toward  the  west.  —  Tr.] 

[6  Ch.  iv.  18.  —  The  exact  translation  would  be  :  H  And  it  came  to  pass  —  were  come  up  out  of  the  midst  of  the  Jordan,  the 
Boles  of  the  priests'  feet  were  plucked  out  unto  the  dry  land,  and  the  waters  of  the  Jordan  returned  and  went  as  before  on  all 
its  banks."     The  return  of  the  water  to  its  course  is   thus  carefully  associated  with  the  last  step  of  the  priests    from   the 

muddy  bed  of  the  stream.  —  rT2"^nn    vS  *lp^l3  is  prceg-  for,  "  were  plucked  up  out  of  the  bed  of  the  Btream  and 
stepped  on  the  dry  or  solid  land.''  Keil.  — Tr.] 

c.  The  Erection  of  the  Memorial  at  Gilgal. 
Chapter  IV.    19-24. 

19  And  the  people  came  up  out  of  [the]  Jordan  on  the  tenth  day  of  the  first  month, 

20  and  encamped  in  Gilgal,  in  the  east  border  of  Jericho.     And  those  twelve  stonea 

21  which  they  took  out  of  [the]  Jordan,  did  Joshua  pitch  [set  up]  in  Gilgal.  And  he 
spake  unto  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel,  saying,  When  your  children  shall  ask  their 

22  fathers  in  time  to  come,  saying,  What  mean  these  stones  ?     Then  ye  shall  let  your 

23  children  [sons]  know,  saying,  Israel  came  over  this  Jordan  on  [the]  dry  land.  For 
the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  dried  up  the  waters  of  [the]  Jordan  from  before  you, 
until  ye  were  passed  over,  as  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  did  to  the  Red  sea, 

24  which  he  dried  up  from  before  us,  until  we  were  gone  over :  that  all  the  people 
[peoples]  of  the  earth  might  know  the  hand  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  that  it  is  mighty, 
that  ye  [Fay  :  they]  might  fear  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  for  ever. 


exegetical  and  critical. 

a.  Joshua's  Arrangements  for  the  Passage  of  the 
Jordan. —  And  Joshua  rose  early.  E^ti^l  as  in 
Gen.  xix.  2,  27  ;  xx.  8 ;  xxii.  3  ;  xxviii.  18  ;  xxxii. 
1,  with  and  without  the  addition  "  in  the  morning." 
Properly  C'St^il  is  a  denom.  from  "270,  "to 
load  up,  on  the  backs  of  beasts  of  burden,  which 
among  the  nomads  is  done  early  in  the  morning," 

=  \3y2  Is.  xxxiii.  20.  —  This  breaking  up  took 
place  immediately  after  the  return  of  the  spies,  and 
this  verse  accordingly  belongs  properly  to  ch.  ii. 

Ver.  2  is  in  continuation  of  ch.  i.  10-16.  The 
three  days  here  are  the  same  as  in  ch.  i.  1 1 .  In 
ch.  ii.  which  is  otherwise  very  appositely  inserted, 
and  in  a  way  completely  suiting  the  connection, 
the  differences  in  the  dates  were  not,  we  must 
simply  admit,  duly  taken  into  account.  On  the 
other  hand  it  seems  to  us  unnecessary,  to  assume 
a  contradiction  between  ver.  1  on  one  side  and  vers. 
2-6  on  the  other,  on  the  grounds  that  (a.)  the 
people,  according  to  ver.  1 ,  were  at  the  Jordan  and 
not  2,000  cubits  off  from  it ;  (6.)  the  Israelites  spent 

only  one  uight  PC  -^1)  there,  and  so  could  not  have 
been  there  after  three  days.  Although  we  grant 
that  the  word  here  translated  "  lodge  commonly 
means  to  "  spend  the  night "  (Gen.  xix.  2  ;  xxiv. 
25;  xxviii.  11  ;  xxxii.  14,  22),  still  in  view  of  such 
passages  as  Job  xix.  4  ;  xli.  14 ;  Ps.  xxv.  13  ;  xlix. 
13],  we  may  well  take  it  here  in  the  sense  of  to  en- 
camp, to  tarry,  as  the  Vulgate,  when  it  translates 

1  [Leyrer,  in  Uerzog*s  Eneyklop.,  vol.  xiv.  p.  1,  note, 
rapposing  the  ground-meaning  of  ~^£'  to  have  been  "  to 
?ut  in  order,"  t[  sot  in  a  row,  hence  to  make  a  row,  of  let- 


morati  sunt.  [The  English  word  "  lodge  "  very 
appropriately   represents     ,17.]      Again:    "they 

came  to  the  Jordan,"  JTTTnj?  ^IS^l  is  certainly 
not  to  be  understood  with  literal  preciseness.  It 
means  :  they  came  near  to  the  Jordan,  not  exactly 
on  the  brink  of  the  river.  Two  thousand  cubits 
may  very  naturally  still  have  intervened,  especially 
when  we  take  into  account  the  great  extent  of  the 
camp.  This  view  is  very  evidently  supported  by 
vers.  14,  15,  which,  according  to  Knobel  from  the 
same  author  as  ver.  1  a,  state  that  the  people  re- 
moved out  of  their  tents  and  the  priests  came  to  the 
Jordan.  Had  they  encamped  close  on  the  river- 
brink,  as  ver.  1  is  interpreted  by  Knobel,  we  should 
have  been  told  immediately  of  the  dipping  of  their 
feet  in  the  water,  but  not  certainly  of  their  coming 
to  the  Jordan. 

Ver.  3.     Overseers.    As  in  ch.  i.  11  so  also  here 

Q^t^tr,  LXX.  ypafjLfiaTeU :  Vulg.  praicones;  Lu- 
ther, Hauptleute  (head-men)  ;  Stier,  Amtteute  (offi- 
cials) ;  at  first  probably  altogether  general  officers, 
head-men  of  the  people  (Ex.  v.  6-19  ;  Num.  xi. 
16),  those  who  knew  how  to  write.  Later,  the 
magistrates  in  the  towns  (Deut.  xvi.  18;  1  Chron. 

xxxiii.  4).     In  Arabic  ~1£SP   signifies  simply  to 

write.  la  2  Chr.  xxvi.  1 1  "lt3tP  and  ">SD  stand 
side  by  side.    In  Prov.  vi.  7,  the  former,  English 

Vers.  "  overseer,"  stands  with  ^t?E  "  guide  "  and 

V??T  "  ruler."  i 

ters,"  Bays:  "we  may  rather  conceive  that  the  n^^^yT, 
from  the  ground-nieaning  of  the  word  and  from  their"  pri- 
mary function,  are  called  ordinatores,  than  from  a  derived 


56 


THK   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


Ark  of  the  Covenant.  Here  "ark  of  the  cove- 
nant of  Jehovah,"  elsewhere  also  "  ark  of  God,"  1 
Sam.  iii.  3,  "  ark  of  the  testimony  "  [law],  Ex.  xxv. 
22  :  the  sacred  ark  with  the  tallies  of  the  law  (ac- 
cording to  Heb.  ix.  4,  with  other  objects  also),  pre- 
pared by  Moses  (Ex.  xxv.  10  ft'.)  after  a  divine 
pattern.  It  was  two  and  a  half  cubits  long,  one 
and  a  half  cubits  high,  and  the  same  in  breadth. 
It  was  made  of  acacia  wood,  overlaid  within  and 

without  with  gold  plate.  The  name  |V1S  iS  de- 
rived from  ^"^^i  to  bore  out,  hollow  out,  and  sig- 
nifies properly  something  hollow,  hence  also  "  a 
cofhn,"  Gen.  1.  26.  Figures  may  be  seen  in  Hoff- 
mann and  Redslob,  Universal  Bibel-L'xicon  for  the 
P-eojde,  i.  244;  Kiepert,  Bible  Atlas,  v.  Fig.  15. 
[Smith's  and  other  Bilile  Dictionaries,  and  works 
of  the  same  design,  may  be  consulted.  Also  Jahn, 
Coleman,  and  other  writers,  on  Hebrew  antiquities. 
—  Tr.; 

Ver.  4.  Yet  there  shall  be  a  space  .... 
two  thousand  cubits  by  measure.  As  a  reason 
it  is  given  that  the  ark  should  show  the  way.  Had 
the  masses  of  the  people,  who  by  no  means  marched 
as  soldiers,  crowded  around  it.  those  that  were  be- 
hind could  not  have  seen  it.  The  sarredness  of  the 
ark  is  not  here  directly  the  reason,  as  various  inter- 

greters  have  supposed  (Mas.,  C.  a  Lapide,  Seb. 
chmidt,  v.  Lengerke  and  Knobel),  but  yet  may 
come  in  as  a  secondary  consideration.  According 
to  Num.  iv.  15  the  sons  of  Kohath  bore  the  sanc- 
tuary, but  might  not  touch  it.  Uzziah  died  when 
he  did  this  (2  Sam.  vi.  7).  We  may  notice  also 
what  Starke  has  pointed  out,  that  no  longer  the 
pillar  of  cloud  but  the  ark  of  the  covenant  leads  the 
way.  The  manna  likewise  ceased  at  this  time. 
The  days  of  the  pilgrimage  are  past.  Two  thousand 
cubits  =  one  Sabbath  day's  journey  (Acts  i.   12) 

=  three  thousand  feet.     The  Kethib  13N3  is  to  be 

retained  instead  of  Ken,  V3*3.    So  also  ch.  viii.  1 1 , 

"  since  the  plural  Vi'O  is  limited  almost  entirely  to 
the  case  where  the  suff.  also  has  the  plural  sense. 
Comp.  Ewald,  §  266  a."  (Keil). 

Ver.  5.  [Sanctify  yourselves.  "  The  sanctifi- 
cation  of  the  people  consisted  not  in  the  washing 
of  their  clothes,  which  is  mentioned  Ex.  six.  10-14 

with  the  tT.'i'ii,  for  there  was  no  time  for  this  ;  nor 
in  the  changing  of  garments  merely,  which  ac- 
cording to  Gen.  xxxv.  2,  might  take  the  place  of 
washing,  and  in  abstinence  from  conjugal  inter- 
course, Ex.  xix.  15.  These  were  only  the  outward 
signs  of  the  sanctification  which  really  consisted  at 
the  same  time  in  the  spiritual  purification,  the 
turning  of  the  heart  to  God,  in  faith  and  trust  in 
his  promise,  and  in  willing  obedience  to  his  com- 
mands, that  they  might  rightly  take  to  heart  the 
wonder  of  grace  which  the  Lord  would  the  next 
day  perform  among  them."    Keil.  —  Tr.] 

To-morrow.  According  to  ch.  iv.  ly  the  10th 
of  Nisan. 

Ver.  6.  And  they  took  up  the  ark  of  the  cov- 
enant. This  statement  is  not  exact  [not  in  place 
here],  the  correct  account  is  given  in  ver.  15.  since 
vets.  7-13  could  not  be  spoken  after  the  procession 
was  already  in  motion.  Keil :  "  Whether  the  com- 
mand in  ver.  6  was  given  the  evening  before,  as 
Maurer,  or  on  the  morning  of  the  crossing,  as 
IJo.scnmuller  supposes,  cannot  be  determined,  since 
both  were  equally  possible.  The  former  is  the  more 


probable  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  the  execution  of  thii 
command  in  the  last  words  of  the  verse  is  antici- 
pated. For  the  following  revelation  of  God  to 
Joshua,  together  with  Joshua's  discourse  to  the  peo- 
ple, cannot  have  taken  place  after  the  priests  with 
the  ark  had  already  begun  the  march."  Knobel 
refers  the  words  to  the  breaking  up  of  the  camp 
from  Shittim. 

Vers.  7,  8.  Revelation  of  God  to  Joshua,  in 
which  the  Lord  promises  to  make  him  great  from 
this  day  forward  as  he  had  made  Moses  great ; 
agreeing  substantially  with  ch.  i.  2-9.  Then  fol- 
lows, ver.  8,  God's  command  that  "  Joshua  should 
direct  the  priests  bearing  the  ark  to  halt  when  they 
came  to  the  edge  of  the  water  of  the  Jordan,  i.  e., 
as  soon  as  they  reached  the  water  in  the  bed  of  the 
Jordan,  and  their  feet  stood  in  it,  and  to  remain 

standing.  On  "TO37  comp.  Gen.  xliii.  15.  What 
Jehovah  communicated  further  is  not  here  told, 
because  it  appears  from  the  following."  (Knobel). 
Ver.  9-13.  In  these  verses  we  have  to  think  of 
ourselves  as  addressed  in  a  solemn  assembly  of  the 
people,  a  congregation  of  Jehovah.  They  contain 
the  purport  of  the  divine  revelation,  and  more  fully 
than  it  had  been  stated  in  vers.  7  and  8. 

Ver.  9.  'ItTS  with  accent  drawn  back  as  in 
Ruth  ii.  14  ;  1  Sam.  xiv.  38,  comp.  Ewald,  §  100  a, 
and  227  b."     (Keil). 

Ver.  10.  Hereby  shall  ye  know  that  a  living 
God  is  among  you.  The  design  of  the  miracle, 
the    furtherance   of  the   knowledge  of  God  as  a 

living  mighty  God,  is  significantly  put  first.  Tl  "S ; 

God  is  here  called  7N  from  ''IN,  prop,  the  Strong 
One  in  opposition  to  the  gods  of  the  heathen, 
which  are  ^?  .*?.,  Lev.  xix.  4;  xxvi.  1 ,  nothings, 
C'^nn,  prop,  breaths,  Deut.  xxxii.  21  ;  Jer.  viii. 

19;  xiv.  22;  Ps.  xxxi.  7,  or  even  Sl.tT  "020, 
Jon.  ii.  8,  "  lying  vanities."  He  is,  however,  not 
called  st>  merely,  which  term  in  the  plural  occurs 
also  of  the  gods  of  the  heathen  (Ex.  xv.  11),  but 
sn  bS.  to  indicate  that  he  is  not  dead  like  them, 
comp.  Jer.  x.  9,  10.  On  the  original  inhabitants 
of  Palestine  see  the  Introduction,  §  7.  As  here,  so 
previously  in  T)eut.  vii.  1 ,  and  again  in  this  book 
ix.  1  ;  xi.  3;  xxiv.  11,  seven  races  are  enumerated, 
but  in  varying  order.  The  Jebusites,  however, 
always,  except  in  ch.  xi.  3,  stand  last. 

Ver.  11.  Lord  of  the  whole  earth.  A  signifi- 
cant appellation  of  God,  where  the  conquest  of  a 
land  is  in  question.  From  Him  Israel  has  his  title 
to  Canaan. 

Verse  12  compared  with  ch.  iv.  2  occasions  diffi- 
culty. Two  questions  arise :  (1.)  When  was  this 
direction  given  ;  before  the  crossing  or  during  the 
crossing  ?  The  former  according  to  this  pas- 
sage, the  latter  according  to  iv.  2.  The  former 
seems  more  probable,  because  the  twelve  men  could 
not  possibly  be  chosen  during  the  passage.  (2.) 
Does  the  choice  of  the  twelve  men  rest  as  Knobel 
teaches,  according  to  our  passage,  on  the  regulation 
of  Joshua  alone,  or  on  the  divine  command,  as  ch. 
iv.  1  expressly  says.  Answer:  The  author  has  here 
the  same  view  of  the  divine  authority  of  the  com- 
mand as  in  iv.  1,  otherwise  he  would  not  have  incor- 
porated these  words  in  a  discourse  which  contain* 
the  solemn  announcement  of  a  divine  revelation. 


meaning  and  from  a  mere   accident  of  their   office.     See    Lengerke,  Kenaan,  p.  374,  Anm. ;  Hoffman,  the  Art.  "  Hebr 
Vater,  toI.  iii.  of  his  Com. ;  Von  Bohlen,  Genuis,  p.  ilii. ;   Schrift  "  in  Erech  u.  Qruber's  Encyklop."  —  Ts.) 


CHAPTERS   III.-1V. 


Ver  13.  Soles  of  the  feet,  comp.  ch.  i.  3. — 
The  water  ....  shall  be  cut  off,  flTTlS?, 
Luther  :  be  broken  off;  De  Wette  :  part ;  literally  : 
'  shill  becutoff,"  that  is,  the  water  above  the  place 

«>f  crossing  stood  still,  so  that  no  more  flowed  by. 
The  water  below  ran  away  toward  the  Dead  Sea. 

6.  Chaps,  iii.  14-iv.  18.  The  Passagi-  of  the  People 
through  tl<>>  Jordan.  This  took  place  according  to 
ch.  iv.  19,  on  the  tenth  day  of  the  first  month  (called 
Nisan  or  Abib),  hence  in  the  same  month  as  for- 
merly the  departure  out  of  Egypt.  This  like  that 
was  immediately  before  the  Passover,  which  accord- 
ing to  ch.  v.  was  celebrated  four  days  later  for  the 
first  time  on  the  soil  of  the  Holy  Land.  The  har- 
vest here,  in  the  deeply  sunken  heated  valley  of  the 
Jordan,  was  already  begun.  The  "yellow"  water 
of  the  river  stands  high  at  this  season,  because  the 
snows  are  melting  on  the  mountains  (comp.  Furrer, 
p.  154).  So  much  more  wonderful  was  the  event, 
a  proof  of  the  actual  help  of  the  "  living  God  " 

Ver.  15.  And  the  Jordan  overfloweth  . 
.  .  harvest.  A  parenthetical  sentence.  The 
Jordan-valley,  the  Ghor,  is  two  hours  across,  the 
proper  river-bed,  through  winch  the  stream  flows, 
only  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  and  the  stream  itself 
according  to  Fund's  estimate  (p.  154),  only  90 
feet  in  breadth.  This  latter  valley  was  over- 
flowed, and  is  still  overflowed,  by  the  "  high-water ' 
at  the  time  of  harvest,  precisely  as  then.  See  Seet 
zen,  Burckhardt,  Robinson,  [Stanley,  5.  cf-  P.,]  Fur- 
rer. The  last  named  says  :  "  When,  late  in  the 
spring,  the  snow  on  Hermon  begins  to  melt,  the 
Jordan  commonly  overflows  its  lower  bank,  and 
puts  reeds  and  hushes  under  water.  So  found  it, 
as  was  related  in  Israel,  the  fathers  under  Joshua  ; 
'  The  Jordan  was  full  on  all  its  banks  all  the  time 
of  harvest.'  " 

Ver.  16.  Near  Adam.  Heb.  0"JN2.  The 
Kethib  is  to  be  preferred,  since  its  meaning  is  that 
very  far  from  the  place  of  crossing,  by  the  city 
Adam  which  lay  at  the  side  of  Zaretan,  the  water 
stood  still.  This  city  Adam  was  situated,  probably, 
where  now  we  find  the  ford  Damieh  with  remains 
of  a  bridge  of  the  Roman  period  ( Lynch 's  Report, 
p.  150  f.,  Van  de  Velde,  narrative,  ii.  p.  322  f.), 
"  Several  hours  north  of  Jericho  "  (Knobel).  Zare- 
tan. ''Not  improbably  Kurn  Sartabeh.  near  the 
lord  Damieh,  a  long,  prominent  rocky  ridge,  from 
which  a  lower  range  of  hills  reaches  almost  to  the 
Jordan,  and  seems  to  extend  itself  obliquely  through 
to  the  eastern  mountains.  Here  the  Jordan  valley 
is  compressed  within  its  narrowest  limits,  and  the 
Ghor  divides  itself  into  the  upper  and  the  lower. 
On  Kurn  Sartabeh  it  is  reported  that  there  are 
still  ruins."  So  Knobel  after  Robinson  (Lai.  Bilil. 
Res.  pp.  283  f.,  217  f.).  It  is  worthy  of  remark 
that  just  here  the  water  "is  cut  off  where  from 
both  sides  the  mountain  ridges  narrow  the  river, 

1  ["The  plain"  here  (it^Tiyn),  is  the  arid  bottom 
laad  in  the  gorge  of  the  Jordan  —  ft  the  Ghor  "  (see  Introd. 
§  6).  To  this  remarkable  feature  of  the  country  the  name  is 
nnitOrmly  applied  througnout  our  book,  where  it  13  never 
applied  to  anything  else.  It  always  has  the  article  in  this 
connection,  and  nothing  seems  to  hinder  its  being  under- 
stood simply  as  a  proper  name  (in  which  sense  our  version 
'„wice  views  it,  xv.  6,  sviii.  18;  except  the  occurrence  of 
'he  plural  form  to  denote  the  broader  parts  of  the  depressed 
•alley,  as  about  Jericho.  Robinson  ( Pays.  ljtog.  p.  73)  never- 
Jieless  declares  it  decidedly  -t  the  proper  name  of  this  valley.'" 

this    plain  ii inpa 1  the  Dead  Sea  also,  more  or  less  dis- 

inctly.  and  then  stretched  on  in  the  modern  Wady  el-Arabah 
"o  the  head  of  the  Elanitic  Gulf.  But  see,  for  a  complete 
lecoun/    -'  this   verv    extraordinary   i  itural    phenomenon. 


and  the  river  valley.  The  name  Zaretan,  perhaps 
identical  with  Zareda,  the  home  of  Jeroboam  (1  K 
xi.  26),  as  Knobel  conjectures,  is  explained  from 
the  Arabic :  elatus  montium  locus.  Gesenius  like- 
wise holds  the  two  names  identical,  but  derives  from 

"T°!^i  according  to  the  Arabic,  to  be  cool  =  cool- 
ing, also  a  suitable  name  for  a  town  on  a  fresh  hill- 
top in  the  vicinity  of  a  river.  The  name  Adam 
calls  to  mind  Admah,  one  of  the  five  cities  in  the 
vale  of  Siddim  (Gen.  x.  19  ;  xiv.  2  ;  Hos.  xi.  8),  as 
also  Adanii,  a  city  of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali  (Josh. 
xix.  33).     Edom  may  also  be  compared  with  it. 

Failed  and  were  cut  off.  [The  conception  of 
this  scene  indicated  by  the  Keri  ("very  far  from 
Adam,)  "  is  different  from  that,  of  our  author  and 
the  recent  commentators  generally.  It  coincided 
with  (although  not  necessary  to)  what  we  suppose 
to  have  been  the  common  (popular)  view,  well 
stated  and  explained  by  Gill  (among  others)  on 
the  place.  He  naively  remarks,  indeed,  that  "  both 
readings,  as  is  usually,  if  not  always  the  case,  are 
to  be  received,"  but  his  own  exposition  does  not 
require  anything  so  unreasonable.  Let  the  waters 
have  been  actually  "cut  off"  above  where  the 
priests  stood,  in  full  view  of  the  people  (as  th< 
spirit  of  the  whole  account  seems  to  lie  in  the  visi 
btlity  of  the  wonder  to  the  people),  and  still  tin 
water  would  be  arrested  and  "  stand,"  before  the 
crossing  was  finished,  "  very  far  off."  The  current 
might  have  ceased  "  at  Adam,"  though  that  were 
thirty  or  even  more  miles  above.  Not  only  would 
this  be  immeasurably  more  impressive  to  the  multi- 
tude as  an  exhibition  of  the  divine  power  than  the 
mere  phenomenon  of  a  bare  river  bed,  the  reason 
for  which  they  could  not  see,  but  thus  the  fear 
with  which  "  they  hasted  and  passed  over  "  (see  on 
ch.  iv.  10),  is  much  more  naturally  accounted  for. 
This  view  of  the  miracle  ought,  at  least,  not  to  be 
wholly  ignored.  Indeed,  Keil  seems  so  to  conceive 
the  scene,  and  he  even  represents  (on  ver.  8)  the 
priests  with  the  ark  (symbolizing  the  divine  pres- 
ence) as  constituting  the  dam,  so  to  speak,  by  which 
the  rushing  waters  were  restrained  and  piled  up  in 
a  heap.  — Tit.] 

Toward  the  sea  of  the  plain  (Arabah),  the  salt 
sea.  It  is  evident  that  the  Dead  Sea  is  meant, 
concerning  whose  origin  we  have  a  report  in  Gen. 
xix.  24.  It  is  called  sea  of  the  plain  in  Deut.  iii 
17  ;  iv.  49  also.1  The  region  round  about  is  deso 
late,  yet  birds  sing  on  the  shore  of  the  sea  in 
numerous  choirs  and  fly  freely  over  the  water 
(Furrer,  p.  258,  Robinson,  Plu/s.  Geog.,  p.  219) 
The  water  of  the  sea  is  clear  but  very  strongly 
tinctured  with  salt,  and  hence  fatal  to  fish.  Bath 
eis  become  covered  with  an  oily  envelope,  some 
times  painful,  sometimes  not.  FYom  the  southern 
point  of  the  Dead  Sea  clear  to  Elath  stretches  the 
desert  valley  in  which  the  Israelites  wandered  for 
forty  years. 

Mr.  Grove's  article  on  the  Arabah  in  Smith's  Diet,  of  the 
Bible,  and  Ffoulke's  on  the  Jordan,  in  the  same  work.  —  Ta.] 
2  [A  very  full  and  in:eresting  digest  of  what  is  knowo 
concerning  the  Dead  Sea  is  given  in  Smith's  Dirtionari/,  Art 
Sea,  the  Salt."  In  reference  to  the  relation  between  this  sea 
and  the  cities  of  the  plain,  the  criticisms  of  Dr  H'olcott  oo 
the  views  of  Mr.  Grove  in  the  article  just  named  and  in  those 
on  Sodom  and  Zoar,  and  Siddim,  should  by  all  means  be 
carefully  considered.  See  also  Conant's  instructive  note  on 
hia  Revised  Version  of  Genesis,  p.  79.  Nor  should  Stanley's 
vivid  and  flowing  representation  in  ch.  is.  of  Sin.  fy  Pat., 
f'  The  Jordan  and  the  Dead  Sea, "  be  overlooked.  Th« 
colored  views  of  the  aea  and  its  surroundings  i  I  Tri* 
tram's  Land  of  Israel  assist  the  imagination  great!'  in  pi" 
turing  to  itself  the  scene.  —  Ta.l 


58 


THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


Ver.  17.  'P-H:  "Properly:  firmando,  i.  e.frm- 

iter,  with  solid  foot."  ^S  used  here  of  Israel,  as 
ch.  iv.  1  ;  v.  6,  8;  x.  13 ;  Ex.  xix.  6 ;  xxxiii.  13 ; 
Deut.  xxxii.  28.  Where  the  passage  took  place 
cannot  now  be  determined. 

Chap.  iv.  After  the  author  has,  in  ch.  iii.  14-17, 
briefly  related  the  history  of  the  crossing,  he  com- 
pletes his  report  in  this  chapter.  The  account  is 
not  strictly  speaking  without  order,  and  confused, 
as  some  have  said,  but  yet  neither  is  it  without 
repetitions  which  indicate  a  variety  of  authorities, 
blended  together  by  a  later  hand.  These,  however, 
we  cannot  assume  that  it  is  possible  to  determine 
accurately,  according  to  their  original  parts,  as 
Knobel  has  with  much  acuteness  attempted  to  do. 

Ver.  1.  And  it  came  to  pass  when  all  the 
people  were  clean  passed  over  the  Jordan. 
These  words  were  omitted  by  Luther  in  his  trans- 
lations. Why  ?  Did  he  possibly  consider  the  im- 
mediately following  Piska  (o)  as  a  sign  of  their 
spuriousiiess  ?  This  Piska  is,  according  to  Keil 
(Bib.  Com.  in  loc),  "  a  sign  in  use  before  the  Mas- 
oretes,  and  by  them  left  remaining  to  denote  a 
division  in  the  middle  of  a  verse  where  a  Parasche 
begins :  comp.  Hupfeld,  AusfUhrl  Heb.  Gramm-  pt. 
i.  pp.  86  and  89.  Gesenius  in  his  Lthrgeb.  p.  121, 
takes  a  different  view." 

Ver.  2.     See  ch.  iii.  12. 

Ver.  3.  For  V^ll  we  should  read  f^n,  as  in 
ch.  iii.  17. 

Ver.  4.  Knobel  regards  this  as  a  continuation 
of  ver.  1,  a.  What  intervenes  he  refers  to  the  second 
source  of  his  Jehovist,  according  to  which  the 
choice  of  the  twelve  men  rested  on  a  divine  direc- 
tion, while  the  first  knew  nothing  of  it.  We  con- 
fidently hold  that  ch.  iii.  12  presupposes  a  divine 
direction,  which  however  is  first  stated  here  in  the 
way  of  a  supplement. 

Ver.  6-9.  When  your  children  ask.  Comp. 
xxii.  27-28  ;  Ex.  xiii.  8-14.  —  Stones.  Here  it  is 
a  heap  of  twelve  stones,  in  Gen.  xxviii.  18  ;  xxxv. 
14  a  single  stone,  but  in  Gen.  xxxi.  46,  again  as 
here,  a  heap  of  stones.  They  were  sacred  me- 
morials of  the  simplest  kind.  According  to  ver.  9, 
"  Joshua  takes  twelve  other  stones,  and  sets  them 

up  in  the  bed  of  the  Jordan  on  the  spot  yin/l 
as  in  Ex.  x.  23  ;  xvi.  29)  where  the  feet  of  the  priests 
stood,  and  where  the  stones  have  remained  till 
the  time  of  the  narrator  "  (Knobel).  It  has  been 
asked :  To  what  purpose,  since  afterwards  the  water 
streamed  over  them  again  ?  They  might  become 
visible  in  a  low  stage  of  the  water.1  This  second 
measure  Joshua  adopts  of  himself  without  express 
divine  direction. 

Unto  this  day.  A  very  common  phrase  in  our 
book,  as  Bleek  (Inlrod.  to  0.  T.  §  135)  observes: 
ch.  v.  9  ;  vi.  29  ;  vii.  26  (bis) ;  viii.  28,  29 ;  ix.  27  ; 
X.  27  ;  xiii.  13  ;  xiv.  14  ;  xv.  63  ;  xvi.  10. 

Ver.  10.  The  priests  remain  standing  in  the 
Jordan  until  all  the  people  have  passed  through. 
They  had  therefore,  when  the  camp  broke  up,  only 
gone  the  two  thousand  cubits  in  advance  to  show 
the  way,  then  remain  standing  after  they  have 
taken  their  position  in  the  midst  of  the  dried  bed 

1  [Or  might  it  be  that  the  tf  midst  of  the  Jordan  "  where 
the  priests  stood  in  this  time  of  the  freshet,  was  at  the 
sdge  of  the  dry  liat  in  ordinary  seasons  ?  Then  the  pile  of 
twelve  stones  would  in  general  be  visible  and  less  exposed 
to  the  force  of  the  water  when  high      Here  the  caution  of 

Vlaurer,  Ne  premas,  TJI/^1  vocabulum,    is   to   be   heeded. 


of  the  stream  until  the  passage  is  completed.  Theii 
quiet  waiting  was  well  calculated  to  impart  cour- 
age to  the  people  who  hasted  and  passed  over 
through  fear.  The  contrast  well  deserves  considera 
tion.  Knobel  assumes  that  this  very  standing  stil. 
of  the  priests  was  the  ground  of  this  haste.  He 
says:  "  The  people  passed  as  quickly  through  as 
possible,  and  that  on  account  of  the  priests,  who 
during  this  long  passage  must  stand  in  one  place 
and  bear  the  ark."  This  reason  may  possibly  have 
operated  also,  yet  such  a  consideration  is  rather 
modern  than  conformable  to  the  sentiment  of  an- 
tiquity. The  chief  reason  for  the  haste  was  cer- 
tainly fear.2 

Ver.  1 1  After  the  passage,  the  ark  again  takes 
the  lead,  as  in  ch.  iii.  3  ff. 

After  the  history  of  the  crossing  has  thus  been 
given  first  briefly  in  ch.  iii.  14-17,  then  more  com- 
pletely ch.  iv.  1-11,  we  have  some  supplementary 
notices  in  vers.  12-17,  and  finally  the  conclusion  ver. 
18  announcing  the  return  of  the  water. 

On  vers.  12  and  13  comp.  ch.  i.  12-18. 

On  ver.  14  comp.  ch.  iii.  7. 

What  is  related  in  ver.  15-17  is  a  more  partic- 
ular statement  of  the  fact  mentioned  in  ver.  11  of 
this  chapter,  referred  by  Knobel,  on  account  of 
the  designation  of  the  ark  as  "  the  ark  of  the  testi- 
mony," to  the  Elohistic  original.  This  he  sup- 
poses to  have  been  used  here  first  in  the  book  of 
Joshua. 

Ver.  18.  States  the  conclusion,  pointing  back  to 
ch.  iii.  16. 

c.  On  ch.  iv.  19-24.  Erection  of  the  Monument 
at  Gilgal. —  Ver.  19.  The  date,  on  the  tenth 
(day)  of  the  first  month,  is  very  exact,  and  on 
this  account  Knobel  ascribes  the  verse  to  the  Elo- 
hist.  The  first  month  (as  Ex.  xii.  2,  18  ;  xl.  2,  17 
and  often)  is  elsewhere  called  also  Abib,  t.  e. 
month  of  green  ears  (Ex.  xiii.  4  ;  xxiii.  15  ;  Deut. 
xvi.  1),  and  subsequently  Nisan  (Neh.  ii.  1;  Est. 
iii.  7.)  "  This  name  is  probably  of  Pei^ian  origin, 
and  to  be  explained  from  the  Zend  nara<;an,  new 
day,  which  was  transferred  to  the  first  month  of  the 
year,  from  New  Year's  day.  See  Benfey,  Names 
of  the  Months,  p.  131  ff."  Gesenius.3  Fiirst,  in  his 
Hist,  of  Bibl.  Lit.  p.  400,  fixes  the  year  as  having 
been  1454  b.  c.  There  were  four  days  before  the 
Passover  which  fell  on  the  14th,  ch.  v.  10. 

Ver.  20.    Gilgal,  see  ch.  v.  9. 

Ver.  21  like  ver.  6,  with  Epic  breadth  as  in 
Homer. 

Ver.    22,    23,    might,   from    the    repetition    of 

EJ'Oin  C7>2in  ntva^n,  seem  to  be  a  citation 
from  a  poetical  panegyric  on  the  Passage  of  the 
River,  as  Bunsen  assumes  in  ver.  7  when  ho  trans- 
lates :  — 

«  As  through  the  Jordan  passed  the  Ark, 
Flowed  away  the  waters  of  the  Jordan." 

Here  we  are  reminded  of  the  "  Book  of  Jasher," 
mentioned  ch.  x.  13,  which,  however,  was  not  a 
"  Law-book  "  but  precisely  the  opposite,  a  poetical 
Hero-book.     See  Introd.  and  on  ch.  x.  13. 

Ver.  24.  All  the  peoples  of  the  earth, 
[Keil :  of  the  land,  sc.  of  Canaan.  But  not  well.] 
Might  know  the  hand  of  Jehovah.      A  beau- 

2  [This  fear  would  evidently  be  much  more  natural  on 
the  supposition  stated  above  on  ch.  iii.  16,  that  the  waters 
were  cut  off  and  stood  in  a  threatening  precipice  immediately 
above  the  place  of  crossing.  But  is  not  the  haste  of  the 
people  sufficiently  explained  by  the  fact  which  Keil  empha- 
sizes, that  so  vast  a  multitude  must  cross  in  one  day  ?  —  T*.* 

8  [But  see  this  disputed  in  Smith's  Diet  of  the  BibL  ■  t 
Months,  p  2006. —Tb.] 


CHAPTERS    III.   IV. 


59 


tifal  catholicity !  The  miracle  made  the  pas 
sage  possible  and  easy  for  Israel,  but  was  at  the 
same  time  to  serve  also  for  imparting  to  the 
heathen  nations  of  all  ages  a  knowledge  of  the 
power  of  Jehovah,  and  a  fear  of  the  Almighty 

(Knobel).     Instead    of     Of^Q)     read      Or*<"^ 
(Ewald,    Maurer,  Knobel).  with  reference  to   the 
coordinate  H?^  W^V-      [This  is  quite  doubtful 
we  rather  agree  with  Keil,  that  the  Masoretic  point- 
ing should  stand.  —  Tr.] 

[Stanley  in  the  following  paragraphs  has  finely 
combined  the  various  incidents  of  this  marvelous 
event,  and  we  have  only  to  regret  that  he  should, 
as  his  custom  too  often  is,  bring  in  the  Septuagint 
version,  and  Josephus,  and  what  not,  as  if  of  about 
equal  authority  with  the  inspired  text.  His  work 
thus  wears,  with  all  its  charms  of  learning,  ar- 
rangenlent,  and  style,  too  much  the  air  of  a  secular 
relation  of  the  history  of  the  ancient  "  Church." 

"  The  scene  of  the  passage  of  the  Jordan  is 
presented  to  us  in  the  Sacred  Narrative  in  a  form 
so  distinct,  and  at  the  same  time  so  different  from 
that  in  which  it  is  usually  set  forth  in  pictures  and 
allegories,  that  it  shall  here  be  given  at  length,  so 
far  as  it  can  be  made  out  from  the  several  notices 
handed  down  to  us,  namely,  the  two  separate  ac- 
counts in  the  Book  of  Joshua,  further  varied  by 
the  differences  between  the  Received  Text  and  the 
Septuagint,  the  narrative  of  Josephus,  and  the 
114th  Psalm. 

"  For  the  first  time  they  descended  from  the 
upper  terraces  of  the  valley,  they  '  removed '  from 
the  acacia  groves  and  came  to  the  Jordan,  and 
'  stayed  the  night '  there  before  they  passed  over. 

"  It  was  probably  at  the  point  near  the  present 
southern  fords,  crossed  at  the  time  of  the  Chris- 
tian era  by  a  bridge.  The  river  was  at  its  usual 
state  of  flood  at  the  spring  of  the  year,  so  as  to  rill 
the  whole  of  the  bed,  up  to  the  margin  of  the 
jungle  with  which  the  nearer  banks  are  lined  On 
the  broken  edge  of  the  swollen  stream,  the  band  of 
priests  stood  with  the  Ark  on  their  shoulders.  At 
the  distance  of  nearly  a  mile  in  the  rear  was  the 
mass  of  the  army.  Suddenly  the  full  bed  of  the 
Jordan  was  dried  before  them.  High  up  the  river, 
'  far,  far  away,' '  '  in  Adam  the  city  which  is  be- 
side Zaretan,'  '  as  far  as  the  parts  of  Kirjath- 
jearim,' 2  that  is,  at  a  distance  of  thirty  miles  from 
the  place  of  the  Israelite  encampment, '  the  waters 
there  stood  which  "  descended  "  from  the  heights 
above,'  —  stood  and  rose  up,  as  if  gathered  into  a 
water  skin  ; :3  as  if  in  a  barrier  or  heap,  as  if  con- 
gealed ;  *  and  those  that  '  descended  '  towards  the 
6ea  of  '  the  desert,'  the  salt  sea,  failed  and  were  cut 
off.'  Thus  the  scene  presented  is  of  the  '  de- 
scending stream'  (the  words  employed  seem  to 
have  a  special  reference  to  that  peculiar  and  most 
significant  name  of  the  Jordan),  not  parted  asun- 
der, as  we  generally  fancy,  but,  as  the  Psalm  ex- 
presses it,  'turned  backwards;'  the  whole  bed  of 
the  river  left  dry  from  north  to  south,  through  its 
long  windings ;  the  huge  stones  lying  bare  here 
and  there,  embedded  in  the  soft  "bottom  ;  or  the 
shingly  pebbles  drifted  along  the  course  of  the 
;hannel. 

"  The  ark  stood  above.  The  army  passed  below. 
The  women  and  children,  according  to  the  Jewish 

1  Ma*pdp  (T<po5pd  cr<poSpa«,  I.XX.  2   LXX. 

8  Symmachus,  as  the  LXX.  iu  Ps.  xxxiii.  7. 
4  LXX. 

fi  [This  is  Professor  Stanley's  interpretation  of  the  occur- 
ence mentioned  ch.  uii.  10  11  —  Ta.] 


tradition,  were  placed  in  the  centre,  from  the  fear 
lest  they  should  be  swept  away  by  the  violence  of 
the  current.  The  host,  at  different  points  prob- 
ably, rushed  across.  The  priests  remained  motion- 
less,  their  feet  sunk  in  the  deep  mud  of  the  chan- 
nel. In  front,  contrary  to  the  usual  order,  as  if  to 
secure  that  they  should  fulfill  their  vow,  went  the 
three  Transjordanic  tribes.  Their  own  memorial  of 
the  passage  was  the  monument  already  described.5 
But  the  national  memorial  was  on  a  larger  scale. 
Carried  aloft  before  the  priests  as  they  left  the  river- 
bed, were  the  twelve  stones,  selected  by  the  twelve 
chiefs  of  the  tribes.  These  were  planted  on  the 
upper  terrace  of  the  plain  of  the  Jordan,  and  be- 
came the  centre  of  the  first  sanctuary  of  the  Holy 
Land,  —  the  first  place  pronounced  "  Holy,"  the 
"sacred  place"  of  the  Jordan  valley,  where  the 
tabernacle  remained  till  it  was  fixed  at  Shiloh. 
Gilgal  long  retained  reminiscences  of  its  ancient 
sanctity.  The  twelve  stones  taken  up  from  the 
bed  of  the  Jordan  continued  at  least  till  the  time 
of  the  composition  of  the  Book  of  Joshua,  and 
seem  to  have  been  invested  with  a  reverence  which 
came  at  last  to  be  regarded  as  idolatrous.''  The 
name  was  joined  with  that  of  the  acacia  groves  of 
the  farther  side,  in  the  title,  as  it  would  seem  given 
in  popular  tradition  or  in  ancient  records,  to  thil 
passage  of  the  historv :  from  Shittim  to  Gilgal" 
[!]  Lects.  on  Jewish  Church,  i.  255  ft".  —  Tk.] 


DOCTRINAL  AND  ETHICAL. 

The  ark  which  was  borne  by  the  priests  ana 
Levites  in  front  of  the  people,  takes  henceforth,  as 
was  noticed  above,  the  place  of  the  pillar  of  cloud 
and  fire  which  had  led  Israel  through  the  wilder- 
ness (Ex.  xiii.  21,  22).  It  may  take  this  place  be- 
cause it  not  only  serves  for  the  preservation  of  the 
tables  of  the  Law  (Ex.  xxv.  16),  but  is  also  a  symbol 
of  the  presence  of  God  among  his  chosen  people.  On 
the  cover  of  the  ark,  the  Kapporeth  adorned  with  the 
Cherubim,  God  sits  enthroned  (Ex.  xxv.  17-22; 
Num.  vii.  89;  Ps.  xcix.  1),  and  from  this  place 
speaks  with  Moses  (Ex.  xxv.  22;  Num.  vii.  89). 
Hence,  as  follows  indirectly  from  our  passage,  and 
directly  from  passages  like  Num.  iv.  20 ;  1  Sam.  vi. 
19 ;  2  Sam.  vi.  6  (compared  with  Lev.  xvi.  13),  the 
ark  is  unapproacltable.  But  hence  also,  on  the  other 
hand,  here  is  the  true  place  of  atonement  for  the  peo- 
ple, where  the  blood  of  atonement  was  sprinkled  on 
the  cover  of  the  ark  (Lev.  xvi.  15),  once  in  the  year 
only,  on  the  great  day  of  atonement,  by  the  high- 
priest's  hand.  To  this  Paul  refers,  Rom.  iii.  25, 
when  he  calls  Christ  the  true  mercy-seat,  whom 
God  has  set  forth  before  (irpos'fleTo)  all  the  world, 
as  a  manifestation  of  his  righteousness,  for  those 
who  through  faith  in  the  efficacy  of  Christ's  recon- 
ciling death,  approach  this  New  Testament  place 
of  atonement.  "  The  l\ao"ri)piov  is  brought  out  of 
the  most  holy  place  into  the  public  view  of  the 
whole  world  for  those  who  believe"  (Lange  on 
Rom.  iii.  2).  In  Christ  God  dwells  among  his  New 
Testament  congregation  (John  i.  14),  goes  before 
them  (John  xiv.  6),  and  is  reconciled  to  them  (2 
Cor.  y.  19.) 

2.  The  conception  of  the  living  God,  the  ""P  /S 
(ch.  iii.  10),  is  of  great  importance  for  the  present 

6  [The  passages  adduced  in  support  of  this  only  show 
that  a  superstitious  sanctity  was  afterwards  ascribed  U  the 
place  Gilgal.  —  Ta.] 


THE   BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


day  also,  since  it  appears  to  have  vanished  utterly 
from  the  consciousness  of  many  of  our  contem- 
poraries, especially  that  of  the  Materialists.  These, 
after  the  example  of  Epicurus,  substitute  for  this 
living  author  of  all  things,  Chance,  that  is,  an  ulti- 
mate cause  which  they  omit  tu  define  because  it 
is  utterly  incapable  of  logical  definition.  Other 
thinkers,  better  schooled  in  philosophy,  replace  the 
living  God  with  an  Order  of  Nature  determining 
everything  by  inevitable  law,  to  which  order,  as 
such,  they  deny  self-consciousness  and  maintain 
that  it  comes  to  self-consciousness  only  in  the  con- 
sciousness of  rational  beings  —  never  in  and  of  it- 
self. This  they  do  from  fear  of  transferring 
human  limitations  to  the  Absolute,  especially  the 
conception  of  personality.  Of  personality  it  is 
maintained  that  it  is  predicable  of  the  human  in- 
dividual, never  of  the  Godhead  ;  as  if  Goethe  were 
unquestionably  in  the  right  when  he  says,  — 

n  The  professor  is  a  person 
But  God  is  none."  l 

But  still  we  think  humanly  of  God  even  then  when 
we  identify  him  with  the  Order  of  Nature,  nay,  it  is 
absolutely  impossible  for  us  to  think  in  any  other 
wav  concerning  God  than  consistently  with  our 
faculties,  that  is  humanly.  We  certainly  shall  not, 
therefore,  be  found  in  the  wrong  course  if  we  again 
tarn  more  and  more  toward  the  sound  Biblical  real- 
ism which  recognizes  a  living  God  who  is  at  the 
same  time  "  the  Lord  of  the  whole  earth"  (ch.  iii. 
11);  therefore  a  God  who  is  the  conscious,  inde- 
pendent and  free  Creator  and  Ruler  of  all  things, 
of  whom,  in  whom,  and  for  whom  we  are,  who  also 
wakens  life  in  us,  so  that  we  possess  power,  devel- 
ope  power,  and  bring  forth  new  power.  For  life  is 
fullness  of  power;  where  powerlessness  enters  — 
there  is  death. 

Such  a  living  God  can  perform  even  miracles- 
He  can,  since  He  is  independent  and  free,  establish 
exceptions  to  rule,  which  are  and  remain  excep- 
tions, but  which,  because  planned  by  his  wisdom, 
no  more  endanger  the  continuance  of  order  than 
any  exceptions  to  rule  which  a  wise  house-father 
may  make  will  disturb  the  order  of  his  house. 
Compare  Kothe,  Dotpnatik,  p.  SO  ft. 

Rationalistic  explanations  of  miracles,  such  as  have 
been  attempted  in  reference  to  the  passage  of  the 
Jordan  by  the  people  of  Israel,  are  to  be  avoided. 
On  the  other  hand,  investigation  of  the  Scripture, 
reverent  and  believing  but  not  fettered  by  the  spirit 
of  prescription,  cannot  be  avoided.  Every  report 
of  any  miraculous  transaction  is  as  much  to  be 
examined  as  the  report  of  any  other  fact  (Introd. 
p.  17).  Such  investigation  will  readily  concede 
that  reports,  especially  these  reaching  back  to  the 
most  ancient  times,  may  possibly  have  acquired  a 
mythical  coloring ;  the  more  readily,  when  it  is 
demonstrated  that  poetical  elements  have  been  ad- 
mitted into  the  text.  As  such  mythical  coloring 
we  regard  what  is  said  in  the  passage  before  us  (ch. 
iii.  16)  about  the  water  of  the  Jordan  standing  by 
Zaretan.'- 


1  [Against  the  arrogance  an  1  unreason  of  godless  science 
Borne  of  the  Essays  of  Rev.  James  Martiueau  (2  vols  ttost. 
1866,  1868)  are  very  effectively  directed,  e.  g  that  on  Nature 
antt  God,  i.  121  ff.  See  also  a  recent  article  by  the  same 
tuthor:  n  Is  there  any  Axiom  of  Causality?"  in  the  Con- 
*enpnrary  Review  for  August,  1870. 

The  Materialism  of  the  Present  Day,  a  critique  of  Dr. 
Biichner*8  system  ;  translated  from  the  French  of  Janet  by 
9ustave  Masson,  London,  1866  (in  Bail  iere's  Library  of  Con- 
«mporaueous   Philosophy),   is   a  very  able   aud  convincing 


HOMILETICAL    AND    PRACTICAL. 

The  regulations  of  Joshua  touching  the  passag* 
of  the  Jordan  (ch.  iii.  1-13).  —  Even  without  pillar 
of  cloud  and  without  ark  of  the  covenant,  the  Lord 
still  and  forever  goes  before  bis  people.  —  Sanctifv 
yourselves!  A  word  of  preparation  for  the  Lord's 
supper.  —  Whom  the  Lord  makes  great,  he  is  truly 
great,  as  once  Moses  and  Joshua.  —  Joshua's  dis- 
course to  the  people.  It  contains:  (1)  a  demand 
to  hear  the  word  of  the  Lord  ;  (2)  a  promise  of  the 
effectual  help  of  the  living  God.  —  By  what  do  we 
also  recognize  the  presence  of  a  living  God  among 
us  ?  ( 1 )  By  his  word  which  He  still  causes  to  be 
perpetually  published  among  us;  (2)  by  his  deeds 
which  He  is  still  perpetually  performing.  —  The 
Living  God!  (ver.  10).  How  should  we  think  of 
God  1  (1)  Not  as  a  rigid  order  of  nature,  but  (2) 
as  the  living  God  and  ruler  over  all  the  earth.  The 
ruler  overall  the  world  ;  (1)  The  mightiest,  (2) 
the  best  Ruler. 

The  wonderful  passage  of  Israel  through  the 
Jordan  (ch.  iii.  13—4;  18)  to  be  treated  as  a  Bible 
Lesson,  for  which  use  all  these  longer  sections  are 
generally  speaking,  well  adapted.  —  As  Israel  went 
drvshod  through  the  Jordan  so  we  go  unharmed 
through  many  a  danger.  —  The  memory  of  God's 
mighty  deeds.  It  is  (1)  to  be  faithfully  preserved 
by  the  parents,  (2)  carefully  to  be  impressed  on  the 
children.  —  The  erection  of  the  memorial  at  Gilgal. 
—  After  the  pilgrimage  comes  the  rest.  —  Increase 
of  the  knowledge  and  fear  of  God  is  the  holy  aim 
of  all  his  works. 

Starke  :  He  that  will  enter  into  the  promised 
land  on  high  must  also  be  up  early  and  waste  no 
time,  otherwise  he  will  not  reach  it,  Matt.  vi.  33.  — 
Whoever  will  be  and  be  called  a  right  spiritual 
priest  must  not  only  have  Christ  in  his  heart  but 
also  by  an  edifying  example  make  him  known  to 
others  and  praise  him,  1  Tim.  iv.  12  ;  Eph.  v.  25- 
27.  —  God  may  indeed  well  allow  us  to  erect  me- 
morials by  which  we  may  remember  his  wonderful 
works  and  his  benefits,  Gen.  xxviii.  18  ;  xxxi.  45  ; 
1  Sam.  vii.  12  ;  Esth.  ix.  27,  but  we  must  notwor- 
ship  such  things,  for  that  is  an  abomination  to  the 
Lord,  Matt,  iv."  10.  —  Teachers  and  preachers  must 
be  an  example  in  faith  and  constancy,  and  let  no 
danger  terrify  them.  —  A  Christian  on  the  journey 
towards  the '  heavenly  fatherland  must  not  tarry, 
must  not  put  oft'  repentance,  nor  be  lazy  and  sloth- 
ful in  God's  ways,  Phil.  iii.  14  ;  1  Cor.  ix.  24.  — It 
is  not  enough  to  begin  to  be  pious,  but  one  must 
persevere  even  to  the  end,  Rev.  ii.  1 0.  —  A  Christian 
should  never  act  without,  but  always  according  to, 
God's  will  and  word,  Matt.  xxi.  6.  —  It  is  the  duty 
of  the  magistracy  also  to  care  that  the  youth 
should  be  educated  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  Luke 
vii.  5.  —  Parents  should  relate  to  their  children  and 
hold  before  them,  not  their  own  vile  deeds  but 
God's  merciful  deeds,  Ex.  x.  1,2,  Deut.  vi.  20.— 
That  is  the  right  application  of  God's  marvelous 
and  beneficent  acts  when  we  learn  from  them 
trulv  to  know,  fear,  and  love  him,  John  ii.  11. 

Cramer  :  When  we  go  to  church  to  hear  God's 

refutation,  in  short  compass,  of  the  doctrines  which  would 
explain  the  universe  without  a  God.  —  Tr.] 

■2  [This  statement,  however,  seems  quite  consistent  with 
the  rest.  If  we  are  to  imagine  the  water  cut  off  perpendicu- 
larly above  the  path  of  the  Israelites,  the  fluid  wall  would 
continually  be  raised  by  the  down-coming  flood,  and  the  dis- 
tance to  which  the  water  would  set  back  (:t  stand  ").  must 
depend  on  the  time  during  which  the  interruption  lasted 
So  that  there  is  no  need  of  suspecting  myth  particularly  ii 
this.  —  Tr.1 


CHAPTER   V. 


61 


word  and  to  receive  the  holy  sacrament.-,  we  should 
carefully  prepare  ourselves,  and  approach  God  with 
a  chaste,  temperate  heart,  and  hold  up  holy  hands, 
1  Tim.  ii.  8.  —  Whom  God  will  make  great,  him  he 
6rst  makes  small  through  wearisome  cross,  and 
care,  and  toil,  and  danger,  Ps.  xviii.  36.  —  If  often 
the  faithful  God  before  our  eyes  graciously  helps 
others  out  of  need  and  peril,  while  we,  in  our  own 
thought,  are  left  far  behind,  still  our  hour  also 
shall  yet  come.  Let  us  only  await  the  right  time, 
(ver.  17.)  God  has  patience  even  with  the  weak, 
Rom.  xiv.  4  ;  Matt.  viii.  25,  xiv.  30.  —  So  long  as 
Christ,  the  true  mercy-seat,  is  under  us,  and  his 
ministers  in  this  unquiet  life  preach  the  gospel,  we 
need  not  fear ;  the  great  floods  of  sins  and  of  the 
wrath  of  God  must  retire,  because  for  them  that 
are  in  Christ  Jesus  there  is  now  no  condemnation, 
Rom.  viii.  1.  Nor  can  the  enemies  of  the  Church 
proceed  further  than  has  been  appointed  to  them. 
But  if  Christ  and  his  word  depart  from  us  then 
must  we  be  eternally  overwhelmed  and  perish  and 
experience  the  wrath  of  God.  —  Christ  with  many 
saints  has  passed  over  into  his  father's  house 
through  much  water  of  affliction,  which  came  in 
even  unto  his  soul,  Ps.  lxix.  1.  But  he  has  left  a 
memorial  behind  him,  namely,  his  twelve  apostles 
and  their  writings.  Happy  they  who  understand 
this,  and  thank  him  therefor. 

Hedingeb  :  If  those  who  are  to  be  merely  spec- 
tators of  the  great  works  of  God  should  first  sanc- 
tify themselves,  how  much  more  have  those  need 
of  sanctitication  whom  God  will  employ  as  his  ser- 
vants tor  the  performance  of  his  work,  1  Cor.  ix. 
27. 

Biiil.  Tub.:  Before  thee  also,  O  soul!  there 
stand  waters  of  affliction,  through  which  thou 
must  travel,  before  thou  canst  enter  the  heavenly 
Canaan.  But  only  go  in  with  good  heart,  and 
trust  thyself  to  God's  help ;  He  will  open  a  way  for 
thee,  so  that  the  streams  cannot  drown  thee,  Ps. 
lxvi.  12;  Is.  xliii.  2. 

Osiaxder  :  Dear  Christian,  remember  here  the 
twelve  apostles,  who  have  by  the  preaching  of  the 
gospel  spread  through  the  world  the  kindness  of 
Christ  in  that  He  would  lead  us,  through  the  power 
of  his  death  unto  everlasting  life;  remember  them, 
and  heartily  thank  God  for  them,  —  God  can  cause 
respect  for  the  magistracy,  and  also  take  it  from 
them  again  and  cover  them  with  contempt  because 
of  their  ungodly  life,  Ps.  cvii.  4. 


^Matt.  Henry :  Those  that  would  bring  great 
things  to  pass  must  rise  early,  "Love  not  sleep 
lest  thou  come  to  poverty."  Joshua  herein  set  a 
good  example  to  the  officers  under  him,  and  taught 
them  to  rise  early,  and  to  all  that  are  in  public 
station,  especially  to  attend  continually  to  the  duty 
of  their  place.  —  They  must  follow  the  priests  as  tin 
as  they  carried  the  ark,  but  no  further ;  so  we  mu?t 
follow  our  ministers  only  as  they  follow  Christ.  — 
Though  the  opposition  given  to  the  salvation  of 
God's  people  have  all  imaginable  advantages,  yet 
God  can  and  will  conquer  it.  —  God's  works  "of 
wonder  ought  to  be  kept  in  everlasting  remem- 
brance, and  means  devised  for  preserving  the  re- 
membrance of  them.  —  God  had  said  in  his  wrath, 
that  they  should  wander  forty  years  in  the  wilder 
ness,  but  to  make  up  that  forty  years  we  must  take 
in  the  first  year,  which  was  then  passed,  and  had 
been  a  year  of  triumph  in  their  deliverance  out  of 
Egypt,  and  this  last,  which  had  been  a  year  of 
triumph  likewise  on  the  other  side  of  Jordan,  sc 
that  all  the  forty  were  not  years  of  sorrow  ;  and  at 
last  he  brought  them  into  the  land  of  Canaan  five 
days  before  the  forty  years  were  ended,  to  show 
how  little  pleasure  God  takes  in  punishing,  how 
swift  He  is  to  show  mercy,  and  that,  for  the  elects' 
sake,  the  days  of  trouble  are  shortened.  —  Those 
that  will  be  wise  when  they  are  old  must  be  in- 
quisitive when  they  are  young.  Our  Lord  Jesus, 
though  He  had  in  himself  the  fullness  of  knowl- 
edge, has,  by  his  example,  taught  children  and 
young  people  to  hear  and  ask  questions.  —  In  all 
the  instructions  and  informations  parents  give 
their  children,  they  should  have  chiefly  in  their  eye 
to  teach  and  engage  them  to  fear  God  for  ever. 

Scott  (on  iii.  3) :  We  cannot  in  general  go 
wrong  in  keeping  close  to  the  ordinances  of  God, 
and  thus,  as  it  were,  following  the  ark  in  all  its 
removals.  In  so  doing  we  need  not  fear  rivers  of 
trouble,  mountains  of  difficulty,  nor  hosts  of  op- 
posing foes  ;  but  confiding  in  the  faithful  promise, 
the  Almighty  power  and  covenant-love  of  our 
God,  "  the  living  God,  the  Lord  of  the  whole 
earth,"  we  may  proceed  with  boldness  and  alacrity 

The  Same  (iv.  10):  When  with  careful  attention 
to  the  commands  and  providence  of  God,  we  havt 
taken  the  place  and  engaged  in  the  service  assigned 
us,  we  ought  patiently  to  abide  in  it,  and  not  to  at- 
tempt to  remove  till  He  evidently  commands  us 
thence.  —  Tr.] 


4.    The  Dedication  to  the  Holy  War. 
Chapter  V. 

a.  The  Effect  of  the  Invasion  on  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Land. 
Chapter  V.  1. 


And  it  came  to  pass,  when  all  the  kings  of  the  Amorites  which  were  on  the  [other] 
side  of  [the]  Jordan  westward,  and  all  the  kings  of  the  Canaanites  which  were  by  the 
sea,  heard  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  had  dried  up  the  waters  of  [the]  Jordan  from  be- 
fore the  children  [sons]  of  Israel,  until  we  were  passed  over,  that  their  heart  melted 
neither  was  there  spirit  in  them  any  more,  because  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel. 


62  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


t.  The  Circumcision  of  the  People. 
Chapter   V.  2-9. 

2  At  that  time  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto  Joshua  :  Make  thee  sharp  knives  [knives 

3  of  stone],  and  circumcise  again  the  children  of  Israel  the  second  time.  And  Joshua 
made  him  sharp  knives  [knives  of  stone],  and  circumcised  the  children  of  Israel  at 

4  the  hill  of  the  foreskins.  And  this  is  the  cause  why  Joshua  did  circumcise  :  all  the 
people  that  came  out  of  Egypt,  that  were  males,  even  [omit :  even]  all  the  men  of  war 

*)  [had]  died  in  the  wilderness  by  the  way,  after  [as]  they  came  out  of  Egypt.     Now 

For]  all  the  people  that  came  out  were  circumcised;  but  all  the  people  that  were 

born  in  the  wilderness  by  the  way  as  they  came  forth  out  of  Egypt,  them  they  had 

6  not  circumcised.  For  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  walked  forty  years  in  the  wilder- 
ness, till  all  the  people  [nation]  that  were  [omit :  that  were]  men  [the  men]  of  war, 
which  came  out  of  Egypt  were  consumed,  because  they  obeyed  not  [hearkened  not 
to]  the  voice  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  :  unto  whom  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  sware  that  he 
would  not  show  them  the  land  which  the  Lord  [Jehovah]   sware  unto  their  fathers 

7  that  he  would  give  us,  a  land  that  floweth  with  milk  and  honey.  And  their  children 
[sons],  whom  he  raised  up  in  their  stead,  them  Joshua  circumcised :  for  they  were 

8  uncircumcised  :  because  they  had  not  circumcised  them  by  the  way.1  And  it  came 
to   pass  when  they  had  done  circumcising  all  the   people,  that  they  abode  in  their 

9  places  in  the  camp,  till  they  were  whole  [healed].  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto 
Joshua,  This  day  have  I  rolled  away  the  reproach  of  Egypt  from  off  you.  Wherefore 
[And]  the  name  of  the  [that]  place  is  called  Gilgal  unto  this  day. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  7.  —  More  accurately  :  And  their  sons  he  raised  up  in  their  stead  :  them  Joshua  circumcised ;  for  they  were  un 
•lrcumcised  ;  for  thty  had  not  circumcised  them  by  the  way Tb.] 

c.  The  Passover.     The  Corn  of  the  Land. 
Chapter  V.  10-12. 

10  And  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  encamped  in  Gilgal,  and  kept  the  passover  on 

11  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  month  at  even,  in  the  plains  of  Jericho.  And  they  did 
eat  of  the  old  corn  [the  produce]  of  the  land  in  the  morrow  after  the  passover,  un- 

12  leavened  cakes  and  parched  corn  [roasted  ears]  in  the  self-same  day.  And  the 
manna  ceased  on  the  morrow  after  they  had  eaten  of  the  old  corn  [produce]  of 
the  land  ;  neither  had  the  children  of  Israel  manna  any  more  ;  but  they  did  eat  of 
the  fruit  of  the  land  of  Canaan  that  year. 

d.  The  Captain  of  the  Lord's  Host. 
Chapter  V.  13-15. 

13  And  it  came  to  pass  when  Joshua  was  by  Jericho,  that  he  lifted  up  his  eyes  and 
looked,  and  behold  there  stood  a  man  over  against  him  with  his  sword  drawn  in  his 
hand  :  and  Joshua  went  unto  him,  and  said  unto   him,  Art  thou  for  us,  or  for  our 

14  adversaries  ?  And  he  said,  Nay  ;  but  as  captain  '  of  the  host  of  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah] am  I  now  come.2  And  Joshua  fell  on  his  face  to  the  earth,  and  did  worship, 

15  and  said  unto  him,  What  saith  my  Lord  unto  his  servant  ?  And  the  captain  of 
the  Lord's  [Jehovah's]  host  said  unto  Joshua.  Loose  thy  shoe  from  off  thy  foot, 
for  the  place  whereon  thou  standest  is  holy :   and  Joshua  did  so. 

TEXTUAL  AND    GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.  14.  —  Scarcely  any  problem  is  more  perplexing  to  the  translator  of  the  0.  T.  than  to  find  appropriate  design*, 
lions  for  the  officials  and  dignitaries,  civil  and  military,  among  the  Jews  and  related  nations.  The  word  O'^ltJtP  haa 
already  afforded  an  illustration.  An  identical  revision  of  the  entire  0.  T.  with  reference  to  this  point  would  doubtless  be 
requisite  to  remedy  the  difficulty,  and  could  then,  from  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  attain  only  to  partial  success.     The 

English  Vers,  is,  however,  unnecessarily  vague.    Thus,  besides  "  captain,"  as  here,  "Ifi'  is  rendered  by  at  least  a  dozes 


CHAPTER   V. 


63 


afferent  terms,  while  "captain  "  answers  to  nearly  or  quite  as  many  Hebrew  words.  The  same  is  true  of  WW2  princa, 
and  in  a  great  measure  of  many  others.  The  result  ia  indistinctness  and  confusion  to  the  reader  where  the  Hebrew  to 
the  Hebrews  was  probably  clear  and  specific.  Doing  our  beet,  we  could  not,  perhaps,  from  our  inadequate  terminology 
in  this  sphere,  do  with  less  than  three  different  words  for  "1J1\   in  its  civil,  military,  and  occupational  applications  ;  as 

captain  or  general  (used  1  Chr.  xxvii.  34),  governor,  chief.     And  so  mutatis  mutandis  with  the  rest. Tr.1 

P  Ver.  14.  —  If,  as  many  suppose,  the  angelic  communication  was  interrupted   here  by  Joshua's  startled  sense  of  awe 

aod  reverence,  the  connection  would  be  better  indicated  by  a  dash  in  place  of  the  period,  thus  :  Am  I  now  come And 

Joshua  etc.  —  Tr.] 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

Starke  has  given  to  this  chapter  the  somewhat 
clumsy  yet  substantially  correct  superscription  : 
"  The  things  which  followed  immediately  upon  the 

Eassage  through  the  Jordan."  Thus  we  have  here 
rought  before  us  in  succession,  related  and  dis- 
played, (a.)  the  effect  of  the  invasion  of  Canaan 
uponihe  heathen,  ver.  1 ;  (A.)  the  circumcision  of  the 
people,  ver.  2-9  ;  (c.)  the  enjoyment  of  the  bread  of 
the  land  and  the  Passover  in  connection  with  the 
cessation  of  the  manna,  ver.  10-19  ;  and  finally,  (d.) 
the  appearance  of  the  war-prince  of  God  (ver.  13- 
15).  In  a  critical  point  of  view,  tins  chapter  offers, 
when  compared  with  chapters  3  and  4,  no  difficul- 
ties, so  to  speak ;  since  the  continuity  of  the  narration 
is  interrupted  by  nothing  and  no  repetitions  occur. 
Even  Knobel  has  received  the  same  impression  of 
the  present  chapter,  except  ver.  10-12.  He  ascribes 
all  the  rest  to  one  and  the  same  author,  namely, 
that  of  the  "  Law  Book."  Since  for  us  this  "Law 
Book  "  in  Knobel's  sense  has  no  existence,  we  can 
agree  with  him  only  in  so  far  as  we  believe  that  in 
ver.  1-9  and  13-15  we  meet  with  the  same  hand. 

As  to  vers.  10-12,  they  stand  nearly  related  to 
ch.  iv.  17, 19,  through  the  exact  designation  of  time 
which  characterizes  them.  In  ver.  10  also,  as 
there  in  ver.  19,  Gilgal  is  mentioned,  so  that  all 
which  is  reported  between  may  be  omitted,  and  in 
ch.  v.  10  the  author  takes  up  the  thread  which  he 
had  dropped  in  ver.  iv.  19.  On  the  other  hand 
ch.  v.  10  connects  itself  easily  and  naturally  with 
ch.  v.  9,  so  that  there  appears  to  be  no  absolute 
necessity  to  go  back  to  iv.  19.  When,  however,  we 
examine  ver.  9  b  more  sharply,  the  whole  turn 
of  the  sentence,  and  also  the  expression,  here  again 
repeated,  "  until  this  day,"  presents  itself  as  de- 
signed to  introduce  vers.  10-12,  which  we  must 
refer  to  the  Elohistic  document,  on  account  of  its 
character  in  other  respects,  and  therefore  regard 
as  the  proper  continuation  of  eh.  iv.  19. 

a.  Ver.  1.  The  Effect  of  the  Invasion  upon  the 
Heathen.  The  verse  stands  in  the  most  exact  con- 
nection with  ch.  iv.  24.  All  the  peoples  of  the 
earth  were  to  learn  how  mighty  is  the  hand  of  the 
Lord  and  fear  Him.  A  first  example  of  this  effect 
is  given  by  the  Canaanites,  whose  heart  melts,  and 
whose  courage  flees.  The  terror  which,  according 
to  the  words  of  Rahab,  had  before  seized  I  hem  (ch. 
ii.  9-11),  had  been  increased  by  the  marvelous  pas- 
sage of  the  Jordan.     A  panic  had  fallen  upon  them. 

—  "135?  does  not  refer  here,  as  in  ch.  i.  14-15,  to 
the  country  east  of  the  Jordan,  but  as  is  shown  by 
the  careful  addition  HD^,  to  the  west  side  of  the 
river.  —  The  more  difficult  Kethib  •13~3B,  is  to  be 

retained  like  'O  v,  ver.  6.  "  In  ^TP?  the  author 
assumes  the  person  of  the  people  and  speaks  in  their 
name,  as  in  ver.  6,  comp.  Ps.  lxvi.  6."    (Knobel).1 

1  [Yet  this  form  of  expression  has  been  not  without 
reason  long  held,  and  still  is  by  Keil  and  others,  as  a  proof 
that  the  narrative  was  written  by  one  who  had  shared  in 
the  transaction  —  Te.]  ' 


b.  Ver.  2-9.  The  Circumcision  of  the  People .  This 
takes  place  upon  an  express  command  of  Jehovah 
because,  as  vers.  4-6  state,  it  had  been  omitted  in 
the  wilderness.  The  covenant-people  should,  as 
such,  bear  the  sign  of  the  covenant  which  Abraham 
had  formerly  received  as  a  seal  (trippayis)  of  the 
righteousness  of  faith  (Rom.  iv.  11J,  and  with  it,  as 
a  sanctified  people,  holy  to  the  Lord,  enter  into 
the  promised  land. 

Knives  of  stone.  Thus  and  not "  sharp  knives  " 
must  we  translate  C,"12  ni2"|n.  Joshua  fol- 
lows the  custom  of  antiquity  which,  as  Ex.  iv.  25 
shows,  performed  circumcision  with  stone  knives, 
because  they  had  as  yet  no  others.  Afterwards 
this  kind  of  knives,  as  being  more  venerable, 
were  still  employed  in  sacred  transactions.  [Among 
the  additions  of  the  LXX.  at  the  end  of  this  book, 
is  the  curious  statement  after  ch.  xxiv.  30  :  "  there 
they  placed  with  him  in  the  tomb  where  they  buried 
him,  the  knives  of  stone  (tos  /xaxiipas  tos  irerpiVas) 
with  which  he  circumcised  the  sons  of  Israel  in 
Gilgal.  —  Tr.]  "  The  testa  samia  with  which  the 
priests  of  Cybele  castrated  themselves  (Plin.  35, 46), 
and  the  stone  knives  of  the  Egyptian  embalmerfl 
(Herod.  2,  86),  may  serve  as  parallels"  (Winer, 
Bibl.  Realm.,  s.  v.  "Messer.")  The  Vulgate  has 
rightly  fac  tibi  ailtros  lapideos ;  the  LXX.  mingle 
together  a  right  translation  and  wrong  interpreta- 
tion :  iroi-nao  v  atavrtp  paxalpas  nerplvas  e*K  irtrpas 
aKpoTO/iou.  Stone  knives  were  found  also  at  the 
discovery  of  the  pile-dwellings,  e.  g.  in  the  lake  of 
Zurich  near  Meilen  (1854),  where  I  myself  saw 
them.  They  are  very  finely  ground,  and  cut,  not 
indeed  like  a  knife  of  steel,  but  better  than  one 
would  believe.  Always,  however,  the  operation 
with  these  instruments  was  a  very  imperfect  one, 
and  in  the  case  before  us  extremely  painful.2 
[Circumcise  again    ....    the  second  tune. 

f^T  does  not  indicate,  of  course,  that  the  circum- 
cision of  the  same  people  was  to  be  repeated,  but 
that,  as  the  whole  people  which  came  out  of  Egypl 
had  been  circumcised,  so  now  there  should  be  a  cir- 
cumcision of  the  present  people.    Cf.  Keil,  Bib.  Com. 

in   loc.      Masius  understood  rP3U?  to  mark  the 
rein  traduction  of  the  rite  with  reference  to  its  first 
employment  by  Abraham.     Com.  in  Josuam,  p.  81 
This  is  too  far  sought. —  Tr.] 

Hill  of  foreskins.  Perhaps  so  named  from  this 
transaction.  Lev.  xix.  23,  where  circumcision  of 
the  trees  is  spoken  of,  appears  not  to  belong  here 
[against  an  intimation  of  Knobel's]. 

Ver.  4-7.  Statement  of  the  reason  why  Joshua 
performed  this  rite.  Knobel  expresses  doubt 
whether  what  is  here  reported  is  historical  fact. 
In  support  of  this  he  appeals  to  the  Elohist,  who 
says  nothing  of  such  omission,  ch.  iv.  19  compared 
with  v.  10.  But  even  assuming  that  these  passages 
are,  as  we  concede,  Elohistic,  they  do  not  suffice  to 

'i  [See  Dr.  Hackett's  addition  to  art.  (f  Knives,'  in  Smiln'l 
Diet,  of  tke  Bible,  Amer.  ed.  —  Tr.] 


54 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA 


impeach  the  historical  character  of  the  reason  as- 
signed, since  they  furnish  at  the  most  a  very  weak 
aiyiimfntum  e  silent  io,  while  on  the  other  side  it 
is  highly  probable  that  although  circumcision  "  had 
been  sharply  enjoined"  on  the  Israelites  at  Sinai 
(Lev.  xii.  3),  they  had,  in  their  unsettled  wander- 
ings, neglected  to  follow  the  command  of  God. 
The  same  thing  took  place  later  in  the  case  of  the 
Passover,  through  hundreds  of  years,  as  we  learn 
from  2  K.  xxiii.  22. 

Ver.  6  All  the  nation,  the  men  of  war.  Ac- 
cording to  Num.  xiv.  22-30  the  adult  generation, 
with  the  exception  of  Joshua  and  Caleb,  were 
doomed  to  die  in  the  wilderness,  and  a  new  gener- 
ation must  enter  into  Canaan.  That  the  men  of 
war  specially  are  mentioned,  agrees  with  Num.  xiv. 
29-32,  according  to  which  all  who  were  mustered 
after  their  number  (Comp.  Num.  i.  45  ff.),  from 
twenty  years  old  and  upward,  should  die  in  the 
wilderness.  Since,  then,  the  former  circumcised 
men  of  war  were  no  more,  their  bodies  having 
fallen  in  the  wilderness,  on  account  of  disobedi- 
ence, the  present  race  of  young  men  must,  before 
they  dare  undertake  the  conquest  of  Canaan,  first 
receive  the  sign  of  the  Lord's  covenant  of  which  we 
|ust  now  spoke. 

A  land  that  floweth  with  milk  and  honey. 
Ex.  iii.  8,  17  ;  xiii.  5;  xvi.  14;  xxxiii.  3  ;  Lev.  xx. 
24  ;  Xum.  xiii.  27 ;  xiv.  8  ;  Deut.  i.  3,  and  often. 
"  Miik  and  honey  are  productions  of  a  land  rich 
in  grass  and  flowers  which  make  residence  therein 
pleasant  and  beautiful.  Both  articles  were  abun- 
dantly produced  in  Canaan,  even  in  a  state  of  de- 
vastation, Is.  vii.  15,  22.  Milk,  eaten  partly  sweet 
and  partly  thick  or  curdled,  that  of  cows  as  well 
as  of  goats  and  sheep  (Deut.  xxxii.  14),  was  prom- 
inent in  the  diet  of  the  ancient  Hebrews,  as  in  that 
of  the  Orientals  of  the  present  day.  This  is  be- 
cause Palestine  was  and  is  so  well  suited  to  the 
care  of  cattle,  comp.  Winer.  Realw.  ii.  768  ff.  The 
land  yielded  great  quantities  of  honey  also,  especi- 
ally that  from  wild  bees  (Judg.  xiv.  8  ;  1  Sam.  xiv. 
26;  Matt.  iii.  4),  and  still  yields  it  in  its  wasted 
condition"  (Keil).  [See  references  Introd.  §  6, 
p.  27.]  That  we  are  to  understand  here  real 
honey  and  not  syrup,  appears  from  its  connection 
with  milk.  Keil  quotes  similar  descriptions  from 
Euripides  and  Theocritus.  Thus  it  is  said  in 
Eurip.  Baecha;,  142: 

"  Pet  5e  yaXaKTt  Tre'Sof 
'  Pet  5'oipti),  pet  Se  u^\tcrcru)v 
NeKTapt 

No  mention  is  made  here  of  wine,  although  the 
vine  thrives  extraordinarily  well,  especially  in  the 
region  of  Hebron.  Compare  also  Num.  xiii.  21, 
24,  as  well  as  the  beautiful  expression  that  each 
one  dwelt,  or  should  dwell,  under  his  vine  and  fig- 
tree,  1  K.  iv.  25  ;  Mic.  iv.  4. 

Ver.  7.  Them  Joshua  circumcised,  that  is,  as 
in  ver.  3,  Joshua  ordered  their  circumcision.  The 
operation  itself  was  performed  by  the  several 
fathers  of  families,  as  it  is  related  of  Abraham, 
Gen.  xvii.  23  If.,  for  which  Acts  xvi.  3  also  may 

1  [Keil  elaborately  calculates  that  from  670,000  to  720,- 
OOn  required  to  be  circumcised,  while  there  were  besides  from 
280,000  to  330,000  circumcised  In  early  life  who  might  per- 
form the  labors  of  the  Passover  celebration.  —  Tr.] 

2  [Besides  the  common  answer  to  the  question,  Why  the 
rite  of  circumcision  had  been  disused  for  thirty-eight  years 
In  the  wilderness,  namely,  that  the  unsettled  condition  of 
the  people  would  not  al'.jw  it  to  be  practiced  conveniently 
ir  safely  ('.)  Masius  subjoined:  f' Quod  Jilii  non  eircumrider- 
miur,  puna  tpniex  fuisse  videtm  qua   Deus  non  tarn  ipsos 


be  compared.  Thus  we  most  easily  escape  tin 
difficulty  which  otherwise  arises,  (a)  in  view  of  the 
great  number  to  be  circumcised,  and  (b)  of  tht 
shortness  of  the  time,  since  according  to  ver.  10 
they  celebrated  the  Passover  on  the  fourteenth  of 
the  month  Abib.  We  surely  cannot  think  of  help 
from  the  mothers  and  other  women  (Rosenmiiller). 
We  refrain  from  an  exact  determination  of  the 
number  of  those  circumcised,  such  as  Keil  has  at- 
tempted (pp.  74,  75). 1 

Ver.  8.  Till  they  were  healed.  "  When  the 
whole  people  were  circumcised  they  remained  in 
their  place  (Ex.  x.  23;  xvi.  29)  in  the  camp,  tha: 
is,  did  not  leave  the  camp  nor  undertake  anything 

until  they  were  healed.  This  is  HT,  prop,  to 
live,  become  lively  (Gen.  xiv.  27),  revive  (Job  xiv. 
14;  Ezek.  xxxvii.  3),  then  also  to  be  healed  (2  K. 
i.  2  ;  viii.  8).  On  the  third  day  the  pain  was  at  its 
height  (Gen.  xxxiv.  25)."  (Knobel.) 

Ver.  a.  The  reproach  of  Egypt.  The  reproach 
which  has  attached  to  the  people  all  the  way  from 
Egypt,  and  which  consists  in  the  misery  of  the 
people  who  had  there  become  a  people  of  slaves. 
This  reproach  had  not  yet  been  removed  while 
they  were  journeying  through  the  wilderness,  be- 
cause God  had  been  angry  with  his  people  for  their 
disobedience,  and  they  on  their  part  had  neglected 
circumcision-  Now  a  new  day  has  dawned.  The 
reproach  is  rolled  away  through  the  resumption  of 
the  sacred  covenant-rite.  Hence  Isaiah  also,  at  a 
later  period,  warns  them  (eh.  xxx.  1-5)  against  al- 
liances with  Egypt,  lest  the  strength  of  Pharaoh 

should  become  a  shame  (i"ltp2)  to  them,  and 
prophesies  expressly  that  Egypt  will  he  no  help 
nor  any  profit  at  all,  but  a  shame  and  a  reproach. 
One  day,  however,  a  time  will  come,  according  tc 
the  testimony  of  the  same  prophet  (xxv.  8),  when 
the  Lord  wili  swallow  up  death  forever,  and  wipe 
away  the  tears  from  every  face,  and  take  away  tlie 
reproach  of  his  people  from  otf  the  earth-  The  re- 
proach of  former  slavery  is  meant,  the  reproach  of 
banishment,  of  widowhood,  as  it  is  called,  Is.  liv.  1. 

n3~in     is  synonymous   with    FIW51,     or      '^S, 

]ib|"J.  nSV?  (Is.  xxx.  5  ;  Ps.  Ixix.  20  ;  cxix.  22  ; 
Prov.  xviii.  3;  Ezek.  v.  15). 

And  the  name  of  this  place  is  called  Gilgal 
unto  this  day ;  according  to  the  view  of  the 
author,  because  God  had  in  this  place  rolled  away 
the  reproach  from  off  his  people.  Knobel,  Fiirst, 
and  others,  question  this  derivation  because  two 
cities  l>esides  of  this  name  are  mentioned,  one  be- 
tween Dor  andThirza  (Josh.  xii.  23),  and  another, 
six  Roman  miles  north  of  Antipatris  (Deut.  xi.  30), 
"  which  Eusebius  still  knew  by  the  name  of  Mag 
dala,  and  accurately  indicates."  Accordingly  othct 
derivations  have  been  sought.  The  name  should 
signify,  in  reference  to  ch.  iv.  19-24,  the  place  of  the 

stone-heap,  or  stone-heap  monument,  or  =   '??', 

a  wheel-shaped  height,  to  which  n.7373  =  Gol- 
gotha might  be  cited  as  analogous.     Fiirst,  and 

plectcbat  filios  quam  impiorum  parcntum  urrbal  animos, 
quum  vidcrcnt  liberos  suos  sacrosancti  foederis  si/mbalo  carere 
Hue  enim,  mihi  eerie,  videnlur  spectare  ilia  in  Numerts  xiv 
33  Dei  verba,  cum  dicil :  Vesica  ipsorum  corpora,  etc.,  q.  e* 
quia  abdicastis  vos  a  mea  familia  per  rtbcllionem,  fil'.i 
quoque  veslri  adoptionii  nota  carebunl  quamdiu  vos  in  rn'ii 
eritis.  Several  modern  critics  (Keil,  Hengstenberg)  make 
this  the  principal  reason  for  the  long  abeyance  ol  circum 
cision  — Tr.] 


CHAPTER   V. 


65 


Knobel  (on  ch.  xv.  7)  explain  the  word  by  circle, 
circuit,  likf  the  cognate  -,,7?  (hence  Galilee),  as 
also  we  have  fTO^?,  Josh,  xviii.  7  for  ^27?^  xv. 
7,  and  according  to  LXX.  ^ 7?>  Josh.  xii.  23.  Sub- 
sequently  72 y?  was  pronounced    ^3?3  (To\yui/, 

Golgol),  cf.  Phcen.  bj^^S  (coast  of  the  circle), 
pr.  nom.  of  the  city  Igilgili  ['lyi\yt\ei,  Ptol.  4,  2, 
Situs  [gilyilitanum,  in    Arnm.  29,  5,   5  ;   now  G'i'- 

'gelli,  near  the  river  Ampsaga  in  Algiers) ;  /| ?2 
(Gulgog),  pr.  nom.  of  a  Phoenician  settlement  in 
Cyprus."  We  adopt  this  last-named  etymology, 
since  manifestly  these  places  previously  bore  the 
name  Gilgal,  and  not,  like  Bethel  or  Bethlehem 
(Gen.  xxviii.  19;  xxxv.  15,  19),  a  different  one. 
But  after  a  definite  historical  event  had  occurred 
here,  which  was  recalled  by  the  word,  the  name  Gil- 
gal was  subsequently  interpreted  symbolically  by 
the  Israelites.  Compare  with  this,  out  of  the  most 
recent  history,  the  symbolical  significance  of  the 
name  Kbniggratz  =  (dem)  Konig  g'rath's  [the 
king  succeeds.]  * 

c.  Ver.  10-12.  The  Passover,  connected  with  the 
first  Enjoyment  of  the  Bread  of  the  Land,  and  the  Ces- 
sation of  the  Manna.  On  the  special  relation  of  this 
short  passage,  which  in  every  view  suits  very  well 
with  the  entire  narrative,  we  have  already  com- 
mented, on  ch.  iv.  15-17,  19.  "The  children  of 
Israel  encamped  in  Gilgal  where  they  had  already 
pitched,  according  to  ch.  iv.  19,  and  observed  the 
passover  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  month  at 
evening.  The  designation  of  time  recalls  Ex.  xii.  6, 
18 ;  Lev.  xxiii.  5 ;  Num.  ix.  3  ;  xxviii.  16,  and  is  not 
met  with  elsewhere  in  the  Pentateuch  "  (Knobel). 

Ver.  1 1 .  On  the  morrow  after  the  passover ; 
not  as  Keil  strangely  supposes,  on  the  sixteenth, 
but  on  the  fifteenth,  precisely  according  to  the  pre- 
cept of  the  law,  Lev.  xxiii.  5,  6.- 

In  the  self-same  day,  "  on  which  they  observed 
the  Passover."  For  the  evening  of  the  fourteenth 
belonged  to  the  fifteenth  day,  see  Ex.  xii.  6;  Gen. 
i.  5  (Knobel).  [Or,  the  self-same  day  on  which 
they  ate  the  unleavened  bread  from  the  new  grain. 

Tb.]  —  77^7  "**-¥$,  of  the  produce  of  the  land. 
According  to  Gesen.  the  etymology  is  uncertain. 
Fiirst  derives  ~fO.'S  from  ~I2V  =to  make  fruitful. 
Both  compare  the  Aram.  S'TQIJJ,  fetus,  surculus. 
Targum  and  Peshito  use  ~>^V  for  72^  and 
*?5Q\  Instead  of  Y"1^11  "1123?,  which  occurs  no- 
where else  in  the  0.  T.,  Y"7^  '"IMSOJyl  is  used  Lev. 
xxiii.  39,  as  well  as  here  in  the  latter  part  of  ver. 
12.  In  the  translation,  the  distinction  between  the 
words  is  attempted  to  be  preserved  by  "  produce  " 
(not  old   corn)  and   "fruit"  (yield).     The  word 

HSQ^l  means  precisely  "income"  (from  S13). 

1  [There  is  no  evidence,  however,  that  there  had  been 
any  town  or  inhabited  place  here  before  to  reqnire  a  name 
at  all.  No  trace  of  one  has  been  discovered  or  is  likely  to 
be.  It  was  merely  a  suitable  camping-ground,  as  they 
found  it,  perhaps  on  the  easternmost  verge  of  fertile  land  — 
Josephus  says  it  was  about  one  and  a  quarter  miles  from 
Jericho. — and  was  named  simply  by  and  for  themselves. 
And  why  not  Gilgal  (as  suggested  by  "rolling")  then  as 
well  as  anything?  It  certainly  is  not  against  this  that  peo- 
ple of  the  same  language  gave  the  same  name  to  many 
Dther  places  for  related  reasons.  —  Tr.] 

2  [And  yet,  considering  that  the  law  forbade  them  (Lev. 
xxiii.  Hi  to  eat  roasted  ears,  etc.,  until  the  day  on  which 


Roasted  ears.  Roasted  harvest  ears  are  meant ; 
an  article  of  food  still  much  esteemed  by  the 
Arabs.  [See  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Biliie,  an.  "  Ruth, 
Book  of,"  p.  2756  b.] 

Ver.  12.  And  the  manna  ceased  on  the  mor- 
row after  they  ate,  etc.  On  the  sixteenth  there- 
fore, the  manna  ceased,  because  the  people  had 
now  arrived  in  Canaan,  and  no  longer  needed  this 
bread  of  the  wilderness  (Ex.  xvi.  15,  31  If.  :  Num. 
xi.  6  ff. ;  Deut.  viii.  3;  Neh.  ix.  20;  Ps.  Ixxviii. 
24;  John  vi.  31,  49,  58;  Rev.  ii.  17).  At  this 
place  also  the  ark  was  substituted  for  the  pillar  of 
cloud  and  of  fire,  as  the  guide  in  the  way.'  Tiny 
stand  in  the  most  intimate  relation  to  each  other, 
since  in  the  plan  of  God,  the  historical  develop- 
ment of  the  people  was  gradually  to  take  the  place 
of  his  immediate  guidance  and  support. 

In  respect  to  the  manna  itself,  it  is  well  known 
that  reference  has  often  been  made  to  the  tamarisk- 
manna  of  the  Sinaitic  peninsula,  which  result? 
from  the  puncture  of  the  leaves  of  the  Tamara 
manmfera,  or  oricntalis,  by  an  insect  of  the  coccus 
family  (Coccus  manniparus) ,  and  in  the  form  of  a 
sweet,  honey-like  resin.  So  the  whole  body  of 
rationalist  interpreters  explain.  On  the  other 
side,  von  Raumer  ( The  March  of  the  Israelites,  p. 
21  ff)  maintains  that,  "that  manna  of  the  Israel- 
ites differed  from  the  present  tamarisk-manna  toto 
ccelo ;  the  honest  student  of  Scripture  cannot  pos- 
sibly regard  that  "corn  of  heaven,"  that  "angel's 
food, "as  it  is  called  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  25  ff.),  with  which 
God  fed  his  people,  as  being  the  same  as  the  louse- 
production  (!)  of  the  naturalist."  Stiff  supra- 
naturalism  !  to  which  even  Hengstenberg  and  Keil 
do  not  agree.  These  assume  rather  that  in  the 
feeding  with  manna,  "  the  supernatural  rises  on 
the  ground  of  the  natural,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
miracles  in  Egypt,  and  in  that  of  the  quail-food." 
See  Keil  on  this  passage  (p.  83  ff.). 

As  analogous  to  this  we  might  cite  the  miracu- 
lous feeding  in  John  vi.  where  also  the  natural  basis 
of  bread  and  fish  was  present  (John  vi.  9).  The 
miracle  consists  in  both  cases  in  the  increase,  on 
the  grandest  scale,  of  the  food  which  they  already 
had.  While  now,  even  in  the  most  rainy  sea- 
sons, not  more  than  fifty  or  sixty  pounds  is  gath- 
ered, the  Israelites  gathered,  according  to  von  Rau- 
mer's  calculation,  at  least  on  certain  occasions, 
near  600,000  pounds.  It  lay  after  the  dew  like  frost 
around  the  camp  (Ex.  xvi.  14).  God  rained  it  on 
the  Israelites  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  25).  This  last  expres- 
sion, which  however  is  employed  also  concerning 
flesh,  Josephus  follows  when  he  says  (Ant.  iii.  1,  6), 
that  it  still  rains  manna  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai. 
Keil  disputes  this  statement  of  Josephus,  because 

(a)  it  is  supported  by  no   trustworthy  authority; 

(b)  it  is  made  by  him  evidently  on  the  ground  of 
uncertain  accounts  which  had  come  to  him  ^  ;•■ 
hearsay.  Recent  travellers  know  nothing  at  all 
of  any  manna  rain.4     The  great  abundance  of  the 

they  brought  an  offering  to  their  God.  which  offering  (ver 
12)  was  to  be  made  on  the  day  in  which  they  "  waved  the 
sheaf,"  which  again  (ver.  11)  was  the  morrow  after  "the 
Sabbath  "  (commonly  understood  to  mean  here  the  day  of 
"holy  convocation,"  i.  e.  the  fifteenth  of  the  month),  there 
is  much  reason  for  Keil's  view.  And  so  many  commenta- 
tors have  always  held.  The  chief  doubt  seems  to  rest  on 
the  reference  of  the  word  Sabbath  in  this  passage.  See  the 
main  points  of  the  dispute  indicated  iu  Smith's  Dirt,  of 
Bible.  Art.  "  Passover,"  (z)  p.  2346,  and  Pentecost,  note  6,  p 
2341  fc—  Tb] 

3  [This  is  probable,  yet  the  pillar  of  cloud  and  fire  has  fof 
some  time  disappeared  from  the  narrative.  —  Tn-1 

4  [Comp.   the    phenomena  of  "  Houey-dew  "   familiar  t& 


66 


THE  BOOK  OP  JOSHUA. 


manna,  therefore,  remains  a  miracle.  In  respect 
to  the  substance  also  a  difference  between  the 
manna  of  the  Bible,  and  that  of  the  present  day 
seems  to  nold  good,  since  the  latter  cannot  be 
pounded,  ground,  baked  in  cakes,  as  is  reported 
(Sum.  xi.  7,  8)  concerning  the  former.  A  further, 
"  essential "  difference  we  cannot  assume,  with  Keil, 
at  least  not  on  the  ground  that  "  the  present  manna 
L>  used  only  as  an  accompaniment  to  other  food 
and  as  a  dainty,  or  even  as  a  purgative  medicine," 
since  Num.  xi.  6  proves  how  greatly  the  Israelites 
loathed  the  manna  as   the  solitary  staple  of  their 

diet.  Their  soul  was  dried  away  (nijQ^)  upon  it. 
They  longed  therefore  for  flesh,  which  the  Lord 
also  gave  them  (Xum.  xi.  31  ;  Ps.  lxxviii.  27;  cv. 
40),  as  conversely  he  had  before  (Ex.  xvi.  13) 
given  them  first  quails  and  then  manna.  Keil 
concludes  his  explanation  of  our  passage  in  these 
words  :  "  The  feeding  of  the  Israelites  with  manna 
remains,  therefore,  a  miracle  of  God  which  has  in- 
deed, in  nature,  a  faint  analogue,  but  can  never  be 
explained  on  natural  principles."  In  this  he 
means  right,  as  his  preceding  exposition  shows, 
but  ought  rather  to  have  said  that  this  miracle 
rises  indeed  on  a  foundation  given  in  nature,  but 
can  by  no  means  be  identified  with  the  phenom- 
enon of  the  manna  still  commonly  exhibited  at  the 
present  day,  nor  be  fully  explained  by  it.1 

As  to  the  etymology,  the  word  7^3     according 

to  Ex.  xvi.  15,  31,  has  its  name  from  1?2,  what '(, 
but  this  is  elsewhere  only  Chaldee.  Gesenius  de- 
rives it  from  the  Arabic,  and  explains  it  as  mean- 
ing part,  present,  gift,  namely  of  heaven,  as  the 
Arabs  actually  call  it.     He  thus  follows  Kimchi, 

and  Ibn  Esra,  who  also  compare  Heb.  i"1^ •  Fiirst 
resorts  to  an  extra-Semitic  etymology,  because  the 
manna  was  strange  to  the  Hebrews,  and  they  (Ex. 
xvi.  15,  31)  had  no  name  for  it.  We  think  this 
unnecessary,  and  would  rather  refer  the  word  to 

the  unused  root  12£  =  ^?V'  t0  divicle'  to  Part> t0 
measure,  precisely  as  ]5<  Ps.  lxviii.  24.  Com- 
pare also   7??  from   ptf,   ^n  (in  compounds  like 

biOSn,  sounded  also  10)  from  7?n. 

c.  Ver.  13-15.  The  War -Prince  of  God.  As 
the  people  receive  the  consecration  to  the  holy  war 
through  circumcision  and  the  Passover,  so  Joshua, 
their  leader,  receives  his  through  the  appearance 
of  the  prince  over  Jehovah's  army,  who  commands 
him,  as  was  done  to  Moses  (Ex.  iii.  5),  to  take  off 
his  shoes  because  the  place  whereon  he  stands  is 
holv. 

Ver.  13.  By  Jericho  [lit.:  in  Jericho],  (cf.  ch 
x.  '6;  xxiv.  26;  Gen.  xiii.  18).  The  man  bears 
i  drawn  (Luther  :  bare)  sword  in  his  hand.  Such 
an  one  is  borne  also  by  the  angel  who  meets  Ba- 
laam in  the  way  (Num.  xxii.  23),  and  not  less  by 
the  Cherub  at  the  gate  of  Paradise  (Gen.  iii.  24). 
Joshua,  thus  proving  that  God  has  not  in  vain  ad- 

every  naturalist.  This  sometimes  occurs  over  wide  dis- 
tricts of  America  and  Europe  in  such  abundance  as  to  drop 
freely  from  the  leaves  and  twigs  of  various  species  of  trees, 
while  yet  several  years  may  elapse  without  any  at  all,  or  at 
the  most  only  a  trifling  quantity  being  seen.  Apiarians  have 
much  occasion  to  notice  it.  Whether  it  is  uniformly  the 
excretion  of  Aphides  in  any  of  their  widely  different  kinds, 
or  sometimes  a  direct  exudation  from  the  trees,  and  if  the 
latter,  from  what  cause,  are  still  disputed  questions.  On 
the  whole  subject  of  the  manna  see  the  Diet,  of  the  Bible, 
I.  t.  ;  Bitter  in  Gage's  Transl.  ii.  pp.  271  -292.  —  Ta.] 


monished  him  (ch.  i.  6,  7,  9)  to  be  strong  ant 
firm,  goes  near  the  apparition  and  asks  the  man  : 
Art  thou  for  us  or  for  our  adversaries  ?  "  Th« 
question  was  appropriate  for  the  military  leader  of 
the  Israelites  "  (Knobel.) 

Ver.  14.  "  The  one  addressed  answers  in  thu 
negative,  and  belongs,  therefore,  neither  to  one  nor 
to  the  other,  but  is  rather  the  captain  of  Jehovah's 
host,  that  is,  prince  of  the  angels.  For  these, 
called  also   the  host  of  heaven  (1  K.  xxii.  19),  are 

to  be  understood  as  the  ^  ^22,  as  Ps.  ciii.  21  ; 
cxlviii.  2"  (Knobel).  Compare  further,  2  Chron. 
xviii.  18,  and  Luke  ii.  13.  And  Jehovah  himself 
is  "  Jehovah  of  hosts,"  or  more  fully,  "  Jehovah 
God  of  hosts"  (Jer.  v.  14;  xv.  16),  as  God  is 
called  by  the  prophets  and  frequently  in  the 
Psalms,  Is.  vi.  3  ;  xxxvii.  16;  li.  15  ;  Jer.  xxxiii 
11 ;  Am.  ix.  5  ;  Ps.  xxiv.  10 ;  lxxx.  8,  20  ;  lxxxiv. 
2  ;  in  the  N.  T.  Jas.  v.  4.  On  the  significance  of 
this  angel  see  below,  Theological  and  Ethical. 

Am  I  now  come,-  Eor  what,  is  not  told,  since 
Joshua  interrupts  the  angel,  and  with  the  deepest 

reverence   asks  :  "What  speaks  my  Lord   O^H^f 

as  Gen.  xix.  18,  not  "3TS,  should  be  read  [?]  be- 
cause Joshua  recognizes  the  man  as  a  higher  being ; 
Knobel)  to  his  servant. 

Ver.  15.  Loose  thy  shoes  from  off  thy  feet, 
prop,  throw  off  thy  shoes  from  thy  feet.    We  point 

according  to  Ex.  iii.  5,  T^H  *»??  TI???"^ 

instead  of  vj???  and  ^l!??"].  [This  change  is  of 
very  doubtful  warrant.]  De  Wette  and  Luther 
also  adopt  the  plural  in  their  translations.  The 
shoes  must  be  removed  because  to  them  cleaves 
defilement  from  the  earth,  which  God  has  cursed 
(Gen.  iii.  17.)  Hence  the  priests  also  must  wash 
their  hands  and  feet,  when  they  entered  the  sanc- 
tuary (Ex.  xxx.  19  ;  xl. 32),  and  went  in  probably 
barefooted.  But  a  direct  precept  to  go  barefoot  is 
nowhere  found. 

For  the  place  ....  is  holy.  It  is  holy  from 
the  appearance  here  of  the  angel.  Probably  the 
latter  communicated  still  further  to  Joshua  what 
he  was  to  do.  Knobel  supposes  directions  for  the 
approaching  war,  as  well  as  promises  and  encour 
agements ;  rightly. 

[There  is  much  in  favor  of  the  view  advocated 
by  Keil,  and  many  before  him,  that  the  communi- 
cation of  the  angel  to  Joshua  is  contained  in  ch. 
vi.  2-5.  Chapter  v.  13-vi.  5,  would  thus  consti- 
tute one  paragraph  ;  ch.  vi.  1  being  a  parenthetical 
statement  of  the  historical  circumstance  which 
gave  occasion  for  this  divine  intervention  ;  and  the 
division  of  chapters  ought  to  be  before  or  after  ihe 
entire  paragraph.  That  the  Angel  should  be  at 
last  recognized  by  the  narrator  as  Jehovah  and  so 
designated,  ch.  vi.  2.  is  in  full  accordance  with 
Gen.  xviii.  17,  20.  This  conception  of  the  scene 
prevents  the  theophany  from  bemg  so  aimless  and 
void  of  result  as  it  otherwise  appears. 

Is  it  accidental  merely  that  the  former  appear 

[1  Dr.  Stowe  in  the  Bible  Diet.  s.  v.  regards  it  as  whollj 
miraculous.] 

[•2  The  nn37,  "now,"  in  this  phrase  is  probably  <W 
signed  to  indicate  that  the  speaker  is  present  to  make  * 
communication  of  importance,  cf.  Dan.  ix.  22  ;  x.  11,  14. 
So  Masius,  referring  to  those  passages :  "  Significant  ittt 
verba  eum  qui  sie  loquitur  de  re  quapiam  singutari  idau. 
suamque  pretsentiam  declarare."  — T»  1 


CHAPTER   V. 


67 


Mice  also  of  the  Jehovah-angel,  to  Abraham,  is 
represented  as  having  occurred  immediately  after 
ine  circumcision  of  his  family,  Gen.  xvii.  —  Tr.] 


DOCTRINAL  AND  ETHICAL 

1 .  Circumcision  and  the  Passover  were  the  two 
covenant  signs  and  seals  (atppaylSts)  of  the  0.  T. 

The  former  was,  as  Christ  himself  testifies,  older 
than  Moses;  it  was  of  the  fathers  (John  vii.  22), 
since  God,  as  Stephen  says,  Acts  vii.  8,  had  given 
the  covenant  of  circumcision  to  Abraham.  By  it 
the  nation  was,  through  its  fathers  and  youths, 
consecrated  to  Jehovah.  That  was  to  be  indeed  a 
holy  people,  which  belonged  to  him  as  the  people 
of  his  possession.  To  the  true  Israelites,  therefore, 
who  perceived  in  the  circumcision  of  the  flesh  an 
index  to  the  circumcision  of  the  heart,  which  must 
be  freed  from  all  impurity  even  through  pain,  it 
was  a  token  of  exalted  honor.1  In  later  times,  in- 
deed, upon  the  entrance  of  heathen  customs,  many 
became  ashamed  of  it,  and  artificially  removed  the 
traces  of  it.  It  was  performed,  as  is  well  known,  on 
the  eighth  day  (Gen.  xvii.  12;  Lukeii.  21),andouly 
he  who  was  circumcised  could  partake  of  the  Pass- 
over which  was  the  other  covenant  sign  of  the  0.  T. 
(Gen.  xii.  1  if.,  and  especially  43  ff.).  This  latter 
was  of  Mosaic  origin,  and  was  first  of  all  a  meal  of 
thankful,  joyous  remembrance  of  the  deliverance  of 

the  people  out  of  Egypt,  of  their  exemption  (HpQ) 
from  the  plague,  of  the  rescue  from  the  house  of 
bondage.  Both  signs  point  beyond  themselves  to 
other  and  greater  things,  to  baptism  and  the  Lord's 
supper,  which  are  of  a  more  universal,  spiritual  na- 
ture, but  just  as  exactly  and  intimately  connected 
with  each  other  as  circumcision  and  the  Passover. 

2.  The  captain  of  the  Lord's  host  is  the  angel 
of  the  presence  or  face  (Ex.  xxiii.  20)  in  whom 
was  God's  name  (ver.  21),  of  whom  God  says  to 
Moses  (xxxiii.  14),  "  My  presence  shall  go,  thereby 
will  I  lead  thee."  From  the  passages  quoted  he  as- 
Bumes  an  altogether  peculiar  position  towards  God, 
who  raises  him  above  all  other  angels,  so  that  we 
may  perhaps  recognize  in  him  the  \6yos  incar- 
nandus.     Comp.  also  Prov.  viii.  30. 


HOMILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

The  terror  of  the  Canaanites.  —  The  heart  melts, 
courage  flees  when  one  knows  not  the  living  God 
yet  hears  of  his  mighty  deeds.  —  Where  there  is  no 
confidence  in  God  there  is  no  courage.  The  conse- 
cration of  the  people  for  the  occupancy  of  the  Holy 
Land  through,  (1)  the  circumcision  of  the  warriors 
born  in  the  Wilderness.  (2)  The  Passover  kept  by 
all  Israel.  —  Circumcision  and  the  Passover  in 
their  typical  relation  to  baptism  and  the  Lord's 
supper.  The  sacraments  of  the  Old  and  those  of 
the  N.  T.  —  As  the  enjoyment  of  the  paschal  lamb 
and  the  sweet  bread  was  conditioned  on  the  circum- 
cision of  the  participant,  so  is  that  of  the  Holy 
Supper  on  baptism.  —  Of  the  true  circumcision, 
which  is  performed  not  on  the  body  but  on  the  heart- 
(Rom.  ii.  29;  Col.  ii.  11).  —  Death  the  punishment 
of  disobedience.  —  Through  the  wilderness  to 
Canaan  !  —  The  heavenly  Canaan  much  richer, 
more  lovely  and  beautiful  than  the  earthly,  of 
which,  however,  it  is  said  that  it  is  a  land  flowing 

l  [On  the  significance  of  circumcision,  see  Ebrard's  inter- 
esting views  in  his  Dogmatik,  §  526,  briefly  stated  by  the 
weaeot  writer  in  the  Baptis'  Quarterly  for  July,  1869.  —  Tr.] 


with  milk  and  honey.  —  To-day  have  I  rolled 
away  the  reproach  of  Egypt  from  off  you  !  This 
word  is  fulfilled,  (1.)  at  Gilgal ;  (2.)  much  more 
gloriously  at  Golgotha.  —  The  reproach  of  Egypt 
—  sin  and  its  misery. 

The  first  Passover  on  the  soil  of  Canaan  :  (1) 
A  feast  of  thankful  remembrance;  (2)  a  feast  of 
blessed  hope.  The  bread  of  the  land  although  not 
manna,  yet  also  bread  from  heaven  !  —  There  is  a 
manna  which  never  fails.  Comp.  John  vi.,  Rev. 
ii.  —  The  true  bread  of  life. 

The  consecration  of  the  army-leader  Joshua  by 
the  appearance  of  the  captain  of  God's  army.  ( 1 ) 
Who  stood  opposite  him?  (2)  How  did  Joshua  be- 
have ?  (3)  What  command  did  he  receive  ?  —  The 
brave  question  of  Joshua :  Art  thou  for  us  or  our 
adversaries  1  —  The  prince  of  the  Lord's  host  in  his 
relation  to  Christ  the  prince  of  life. — Joshua's 
humility  the  more  beautiful  because  accompanied 
with  steadfast  courage.  So  should  Christians  also 
be  as  Joshua  was,  courageous  and  humble  minded. 
They  will  be  so  if  they  themselves  know  the  true 

source  of  courage  and  humility,  the  living  God 

Loose  thy  shoes  from  off  thy  feet,  for,  etc.  Com- 
parison of  the  call  of  Moses  (Ex.  3)  and  the  conse- 
cration of  Joshua.  —  Comparison  of  the  consecra- 
tion of  the  leader  Joshua  and  of  the  prophet  Isaiah 
(Is.  6).  —  "And  Joshua  did  so."  Let  us  also 
always  do  what  God  commands. 

Stakke  :  God's  words  and  works  have  not  the 
same  effect  with  the  ungodly  and  the  pious.  — If 
the  Israelites  could  not  without  the  bodily  circum- 
cision enter  the  earthly  Canaan,  how  should  it  be 
possible  for  any  one  without  the  spiritual  circum- 
cision of  the  heart  to  enter  into  the  heavenly  Ca- 
naan.—  Who  loves  God,  him  God  loves  in  return 
and  reveals  Himself  to  him  (John,  xiv-  21). — 
Even  the  exalted  in  this  world  should  not  be 
ashamed  to  bow  the  knee  before  God.  1  K.  viii. 
54  ;  Ps.  xcv.  6. 

Bibl.  Wirt  :  When  God  will  punish  a  land 
or  a  people  He  gives  them  first  a  tearful  and  faint 
heart,  Lev.  xxvi.  36 ;  Deut.  xxviii.  65,  xi.  25. 

Cramer  :  He  who  will  have  prosperity  and  a 
blessing,  must  begin  his  enterprise  with  God,  with 
his  word  and  the  use  of  the  holy  sacraments,  Prov. 
i.  7,  Matt.  vi.  33.  God  usually  performs  no 
miracles  when  one  can  have  natural  means  to  ac- 
complish something,  and  then  He  points  us  to 
the  ordinary  way  of  subsistence  and  toil ;  He  will 
bless  that  and  will  support  us  therein.  There- 
fore, Christian,  sing,  pray,  and  go  on  in  God's 
ways. 

Gerlach  :  "  The  Lord  cometh,"  when  his  peo- 
ple especially  feel  their  need  of  his  help,  and  become 
comfortably  conscious  of  his  presence  and  aid. 
Gen.  xviii.  1. 

[Matt.  Henry  (on  vers.  13-15):  Observe,  I. 
the  time  when  he  was  favored  with  this  vision ;  it 
was  immediately  after  he  had  performed  the  great 
solemnities  of  circumcision  and  the  Passover ;  then 
God  made  Himself  known  to  him.  Note,  we  may 
then  expect  the  discoveries  of  the  divine  grace, 
when  we  are  found  in  the  way  of  our  duty,  and  are 
diligent  and  sincere  in  our  attendance  on  holy  or 
dinances. 

II.  The  place  where  he  had  this  vision;  it  mj 
by  Jericho.  .  .  .  There  he  was  (some  thini) 
meditating  and  praying  ;  and  to  those  who  are 
so  employed  God  often  graciously  manifests^  Him- 
self. Or,  perhaps,  there  he  was  to  take  a  view  of 
the  city,  to  observe  its  fortifications  and  contrive 
how  to  attack  it,  and  perhaps  he  was  at  a  losi 
within  himself  how  to  make  lis  approaches,  when 


68  THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 

God  came  and  directed  him.  Note,  Gud  will  help  I  who  watch,  not  those  who  sleep"  Joshua  w&i 
those  'hat  help  themselves  :  Vigilant  Huts  non  dor-  in  his  post  as  Urn,  nil  when  God  i  nine  and  made 
wnlious  sucurrit  lex —  "The   law  succors  those  I  Himself  known  to  him  as  Generalissimo.  —  Tr.I 


SECTION  SECOND. 

The  Contests  of  Israel  with  the  Canaaniti 
Chapters  VI.-XI. 

A.  Contests  against  particular  cities. 
Chapters  VI.-VIII. 


1.   The  Capture  of  Jericho. 
Chapter  VI. 

a.  Preparation  for  the  Capture. 
Chapter  VI.  1-14. 

1  Now  Jericho  was  straitly  shut  up  [lit.  had  shut  up  (her  gates)  and  was  shut  up], 

2  because  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel :  none  went  out,  and  none  came  in.  And 
the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto  Joshua,  See,  I  have  given  into  thine  hand  Jericho, 
and  the  king  thereof,  and  [omit :  and]  the  mighty  men  of  valour  [strong  heroes]. 

3  And  ye  shall  compass  the  city,  all  ye  men  of  war,  and  go  round  about  the  city 
I     once :  thus  shalt  thou  do  six  days.     And  seven  priests  shall  bear  before  the  ark 

seven  trumpets  of  rams'  horns  [seven  alarm-trumpets  ']  :  and  the  seventh  day  ye 
shall  compass  the  city  seven  times,  and  the  priests  shall  blow  with  the  trumpets. 
J  And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that  when  they  make  a  long  blast  with  the  ram's  horn 
[alarm-horn],  and  [omit :  and]  when  ye  hear  the  sound'of  the  trumpet,  all  the  peo- 
ple shall  shout  with  a  great  shout :  and  the  wall  of  the  city  shall  fall  down  flat,  and 
the  people  shall  ascend  up  every  man  straight  before  him. 

6  And  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun  called  the  priests,  and  said  unto  them,  Take  up  the 
ark  of   the  covenant,  and   let  seven   priests   bear  seven    trumpets  of  rams'   horns 

7  [alarm-trumpets]  before  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  he  [they-]  said 
unto  the  people.  Pass  on,  and  compass  the  city,  and  let  him  that  is  armed  f  pass 
on  before  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]. 

3  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Joshua  had  spoken  unto  the  people,  that  the  seven 
priests  bearing  the  seven  trumpets  of  rams'  horns  [alarm-trumpets]  passed  on  before 
the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  blew  with  the  trumpets :  and  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of 

9  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  followed  them.  And  the  armed  men  went  before  the  priests 
that  blew  with  the  trumpets,  and  the  rere-ward  came  [went]  after  the  ark,  the 
priests  [omit:  the  priests]  going  on,  and  blowing  with  the  trumpets.4 

10  And  Joshua  had  [omit:  had]  commanded  the  people,  saying.  Ye  shall  not  shout, 
nor  make  any  noise  with  your  voice  [let  your  voice  be  heard],  neither  shall  any 
word  proceed  out  of  your  mouth,  until  the  day  I  bid  you  shout,  then  shall  ye  shout. 

11  So  [And]  the  ark  of  the  Lord   [Jehovah]  compassed  the  city,  going  about  it  once 
and  they  came  into  the  camp,  and  lodged  in  the  camp. 

12  And  Joshua  rose  early  in  the  morning,  and  the   priests  took   up  the  ark  of  tht 

13  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  [the]  seven  priests  bearing  seven  trumpets  of  rams'  horns 
[alarm-trumpets]  before  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  went  on  continually,  and 
blew  with  the  trumpets  :  and  the  armed  men  [as  in  ver.  '.I]  went  before  them  ;  but 
the  rere-ward  came  [went]  after  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  the  pn'ests  [omit: 


CHAPTER   VI.  69 


14  the  priests]  going  on,  and  blowing  with  the  trumpets  [as  in  ver.  9].  And  the 
second  day  they  compassed  the  city  once,  and  returned  into  the  camp.  So  they  did 
six  days. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.   4.—   C^bsiTl     ninCitT?  =  73Vn  y^O  (ver.  5).     The  specific  character  of  the  trumpets  or  horns 

here  mentioned,  as  indicated  by  the  very  obscure  word  72V,  is  elaborately  discussed  in  the  Exegetical  Notes,  to  which 
may  well  be  added  the  information  contained  in  Smith's  Bib!.  Diet,  articles  (  Cornet  "  and  ft  Jubilee."  See  also  Ley  rer's 
remarks  in  Herzog's    Tneol.  Reatencyk.  s.  v.  "Musik,"  vol.  x.  p.  131.  With  reference  to   the  translation  to  be  adopted,  a 

word  is  ventured  here.  From  a  comparison  of  the  passages  cited  below  it  is  obvious  that  the  T>5*^  OThetber  meaning 
direaly  a  sound  or  an  instrument  of  sound)  indicated  a  loud  sound,  a  sound  of  a  very  impressive,  if  not  formidable  charac- 
ter.  It  was  a  sound  always  serving  as  a  signal,  or  alarm  in  iheniore  general  fense  of  this  word.  Hence,  that  it  was  produced 

literally  by  a  'rrams'  horn  "  employed  as  the  instrument  (making  72V  denote  a  ram),  seems  a  physical  impossibility, 
even  if  the  etymological  ground  for  such  an  interpretation  were  more  than  a  chimera.  But  it  is  not;  this  meaning, 
therefore,  may  unhesitatingly  be  set  aside  In  their  uncertainty  as  to  the  real  deiivatiou  of  the  word,  many  lexicogra- 
phers au*l  interpreters  have  then  been  content  to  pass  it  with  the  vague  seuse  of  Jubilee  (Jubel)  horn,  because  tuis  particu- 
lar instrument  was  employed  to  signalize  through  the  laud  the  return  of  the  Sabbatical  (Jubilee)  \ear.  But  this  is  a 
Hysteron-proteron,  for  the  word  is  used  before  the  Sabbatical  year  had  ever  been  mentioned  (Ex.  six.  13),  to  indicate  the 
signal  or  alarm  by  which  the  people  should  be  warned  of  the  appearance  of  God  on  Mount  Sinai.  It  is,  furthermore,  sig- 
nificant that  dowu  to  the  last  nienran  -i  the  72V  in  Scripture,  there  had  been  no  occurrence  of  the  year  of  Jubilee  to 
give  a  denomination  to  the  trumpet  or  anything  rise  connected  with  its  observance  The  Sabbatical  year,  therefore, 
received  its  name  as  the  year  of  the  ^2V,  or  as  itself  the  72V'  from  the  name  of  the  instrument  or  of  the  sound  by 
which  it  was  to  be  ushered  in  and  heralded  to  all  the  people.  Instead  of  learning  the  character  of  the  instrument 
from  that  of  the  sacred  year,  we  must,  vice  versa,  learu  that  of  the  year  (so  far  as  intimated  by  its  name)  from  the  pecul- 
iar mode  of  its  announcement.  Its  intrinsic  character  to  the  experience  of  the  people  had  ytt  to  be  ascertained  by  them, 
and  could  now  be  only  obscurely  foreseen. 

We  are  left  then  to  study  the  actual  quality  and  u*e  of  the  born  of  72V,  first  from  the  passages  outside  of  the  circle 
of  the  jubilee  year,  and  then  from  those  relating  to  that  year,  to  get  practically  at  the  meaning  of  the  word. 

Perhaps  neither  of  the  meanings  ''signal,"  r( alarm,"'  to  which  we  are  thus  brought  can  be  rigidly  adhered  to  in  all 
places.  In  the  Pentateuch  generally  ■'  signal ;t  would  perhaps  be  more  appropriate  ;  here  in  Joshua  ''alarm  "  is  at  least 
equally  so.  If  we  were  at  perfect  liberty  to  make  compound  words,  c'  loud-horn  "  might  pretty  well  cover  all  the  uses. 
Zunz's  excellent  version  gives  schmettenutes  Horn,  ec  rattling."  "  clattering  horn."'  —  Tr.] 

[2  Ver.  7.  —  THUDS' "1 .  "  The  plural  is  not  to  be  altered  here,  but  to  be  explained  from  the  fact  that  Joshua  made 
the  announcement  not  in  person  but  through  the  Schoterim  (i,  10  ;  iii.  2)  by  whom  his  orders  were  officially  published.1' 
Keil.  —  Tb.] 

[3  Ver.  7-  —  Him  that  is  armed  (the  armed   body),  t^-1     fill.  (f(  expedites,   stripped  .   .   .   .  t.  q.    armed,  ready,   etc.* 

Gesen.  s.  v.)  here  distinguished  from  ?}3StDn  ''  rere-ward  "  ver.  9,  as  a  part  only  of  the  f(  men  of  war,"  verse  3 
They  may  have  been  a  special  branch  of  the  forces  (light-armed,  nekTao-rai,  which  the  etymology  would  slightly  favor), 
or,  more  probably,  the  soldiery  of  the  Transjordanic  tribes  who  were  to  cross  the  river  S2"-^n  ^^H,  iv.  13,  comp 
Keil  in  loc.  —  Ta.] 

[4  Ver.  9  —  The  Heb.  leaves  the  subject  of  this  indefinite  ;  our  knowledge  otherwise  gained  suggests  the  priests.  —  T*.] 

b.  Capture  and  Destruction  of  Jericho. 
Chapter  VI.  15-27. 

15  And  it  came  to  pass  on  the  seventh  day,  that  they  rose  early  about  the  dawning  of 
the  day,  and  compassed  the  city  after  the  same  [this]  manner  seven  times :  only  on 

16  that  day  they  compassed  the  city  seven  times.  And  it  came  to  pass  at  the  seventh 
time,  when  the  priests  blew  with  the  trumpets,  Joshua  said  unto  fch«  people,  Shout ; 

17  for  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  given  you  the  city.  And  the  city  shall  be  accursed 
[devoted],  even  [omit :  even]  it,  and  all  that  are  therein,  to  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  : 
only  Rahab  the  harlot  shall  live,  she  and  all  that  are  with  her  in  the  house,  because 

18  she  hid  the  messengers  that  we  sent.  And  ye,  in  any  wise  keep  yourselves  from  the 
accursed  thing  [from  that  which  is  devoted],  lest  ye  make  yourselves  accursed,  when 
ye  take  of  the  accursed  thing  [that  which  is  devoted],  and  make  the  camp  of  Israel  a 

19  curse  [devoted  thing],  and  trouble  it.1  But  [And]  all  the  silver,  and  gold,  and  ves- 
sels of  brass  and  'ron,  are  consecrated  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  :  they  shall  como 

20  into  the  treasury  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  So  the  people  shouted  when  the  priests 
blew  2  with  the  trumpets  :  and  it  came  to  pass,  when  the  people  heard  the  sound 
of  the  trumpet,  and  the  people  shouted  with  a  great  shout,  that  the  wall  fell  down 
fiat,  so  that  the  people  went  up  into  the  city,  every  man  straight  before  him,  and  they 

21  took  the   city.     And  they   utterly  destroyed   [devoted]  all  that   wo    in  the   city 


70 


THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


both  man  and  woman,  young  and  old,  and  ox,  and  sheep,  and  ass,  with  the  edge  oi 
the  sword. 

22  But  Joshua  had  [omit :  had]  said  unto  the  two  men  that  had  spied  out  the  coun- 
try, Go  into  the  harlot's  house,  and  bring  out  thence  the  woman,  and  all  that  she 

23  hath,  as  ye  sware  unto  her.  And  the  young  men  that  were  spies  went  in,  and 
brought  out  Rahab,  and  her  father,  and  her  mother,  and  her  brethren,  and  all  that 
she  had  ;  and  they  brought  out  all  her  kindred  [Heb.  families,  and  so  Bunsen],  and 

24  left  them  without  the  camp  of  Israel.  And  they  burnt  the  city  with  fire,  and  all  that 
was  therein  :  only  the  silver,  and  the  gold,  and  the  vessels  of  brass  and  of  iron,  they 

25  put  into  the  treasury  of  the  house  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  Joshua  saved  Ra- 
hab the  harlot  alive,  and  her  father's  household,  and  all  that  she  had  ;  and  she  dwel- 
leth  in  [in  the  midst  of]  Israel  even  [omit:  even]  unto  this  day;  because  she  hid 
the  messengers  which  Joshua  sent  to  spy  out  Jericho. 

26  And  Joshua  adjured  them  [caused  them  to  swear]  at  that  time,  saying,  Cursed  be 
the  man  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  that  riseth  up  and  buildeth  this  city  Jericho  :  he 
shall  lay  the  foundation  thereof  in  his  first-born,  and  in  his  youngest  son  shall  he  set 

27  up  the  gates  of  it.  So  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was  with  Joshua ;  and  his  fame  was 
noised  [omit :  noised]  throughout  all  the  country  [in  all  the  land.] 

TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  18.     This  verse  would  be  more  correctly  given  somewhat  thus  :  "  Only  do  ye  keep  yourselves  from  what  ia  do 
voted,  lest  ye  devote,  and  take  of  what  is  devoted,  and  make  the  camp  of  Israel  a  devoted  thing,  and  trouble  it."     To 
devote  (to  Jehovah)  and  to  take  (for  themselves)  were  two  incompatible  things  :  "  Ulrumque  consistere  non  polerat,  pug- 
mtnlia  era?!*,  ....  aut  non  erat  res  devovenda,  aut  cum  devotum  esset  ab  ea  abstinmdum  erat.'"1     Lud.  de  Dieu  ap   Kell 
In  loc.  —  Tr] 

2  [Ver.  20.     Lit. :  And  the  people  shouted,  and  they  blew  with  the  trumpets.  —  Te.] 


exegetical  and  critical. 

With  this  sixth  chapter  begins  the  second  sec- 
tion of  the  first  part  of  our  book,  giving  us  in  a 
continuous  narrative  the  history  of  the  conquest 
of  the  land.  It  offers  critical  difficulties  in  only  a 
few  passages  (ch.  viii.  12,  13  compared  with  viii.  3 
and  viii.  30-35),  so  that  even  Rnobel  describes  it  as 
"  an  exhibition,  in  the  main  regular  and  consistent, 
of  the  wars  of  Joshua,"  by  the  hand  of  the  Jehovist. 
In  so  far  it  is  advantageously  distinguished  from  the 
report  of  the  passage  through  the  Jordan  (chaps. 
iii.,  iv.)  The  style  is  excellent,  and  rises  often  (ch. 
vii.  8 ;  x.  1-27)  to  a  strikingly  beautiful  representa- 
tion of  deeds  of  war  wrought  by  God  through 
Joshua  and  the  people  of  Israel ;  comp.  Introd.  §  1, 
p.  3.  Poetical  passages  are  twice  (chaps,  vi.  26  and 
x.  12-15)  introduced.  A  certain  delicate  humor  is 
betrayed  in  ch.  ix.  From  ch.  x.  28  to  xi.  23,  the 
traits  just  noticed  are  absent,  and  a  sort  of  monot- 
ony in  the  chronological  enumeration  of  con- 
quests appears.  Chapter  xii.  is  a  very  valuable 
historical  document,  from  ver.  9  onward  in  partic- 
ular, to  which  Bunsen  has  rightly  called  attention. 

So  much  in  general  concerning  this  extremely 
interesting  section,  chaps,  vi.  1-xi.  23.  We  pro- 
ceed now  to  the  explanation  of  ch.  vi.,  which  re- 
lates the  capture  of  Jericho. 

[On  the  connection  between  this  and  the  preced- 
ing chapter,  see  the  translator's  remarks  on  p.  66.] 

a.  Ver.  1-11.  Preparation  for  it.  Jericho  had, 
at  the  approach  of  the  Israelites,  closed  its  doors 
so  that  no  one  went  out  and  no  one  came  in.  Je- 
hovah now  commands  Joshua  to  march  around 
the  city  with  the  ark  preceded  by  priests  giving 
blasts  on  alarm  trumpets,  once  each  day  for  six 
days  in  succession,  but  on  the  seventh  day  seven 
times,  and  promises  that  then  her  walls  shall  fall 
down.  This  command  Joshua  imparts  to  the 
riests  with  the  people,  for  immediate  execution, 


K 


ver.  6,  7),  which  then  also  follows  (vers.  8-11). 


Ver.  2.  See,  I  have  given  We  find  a  simi 
lar  expression  in  ch.  xi.  6.  Here,  however,  the 
Israelites  themselves  were  to  adopt  no  warlike 
measures  for  the  taking  of  the  city.  Jericho  must 
fall  rather  through  the  immediate  help  of  God, 
that  is,  through  a  miracle. 

Ver.     3-5.       Signal      trumpets.       ntl?itD 

C,b5i>n=175ijn  pj?.  That  these  two  des- 
ignations (ver.  4,  5)  signify  the  same  musical  in- 
strument is  clear,  and  may  be  inferred  directly 
from  our  passage.     It  may  be  also  further  assumed 

as  probable  that  "IQit»  and  nn^q  (Num.  x. 
2,  8)  are  not  identical,  but  f ,  rather  a  crooked  in- 
strument, and  hence  called  1"^P,  and  n,  the 
straight  trumpet  frequently  represented  on  Egyp- 
tian monuments  (Keil,  Com.  on  J.,  p.  158).     The 

interpretation  of  72V  on  the  other  hand  occasions 
difficulty.  According  to  Fiirst  it  has  two  significa- 
tions :  "  ( 1 )  Ram,  Aries,  from  the  unusual,  intrans 

•  3\  to  be  compressed,  hard,  strong,  according  to 

this  Vl  "lBItt?,  'Tl  pp  or  even  ^V  alone, 
Ex.  xix.  13,  would  mean  ram's  horns  as  a  wind  in- 
strument.    This  signification  appears   already  in 

the  Targum  (S^O'H)  and  the  Jewish  expositors, 
who  follow  indeed  the  tradition  (Rosh-ha-Shana  3) , 
and  from  the  latter  we  learn  that  in  old  Arabic 

the  word  had  the  same  sense;  Phcenic.   75"1  the 

same  (Mass.  7)  ;  (2)  (from  *??^  H)  Sound  of  Jubi 

lee,  sound  of  joy  (related  to  the  pr.  nom.  vSV) 
as  a  designation  of  the  great  feast  of  Jubilee  on 
the  tenth  of  the  seventh  month  in  each  fiftieth 
year,  which  was  proclaimed  with  trumpets  through 
the  whr'e  land.     Lev.  xxv.   8."     That   the  same 


CHAPTER   VI. 


71 


word  should  have  these  two  radically  different  sig- 
nifications is,  if  not  exactly  impossible,  vet  in  this 

ease  improbable,  since  the  year  of  jubilee   (HDti? 

•^1  n)  was  announced,  as  Fiirst  himself  says,  ")y 

the  ^l?"'*'!'  "19*07,  and  from  this  evidently  had  its 
name,  as  Winer  (Realw.  s.  v.  "  Juheljahr  ").  Oehler 
(Realtncyk.  x.  p.  131)  take  for  granted,  after  the 
example  of  older  interpreters,  especially  Groddeck, 

De  verisim.  roc.  V2V  signif.,  Danz.  1758.  On  this 
supposition  the  question  arises,  whence  the  deriva- 
tion  of    '2V,  and   how   it   is   to   be    explained. 

Either  it  is  from  a  root  sD?  not  in  use,  which,  as 
Fiirst  assumes,   should   mean   to   be   compressed, 

hard,  strong,  the  same   as  the  Pheen.    '?*>  from 

which  then    '^  or    '?V  =  the  strong,  the  ram 

(as  also  7*S  means  properly  strength):  this  is 
supported  by  reference  to  the  inscription  of  Mar- 
seilles, 1.  7.  In  this  view,  -?1>L'"1^i/.  would  be 
rams-horn,  ^ril^riT- ~ ^?^^  raras-horn-trumpet,  and 
V^'H-nili''  the  year  at  the  beginning  of  which 
thejT  blew-  the  rams-horn,  and  which  received  it- 
name  from  this.      Or,  as  Gesenius   (T/ies.  ii.  361 J 

teaches,  from  an  onomatop.  ^5',  to  sound  out,  to 

shout,  Lat.  jubilare,  as  the  related  3?,_,  Judg.  v. 
28,  signifies  to  call,  to  call  aloud,  and  in  Aram,  is 
employed   expressly  of  the  call  of  jubilee.     Thus 

^P  would  be  =  TT2n&,  and  baVrTnEiC? 
.^nyVljjnC'itr  (Lev.  xxv.  8)  =  alarm-signal  or 
jnbilee-trumpet.  The  'rP^'l-1!?.  would  mean 
the  same,  and  ^Si*""^???  would  be  the  year  at 
whose  commencement  the  alarm-horn  or  trump  of 
jubilee  was  sounded,  and  which  hence  derived  its 
name.     This  t'ymology  is    decisively  favored   by 

the  name,  '2V,  of  the  son  of  Lantech,  Gen.  iv.  21 , 
who  was  the  inventor  of  the  harp  and  syrinx. 
We  must  therefore  adopt  this  explanation.     The 

double  plural  n^Vrrrrhsitr,  as  in  Num.  xiii. 

32,  nvrcntt^H,    Deut.  i.  as,     Dpaygja. 

Ewald,  §  270.     [See  Gesen.  Lex.  s.  v.  b^V1.] 

The  number  seven  of  the  trumpets,  priests, 
days,  is  significant,  for  which  compare  Gen.  xxi. 
30,  and  a  multitude  of  Old  and  New  Test,  pas- 
sages in  Winer,  art.  "  Zahlen."  [Smith's  Diet.  art. 
"  Seven."]  The  circuit  marches  were  thirteen  in  ali, 
six  during  the  first  six  days,  and  seven  on  the  last, 
which  was  probably,  as  the  Rabbins  have  assumed, 
a  Sabbath.  It  might  be  objected  that,  according 
to  Ex.  xx.  9-11,  no  work  was  to  be  done  on  the 
Sabbath  ;  but  this  circuit  was  no  work,  but  rather 
a  religious  transaction  of  the  nature  of  worship, 
performed  in  obedience  to  a  special  command  of 
God,  to  whose  glory  the  walls  of  Jericho  fell  pre- 
cisely on  the  Sabbath.  The  object  of  these  encom- 
passing marches,  about  which  much  has  been  said, 
has  been  well  indicated  by  Knobel,  who  says : 
"Jericho  was  to  fall  as  the  first-fruits  of  the  6a- 
naanitish  cities  manifestly  by  Israel's  God.  The 
repeated  compassing  of  the  city  directed  attention 
with  the  sharpest  intensity  towards  what  was  fin- 
ally to  come  to  pass,  and  when  the  event  came, 
left  no  doubt  that  Jehovah  was  its  cause,  while  the 


courage  of  Israel  is  thereby  raised  also,  and  the 
despondency  of  the  Canaamtes  increased." 

In  substantial  agreement  with  this  Keil  remarks, 
that  "  The  repetition  during  several  days  of  this 
procession  about  the  city  could  only  be  designed  t* 
exercise  Israel  in  unconditional  faith  and  patier 
trust  in  the  power  and  assistance  of  God,  and  t< 
impress  deeply  upon  him  that  it  was  the  omnipo- 
tence and  fidelity  id"  Jehovah  alone  which  could 
give  into  his  hand  this  fortified  city,  the  bastion  of 
the  whole  land." 

Ver.  5.  Every  man  straight  before  hint. 
Over  the  prostrate  walls  should  the  Israelites 
enter  Jericho,  and  "  each  one  straight  forward,'' 
so  that  their  order  should  be  preserved  as  far  as 
possible.  In  Joel  ii.  9,  it  is  said  likewise  of  the 
locusts  :  "  like  men  of  war  they  climb  a  wall,  <^d 
every  one  marches  on  his  way. 

Vers.  6,  7.  Joshua  issues  the  needful  commands. 

Vers.  8-11.  The  first  circuit,  in  which  the  order 
of  procession  was,  (1.)  the  armed  men  ;  (2.)  the 
seven  priests  with  their  seven  trumpets;  (3.)  the 
priests  with  the  ark  of  the  covenant;  (4.)  the  re- 
maining warriors  as  a  rear-guard.  *1?^  =  ag- 
men  claudere.  This  duty  on  the  march  through 
the  wilderness  devolved,  according  to  Num.  x.  25, 
on  the  tribe  of  Dan  ;  whether  on  this  occasion  also 
cannot  1"-  determined. 

Ver.  9.     That  blew  with  the  trumpets.     Not 

according  to  the  KethibWf?^,  but  the  Keri  ^i?'"^ 
which  Knobel  prefers  as  unquestionably  the  true 
reading.     [Keil  holds  to  the  Kethib.] 

Ver.  10.  Ye  shall  not  shout.  That  should  be 
done  first  on  the  seventh  day,  at  the  express  com 
maud  of  Joshua.  Silently  and  without  a  voice,  foi 
six  long  days,  under  the  prolonged  clangor  of 
the  trumpets,  the  people  marched  around  and 
around  the  City  of  Palms,  whose  inhabitants  ven- 
tured no  sortie.  Perhaps  they  were  imposed  upon 
by  the  sublime  silence  which  was  maintained 
throughout  this  delay. 

Ver.  11.  At  evening  of  the  first  day  they  came 
into  the  camp  to  spend  the  night. 

Vers.  12-14.  So  they  did  for  six  days,  without 
intermission. 

6.  Capture  and  Destruction  of  Jericho.  Vers.  15- 
20.  The  seventh  day.  Now  the  Israelites  begin 
their  march  very  early,  with  the  dawn,  because 
they  have  to  make  the  circuit  seven  times.  If  we 
suppose  that  Jericho  had  a  compass  of  an  hour's 
journey,  then  a  formal  porcession  like  this,  which 
moved  slowly,  would  require  at  least  one  hour  and 
a  half  to  accomplish  it.  This  would  give  for  the 
seven  circuits  ten  and  a  half  hours.  Rut  to  this 
we  must  add  the  absolutely  necessary  rests  of  at 
least  a  quarter  of  an  hour  each ;  and  if  we  assume 
one  after  the  first,  second,  and  third  circuits,  and  so 
on  to  the  end,  the  six  will  amount  to  an  hour  and 
a  half.  This  added  to  the  ten  and  a  half  makes 
twelve  hours.  The  fall  of  the  wall,  accordingly, 
must  have  taken  place  near  evening.  The  Sabbath 
would  then  be  about  over  and  the  work  of  destruc- 
tion might  begin. 

Ver.  17.  And  the  city  shall  be  devoted. 
^~}U  (only  once  0~}H,  Zech.  xii.  11)  from  O^n 
=  to  cut  off,  in  the  Hiph.  to  devote,  to  withdraw 
from  common  use  and  consecrate  to  God  =  sacrare. 
is,  (a.)  with  active  signification,  the  devotement  of 
anything  by  Jehovah,  his  putting  under  the  ban, 
the  result  of  which  is  destruction,  Mai.  iii.  24 ;  Zech. 
xiv.  11  ;  1  K.  xx.  42  ;  Is.  xxxiv.  5;  or  (b.)  with 
pass,  signif.  thing  devoted,  doomed,  laid  under  thi 


72 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


ban,  that  is,  devoted  to  Jehovah  without  the  possi- 
bility of  being  redeemed  (in  distinction  from  other 
devoted  objects),  Lev.  xxvii.  21,  xxviii.  29.  In  the 
latter  sense  it  stands  here,  vers.  17,  18,  and  in  ch. 
vii.  1  ff.,  1  Sam.  xv.  3-9.  Quite  correctly  there- 
fore, Starke  long  ago  remarked :  "  A  devoted  thing 
(Bann)  (LXX.  apddeaa,  Num.  xxi.  2,  3;  Dent.  vii. 
2,  xx.  17)  was  that  which  had  been  doomed  to  the 
Lord,  which  no  man  might  employ  for  his  own 
use,  but  which  was  either  put  away  and  destroyed 
utterly  to  the  honor  of  God,  as  the  men  and  beasts 
in  this  passage,  a  propitiation,  as  it  were,  to  the 
divine  justice,  that  this  might  be  glorified  ;  or  it 
was  consecrated  to  the  special  service  of  God,  as 
here  all  precious  and  useful  metals,  Lev.  xxvii.  21, 
28 ;  Deut.  ii.  34,  iii.  6,  vii.  2,  26,  xiii.  15-17,  xx.  26 
ff."  See  also  the  explanation  to  ch.  ii.  11. 

Eahab  alone  should  be  spared,  because  she  had 
concealed  the  spies.  The  oath  of  the  latter  is  men- 
tioned only  to  them  (ver.  22),  but  not  before  the 
people. 

Ver.  18  contains  a  warning  which  Achan,  to  his 
own  destruction  and  that  of  his  family,  neglected 
(ch.  vii.). 

Vers.  20,  21.  Capture  of  the  City-  At  Joshua's 
command,  the  people  who  have  before  marched  in 
silence  around  the  city  raise  a  battle  shout.  The 
trumpets   clang.      The   walls  of  Jericho  fall   flat 

(prop,  under  themselves,  i^'Tin^!  the  people  of 
Israel  pass  in  and  devote  everything  that  is  in  the 
city,  man  and  woman,  boy  and  gray-haired  sire, 
cattle,  sheep,  and  asses,  with  the  edge  of  the  sword 
(Gen.  xxxiv.  26,  and  very  often  in  our  book).   [On 

?  instrument!,  see  Ges.  Lex.,  p.  501  e.  fin.]  — The 
miracle  here  related  has  been  explained  by  a  sud- 
den earthquake  (J.  D.  Michaelis  ;  Bartholm,  Jewish 
History,  ii.  p.  22  ;  Jahn,  Bibl.  Archmologie,  ii.  p.  174 
ff).  •'  But  nothing  of  that  stands  written  here  " 
(Knobel).  Nor  is  anything  said  of  undermining 
the  walls ;  manifestly  a  miracle  was  wrought,  accord- 
ing to  the  entire  new  of  the  author,  by  the  God  of 
Israel  "  present  upon  the  ark  of  the  covenant." 
See  Doctrinal  and  Ethical  2. 

Vers.  22-25.  Rescue  of  Bahab.  This  is  effected 
in  consistency  with  the  promise,  and  oath  of  the 
spies. 

Ver.  22.  Go  into  the  harlot's  house.  This 
house  appears  not  to  have  fallen,  although  it  was 
built  on  [or  against]  the  wall. 

Young  men.  The  Heb.  "I3?3  has  very  often 
this  signification,  Gen.  xxii.  3,  xxxiv.  19,  xxxvii. 
2  ;  Judg.  viii.  20 ;  Jer.  vi.  6  ;  1  Sam.  xxx.  13  ;  LXX. 
Svo  vtaviaKot ;   Vulg.  juvenes. 

Ver.  23.  And  left  them  without  tue  camp. 
After  the  analogy  of  Lev.  xxiv.  14,  Num.  xxxi.  19. 
They  were,  as  heathen,  unclean,  and  must  there- 
fore remain  for  a  specified  time,  probably,  as  in  the 
case  of  other  things  unclean,  seven  days,  without 
the  camp. 

Ver.  24  breaks  the  connection,  and  would  per- 
haps stand  better,  as  Knobel  conjectures,  before 
ver.  21.  [That  cattle  and  other  property  in  Jericho 
were  put  under  the  ban,  and  the  whole  city  reduced 
to  ashes,  was  "because  this  was  the  first  city  of 
Canaan  which  Jehovah  had  given  a  prey  to  his 
people.  It.  therefore,  should  Israel  offer  as  the  first- 
fruits  of  the  land  to  the  Lord,  and  even  consecrate 
to  Him  as  devoted,  for  a  sign  that  they  received  the 
whole  land  from  his  hand,  as  a  loan  and  as  what 
had  fallen  to  Him,  not  what  they  would  snatch  for 
themBelv;s."  Keil.  —  Tr.] 


Ver.  25  takes  up  again  the  thread  of  the  narra 
tive  concerning  Rahab's  position. 

She  dwelt  in  Israel.  See  the  Exegetical  and 
Homiletical  on  chap.  ii. 

Ver.  26.  Curse  upon  Jericho.  Since  a  devoted 
city  might  not,  according  to  Deut.  xiiii.  17,  be  re- 
built, Joshua  pronounces  an  imprecation  on  the 
foundation  and  soil  of  Jericho.  Such  a  curse,  as 
Strabo  says,  xiii.  p.  601,  Agamemnon  uttered  upon 
Ilium,  and  Seipio,  according  to  Appian  (Punica,  § 
135  f.),  upon  Carthage  (Knobel).  In  connection 
with  this  they  used,  as  Hadrian  did  at  Jerusalem,  to 
plough  around  the  site  of  the  city  (Starke).  "  The 
Jews  also  probably  scattered  salt  over  the  place, 
Judg.  ix.  45,  as  a  curse  and  sign  of  barrenness, 
Deut.  xxix.  22,  23 ;  Ps.  cvii.  33,  34  ;  Jer.  xvii.  6  ; 
Zech.  ii.  9,"  Starke.  Of  ploughing  and  sowing  salt 
there  is  no  mention  here,  but  so  much  the  more  im- 
pressive sounds  the  curse  which  Joshua  poetically 
utters.  That  this  curse  was  fulfilled  is  related  in 
1  K.  xvi.  34,  when  Hiel  of  Bethel  ventured  in 
Ahab's  time  to  rebuild  Jericho.  It  is  at  variance 
with  this  late  restoration  of  the  city  that  its  name 
reappears  in  our  book  ch.  xviii.  21  ;  Judg.  iii.  13  ;  2 
Sam.  x.  5.  The  difficult;  may  be  obviated  (a)  by 
assuming,  with  Winer,  that  in  1  K.  xvi.  34  the 
language  relates  only  to  the  fortifications  of  Jericho, 

—  which  reference  of  the  word  ■"'JS  is  established 
by  1  K.  xv.  17  and  2  Chr.  xi.  5  —  and  that  Joshua 
himself  as  military  leader  had  respect  only  to  the 
fortifications;  or  (h)  by  availing  ourselves  of  the 
hypothesis  of  Knobel,  that  the  Jericho  spoken  of 
during  the  time  between  Joshua  and  Ahab  was  in 
a  different  place  from  that  which  Hiel  first  rebuilt. 
In  support  of  his  view  Knobel  recalls  that  neither 
Troy  nor  Carthage  was  built  up  again  on  the  old 
spot,  because  the  ground  of  both  places  had  been 
cursed.  For  the  rest,  Knobel  conceives  the  execra- 
tion in  the  special  form  which  it  had  received,  as 
wholly  vaticininm  ex  erentu,  and  views  the  mattei 
thus:  (1)  Joshua  had  expressed  an  imprecation, 
but  a  "general  imprecation;"  (2)  This  general 
imprecation  was  known,  and  had  for  its  effect  that 
when  Jericho  was  rebuilt  in  the  time  between 
Joshua  and  David,  it  was  not  placed  on  the  old 
site  ;  (3)  the  rebuilding  on  the  old  site  was  effected 
under  Ahab,  by  Hiel,  who  lost  his  oldest  son  at  the 
time  of  laying  the  foundation  of  the  wall,  and  his 
youngest  at  the  setting  up  of  the  gate;  (4)  the 
author  of  our  book  knew  of  these  occurrences,  anil 
assumed  that  Joshua  had  not  only  uttered  a  gen- 
eral malediction,  but  had  extended  this  to  so  min- 
ute points  as  were  afterwards  brought  to  light. 
We  confess  that  we  here  meet  too  many  hypotheses, 
and  therefore  stand  by  the  explanation  of  Winer 
which  is  grammatically  well  established. 
Ver.  27.  Joshua's   fame,  SOttf,  Jos.  ix.  9. 


DOCTRINAL  AND    ETHICAL. 

In  order  to  determine  the  notion  of  C"^n,  we 
must  have  regard  above  all  to  the  passage  Lev.  xxvii. 
28,  29 ;  "  Only  no  devoted  thing  (C~in)  which  » 
man  shall  devote  (D"]rp  to  Jehovah  of  all  that 
he  hath,  of  man  and  beast,  and  of  the  field  of  his 
possession,  shall  be  sold  or  redeemed  (  '^|?'^  '1) 
every  devoted  thing  is  most  holy  to  Jehovah.  No 
devoted  thing  which  is  devoted"  by  men  shall  b« 
redeemed;  it  shall  surely  be  put  to  death."  Every 


CHAPTER  VI. 


73 


Jiing  else  of  man,  of  beast,  of  house,  of  field  which 
Dne  only  consecrated  to  Jehovah  (tE^Pl)  might 
be  redeemed,  but  what  any  one  had  devoted,  that 
is,  given  over  to  complete  and  unconditional  sanc- 
tity, that  could  not  be  redeemed.  It  was,  as 
Riietschi  says  {Realencyk.  i.  p.  677),  "a  doomed 
gift  "  (Banngeschenk),  an  object  laid  under  the  ban 

(E~in  in  its  first,  active  sense),  a  thing  most  holy 
to  Jehovah.  If  it  was  a  living  creature,  it  was. 
according  to  this  precept  of  the  law,  put  to  death ; 
if  it  was  a  piece  of  land  it  was  (as  we  may  rightly 
conclude  from  Lev.  xxvii.  21,  comp.  also  Num.  xviii. 
14;  Ezek.  xliv.  29)  the  possession  of  the  priests; 
if  it  was  any  other  valuable  property  it  belonged,  as 
our  history  teaches  (cb.  vi.  19,  24)  and  as  is  shown 
also  by  Num.  xxxi.  54,  to  the  treasury  of  Jehovah, 
If  an  entire  city  like  Jericho  was  put  under  the  ban, 
it  was  b\imt  up  (Josh.  vi.  24;  x.  28,  35,  37,  40; 
xi.  11;  Num.  xxi.  1-3;  Dent.  xiii.  16);  yet  not 
always,  Josh.  xi.  11,  as  they  also  sometimes  let  the 
cattle  live,  and  divided  them  as  booty  (Deut.  ii.  34  f, 
iii.  6  ft",  and  Josh.  viii.  26  ft").  Such  a  devotement 
might  be,  as  Riietschi  has  explained  with  special 
clearness,  directed  inwardly,  on  the  people  of  Israel 
themselves,  comp.  ch.  vii.,  or  outwardly  against 
those  of  other  nations.  In  both  cases,  however, 
as  a  long  line  of  passages  (Ex.  xxii.  20;  Deut. 
xiii.  16  If.,  ii.  34,  iii.  6;  Josh.  vi.  17  ft'.,  etc.,  see 
above)  will  show,  the  destruction  of  every  unholy, 
idolatrous  creature  was  the  design,  since  Israel  must 
be  a  holy  people.  The  latter  case,  the  outward 
iirection  of  it,  is  met  with  earlier  in  the  history, 
but  with  special  frequency  in  our  book.  "  Dread- 
ful, certainly,"  says  Winer  (i.  135,  obs.  3),  "was 
such  devotement  of  conquered  cities,  only  there  is 
no  good  reason  for  complaining  of  Hebrew  an- 
tiquity so  bitterly  as  Tindal,  Morgan,  and  others 
have  done.  Humanity  toward  prisoners  of  war, 
especially  toward  the  inhabitants  of  conquered 
cities,  was  unknown  to  the  ancient  nations  gen- 
erally. Every  war  was  at  first  a  war  of  annihila- 
tion, and  that  treatment  of  the  Canaanitish  towns 
jras,  on  political,  and  (in  the  sense  of  that  age) 
religious  grounds,  as  truly  demanded,  as  is  very 
much  besides  which  even  civilized  and  Christian 
nations  hold  valid,  as  flowing  from  the  right  of 
conquest." 

The  destruction  of  these  Canaanite  cities  fol- 
lowed upon  an  immediate,  divine  direction  (Ex. 
xvii.  14;  Deut.  vii.  2;  xx.  16;  1  Sam.  xv.  3),  at 
another  time,  the  Israelites  Wiethe  same  (Num. 
xxi.  2).  Again  in  other  cases,  the  devotement,  in 
its  inward  direction  and  in  its  outward,  takes  place 
in  consequence  of  appointments  of  the  law  (Lev. 
xx.  2  ;  Deut.  xiii.  16  rF. ) .  By  this  a  limit  was  set 
to  all  caprice,  for,  the  holiness  of  Israel  in  rigid 
separation  from  everything  of  a  heathen  nature, 
and  from  every  abomination  of  idolatry  (Ex. 
xxiii.  32  ;  Deut.  xx.  18),  was  to  be  the  only  "ground 
of  the  ban.  Otherwise  every  murderer  might  with 
hypocritical  mien  have  appealed  to  such  a  devote- 
ment of  his  neighbor.  He  who  seized  upon  any- 
thing for  himself  that  had  been  devoted  paid  the 
penalty  with  his  life  (Josh.  vi.  18 ;  Deut.  xiii.  17  ; 
Josh.  vii.  11  ff.) 

By  these  views  we  must  interpret  the  expression 
>f  the  high-priest  (John  xi.  49,  50),  and  so  also  St. 
Paul's  designation  (Gal.  iii.  10)  of  the  crucified 
Redeemer,  as  Karapa. 

Finally  we  may  mention  that  similar  statutes 
were  in  force  among  the  Gauls  and  ancient  Ger- 
nans  ;  and  to  the  Romans  and  Greeks  they  were 
not  at  all  strange.     Caesar  relates  of  the  Gauls 


(Bell.  Gall.  vi.  17):  "  Huic  (sc.  Marti)  auu-m 
praJio  dimicare  const ituerunt,  ea,  quae  bello  cepe* 
rinf,  plerumque  devovent.  Qiue  superaverint,  aw- 
mtilia  capta  itumolant ;  reliquas  res  in  unum  locum 
confrrunt.  Multis  in  civitatibus  harum  rerum  ex- 
tructos  tiimulos  locis  consecratis  conspicuri  Hot ; 
wque  stepe  accidit,  ut,  neglecta  quispiam  religione, 
aut  capta  apitd  se  occultare,  ant  posita  tollere  audi  ret ; 
gravissimumque  ei  ret  supplicium  cum  cruciatu  con- 
stitutum  est."  The  practice  therefore  was  similar 
to  what  happened  in  the  case  of  Achan,  the  pen- 
alty of  death  for  theft  of  what  bad  been  devotee'., 
Tacitus  (Aiiual.  xiii.  57)  tells  concerning  the 
Hermunduii.  that  a  war  in  winch  they  had  been 
engaged  with  the  Catti  had  turned  out  fortunately 
for  the  former,  for  the  latter  ruinously  (exitiosius) ; 
11  quia  victores  diversam  aciem  Marti  ac  Mercuiio 
sacravere.  quo  veto,  'qui,  viri,  cuncta  victa  ocadioni 
dantur."  Livy  (iii.  55)  recalls  a  law  passed  under 
the  consuls  L.  Valerius  and  M.  Horatius  :  "  Ut  qui 
tribunis  plebis,  letlilibus,  judicibus,  decemviris  nocu- 
isset,  ejus  caput  Jovi  sacrum  esset;  fainilia  ad 
osdeiii  Cereris,  Liberi,  Libeneque  venum  iret."  We 
may  remember  further  the  ver  sacrum,  so  beauti 
fully  described  by  Uhland  in  his  familiar  poem, 
and  the  burning  up  of  a  part  of  the  spoils,  to 
consecrate  them  to  the  gods,  as  was  also  done 
in  Roman  antiquity  (Appian,  Pun.  ch.  exxxiii; 
Mithr.  ch.  xlv.).  Similar  is  the  taboo  of  the  South 
Sea  islanders,  a  ban  the  violation  of  which  was 
punished  with  death.  See  the  Ca/wer  Missions- 
Geschichle  by  Blumhardt,  ii.  pp.  238,  243.  [Mur 
ray's  Encyc.  of  Geog.  iii.  p.  156;  Cook's  Voyaqet 
(2" vols.  Lond.'l842),  vol.  ii.  pp.  112,  11.3,  255,  and 
often.] 

2.  The  fall  of  the  walls  of  Jericho  is  just  as 
much  referred  to  the  immediate  causality  of  God, 
as  the  miraculous  passage  of  the  Israelites  through 
the  Jordan.  It  is  a  soulless  expedient,  therefore, 
to  think  of  an  undermining  of  the  walls.  Much 
rather  might  we  approve  the  resort  to  an  earth- 
quake, because  in  such  a  natural  event  the  divine 
agency  is  directly  involved.  But  there  is  nothing 
said  of  that  in  the  text,  and  it  is  therefore  best  sim- 
ply to  recognize  the  fact.  It  was  for  the  Canaan- 
ites  a  terror,  to  the  Israelites  a  most  cheering  sign 
of  the  continued  presence  of  God  with  his  people. 
For  us  its  symbolical  significance  is  not  to  be 
lightly  estimated,  especially  for  those  among  us  to 
whom  the  Bible  is  indeed"  precious  but  much  of 
what  is  related  in  it  difficult  to  receive,  —  really 
earnest  Christians,  whom  we  should  not  on  this 
account  (as  is,  alas,  so  commonly  done)  immedi- 
ately characterize  as  infidels.  This  name,  indeed, 
it  would  in  general  be  far  better  to  apply  somewhat 
more  sparingly,  unless  all  investigation  of  Scripture 
is  to  be  threatened  with  the  ban. 

["  By  this  "  (namely,  its  occurrence,  through  the 
direct  efficiency  of  God),  "  the  fall  of  Jericho  be- 
came the  image  and  type  of  the  fall  of  every  world- 
power  before  the  Lord,  when  He  comes  to  lead  his 
people  into  Canaan  and  to  establish  his  kingdom 
on  earth.  On  the  ground  of  this  fact  it  is,  that 
the  blast  of  the  trumpet  becomes,  in  the  writings 
of  the  prophets,  the  signal  and  symbolical  prog- 
nostic of  the  revelations  of  the  Lord  in  the  great 
judgments  by  which  He,  through  the  destruction 
of  one  world-power  after  the  other,  maintains  and 
extends  his  kingdom  on  earth,  and  carries  it  on- 
ward toward  perfection.  This  it  will  reach  when 
He  descends  from  heaven  in  his  glory  at  the  time 
of  the  last  trumpet,  with  a  shout,  with  the  voice 
of  the  archangel  and  trump  of  God,  to  raise  the 
dead  and  change  the  living   to  hold  the  j  idgmenl 


74 


THE   B()(  K   OF  JOSHUA. 


of  the  world  and  cast  the  devil,  and  death,  and 
hell  into  the  lake  of  tire,  to  create  heaven  and  earth 
anew,  and  in  the  New  Jerusalem  to  set  up  the  tab- 
ernacle of  God  with  men  forever  and  ever."  (1  Cor. 
xv.  51  tf. ;  1  Thess.  iv.  16  f. ;  Apoc.  xx.  and  xxi  ) 
Keil. 

"  By  ordering  that  the  walls  of  Jericho  should 
fall  only  after  the  circuit  of  the  city  during  seven 
days,  and  on  the  seventh  day  seven  times  with  the 
sound  of  the  alarm-trumpets  and  the  war-cry  of 
the  warriors  of  God's  people,  God  would  make 
this  city,  the  key  of  Canaan,  a  type  of  the  final  de- 
struction of  the  powers  of  this  world  which  stand 
in  hostile  opposition  to  the  kingdom  of  God.  By 
this  would  He  not  only  intimate  to  his  people  that 
not  immediately,  but  after  protracted  and  patient 
struggles,  finally  at  the  end  of  the  world,  will  the 
hostile  world-power  be  subdued,  but  also  hint  to 
the  enemies  of  his  kingdom,  that  their  strength, 
although  they  may  long  resist,  yet  at  last  will 
perish  in  a  moment."     Keil.  —  Tr.] 

3.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  how  the  Redeemer  has 
signalized  Jericho.  Here  he  entered  into  the  house 
of  Zacchaeus  (Luke  xix.  5, 9) ;  here  he  healed  Bar- 
timeus  of  his  blindness  (Mar.  x.  46,  52  ;  Luke  xviii. 
35) ;  in  the  neighborhood  of  this  city  he  repeated 
the  announcement  of  his  sufferings  (Luke  xviii. 
31;  Matt.  xx.  28).  He  thinks  of  Jericho  in  the 
parable  of  the  good  Samaritan  (Luke  x.  30).  Then 
Jericho  was  a  prominent  city  by  reason  of  Herod's 
magnificent  buildings  there  ;  now  it  is  a  miserable 
village.     [See  the  references  on  ch.  ii.  1.] 

4.  As  the  blessing  operates  in  its  effects  through 
centuries,  so  not  less  does  the  curse,  when  a  moral 
justification  accompanies  it.  The  curse  upon 
Jericho  was  the  curse  upon  everything  of  an  idol- 
atrous nature,  upon  the  Canaanite  race  with  all  its 
heathenish  abominations ;  it  was  therefore  a  theo- 
cratic curse  on  sin  itself.  Such  a  curse  Paul 
utters,  on  the  principles  of  the  N.  T.,  against  all 
teachers  of  error  and  corrupters  of  the  congrega- 
tion (1  Cor.  xvi.  22  ;  Gal.  i.  8),  with  the  same  pro- 
priety as  did  Joshua.  The  more  the  leaven  of 
Christianity  spreads  and  pervades  all  things,  the 
less  occasion  shall  we  have  for  cursing ;  we  shall 
have  occasion  rather  for  praising  God  and  blessing 
the  brethren.  But  he  who  sees  everywhere  only 
apostasy  and  error,  who  will  not  perceive  that  even 
now  salvation  is  nearer  to  us  than  before,  he  will 
doubtless  rather  curse  than  bless,  as  in  fact  not 
only  ultramontane  Catholics,  but  also  some  profes- 
sing Protestantism  abundantly  do.  But  they  are 
no  Joshuas,  neither  of  them.  Their  glance  reaches 
nf  ev!i  into  the  near  future,  to  say  nothing  of  dis- 
t"Jit  a£.*8.  So  their  sentences  of  curse  die  away  in 
r  Jenc<  to  our  great  comfort,  because  they  have 
no  moral  justification. 


HOMTLETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

The  closed  and  barred  Jericho  an  image  (1)  of 
a  closed  heart;  (2)  of  a  closed  house;  (3)  of  a 
closer"  congregation.  —  As  the  Lord  gave  Jericho 
into  the  hand  of  Joshua,  so  He  still  always  gives 
every  closed  heart,  and  every  closed  house,  and 
every  closed  congregation  (or  even  city)  into  the 
'ianJ  of  his  servants.  —  The  trump  of  the  year  of 
jubilee  and  the  trump  of  Judgment. —  Before  the 
war-shout  of  the  spiritual  Israel  fall  all  the  walls 
which  the  world  has  reared  for  its  own  defense, 
especially  the  walls  of  self-righteousness  behind 
which  sin  pursues  its  courses.  —  The  procession 
iro  ind  Jericho,  (1)  silent,  (2)  but  with  the  accom- 


paniment of  trumpet  blasts,  a  procer:icr_  in  th« 
name  of  the  Lord  God  of  IsraeL  —  The  capture  of 
Jericho,  (1)  well  prepared  for  by  Joshua,  (2)  glori- 
ously accomplished  by  God's  almighty  power. 
The  dawn  of  the  seventh  day  a  dawn  of  victory. 
The  confidence  of  Joshua's  faith.  —  Shout,  for  God 
has  given  you  the  city.  —  The  holy  curse.  —  The 
holy  deliverance  (ver.  17.)  — Judgment  and  mercy 
shown  by  the  devotement  of  Jericho  on  the  one 
hand,  and  on  the  other  by  the  deliverance  of  Kahab. 
—  Keep  yourselves  from  that  which  is  devoted. — 
The  treasure  of  the  Lord,  consisting  (1 )  in  Israel, 
in  gold  and  silver,  and  brass  (2)  among  us,  in  the 
holy  gospel  of  the  blessed  God  in  Christ  Jesus.  — 
The  walls  fell  down  flat!  0,  how  shall  we  rejoice 
when  one  day  all  the  walls  which  proud  worldli- 
ness  has  built  tall  down,  even  those  which  statutes 
have  erected  —  the  walls  of  cloisters  and  the  walls 
of  Rome !  —  The  glorious  victory  of  the  people,  a 
condemnation  at  the  same  time  of  Jericho.  —  The 
rescue  of  Rahab  considered  in  reference  (1)  to  her 
person  (description  of  her  character  according  to 
ch.  ii.,  Heb.  xi.  31  ;  Ja.  ii.  25) ;  (2)  to  the  con- 
scientiousness of  Joshua,  who  would  have  the  word 
which  had  been  given  kept ;  (3)  to  the  future  of 
the  kingdom  of  God  (Rahab  from  among  the 
heathen,  the  mother  of  a  family,  and  what  is  con- 
nected with  that :  Rahab  the  heathen  woman  is 
received  into  Israel,  that  through  Israel  the  heathen 
also  might  be  saved). —  The  imprecation  upon  Jer- 
icho ;  (1)  a  well  deserved  sentence ;  hence  (2)  ful- 
filled as  a  prophetic  word,  when  Hiel  again  built 
the  city,  1  K.  xvi.  34.  —  Rather  bless  than  curse, 
because  we  are  Christians.  —  Men  not  to  be  cursed, 
but  only  sin. 

Starke  :  That  is  the  way  of  the  sons  of  this 
world ;  seeing  need  and  danger  at  the  door  they 
resort  only  to  human  plans  and  expedients  for 
escape,  when  they  ought  to  betake  themselves  to 
God  and  seek  shelter  with  him,  Jer.  xviii.  11  ;  Ps. 
1.  15.  —  To  build  fortresses  and  to  fly  thither  in 
time  of  need  is  not  indeed  wrong  in  itself,  but  let 
not  one  trust  too  much  in  them,  because  without 
God  no  inclosure  can  help,  Hos.  viii.  14;  Ps. 
exxvii.  1.  —  Those  who  sit  at  the  helm  should  not 
sleep  at  mid-day,  but  be  up  betimes,  and  attend  to 
their  duties,  Rom.  xii.  7. —  A  believing  and  fervent 
praver  is  the  true  war-shout  by  which  we  may  con- 
quer our  spiritual  foes  and  destroy  the  devil's  king- 
dom. Christian  brother,  avail  thyself  of  that  there- 
fore with  diligence  (Eph.  vi.  18). 

Hedixger  :  Every  carnal  heart  is  a  closed  Jer- 
icho ;  God  sits  down  before  it  and  shoots  mercy 
and  grace  up  against  its  walls.  Well  for  those 
who  do  not  harden  themselves  ! 

Cramer  :  God's  promises  are  as  certain  as  if 
they  had  already  been  fulfilled  and  gone  into  effect, 
2  Cor.  i.  20  ;  Ps.  xxxiii.  4.  —  God  thinks  also  of 
compassion  when  He  is  most  angry,  for  in  the  midst 
of  wrath  He  is  gracious,  Gen.  vi.  8,  11,  12,  13  f. — 
What  God  curses  no  man  must  bless,  and  what 
God  blesses  let  no  man  curse,  Num.  xxiii.  8 ;  1  K. 
xvi.  34. 

Gerlach  :  Through  the  silence  of  the  people  it 
should  be  more  clearly  manifest  that  it  was  the 
Lord  who  fought  for  Israel.  Exercised  in  faith 
tinder  the  scorn  of  their  foes  should  the  strength 
granted  them  by  God  be  kept  till  the  moment  of 
action. 

[G.  R.  B. :  In  the  progress  of  his  spiritual  king- 
dom also  God  has  chosen  to  employ  means  fol 
vanquishing  the  strongholds  of  unbelief  and 
worldliness  very  different  from  what  would  sug- 
gest themselves  to  human  contrivance.    But  God'i 


CHAPTER  vn  75 


"  foolishness  "  in  this,  as  we  might  be  sure  before- 
hand, has  proved  itself  wiser  than  all  the  wis- 
dom of  men,  and  alone  efficacious  in  subduing  the 
proud  and  bolted  heart  to  repentance  and  the  trust- 
ful acceptance  of  Christ's  gracious  rule,  1  Cor.  i.  18- 


25.  Therefore  let  Israel  only  jersevere  in  sound 
ing  the  gospel  trumpet,  patient  under  delays  bu 
constant  in  the  wondrous,  even  though  despised, 
proclamation,  and  in  due  time  the  stoutest  walla 
of  opposition  shall  fall  flat.  —  Tr.] 


2.  Achan's  Theft. 

Chapter    VII. 
a.  The  Crime. 

1  But  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  committed  a  trespass  in  the  acco'sed  tiling  [in 
respect  to  what  was  devoted]  :  for  [and]  Achan,  the  son  of  Carmi,  the  son  of 
Zabdi,  the  son  of  Zerah,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  took  of  the  accursed  thing  [of  what 
was  devoted]  :  and  the  auger  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was  kindled  against  the  chil- 
dren [sons]  of  Israel. 

6.  Its  evil  Effects  in  the  unfortunate  Expedition  against  Ai. 
Chapter  VII.  2-5. 

2  And  Joshua  sent  men  from  Jericho  to  Ai,  which  is  beside  Beth-aven,  on  the  east 
side  of  Beth-el,  and  spake  unto  them,  saying,  Go  up  and  view  the  country  [spy 

3  out  the  land].  And  the  men  went  up,  and  viewed  [spied  out]  Ai.  And  they  re- 
turned to  Joshua,  and  said  unto  him,  Let  not  all  the  people  go  up  ;  but  [omit :  but] 
let  about  two  or  three  thousand  men  go  up  and  smite  Ai :  and  [omit:  and]  make 

♦  not  all  the  people  to  labour  thither ;  for  they  are  but  [omit :  but]  few.  So  [And] 
there  went  up  thither  of  the  people  about  three  thousand  men  :  and  they  fled  before 

5  the  men  of  Ai.  And  the  men  of  Ai  smote  of  them  about  thirty  and  six  men  :  for 
[and]  they  chased  them  from  before  the  gate  even  unto  Shebarim,  and  smote  them 
in  the  going  down :  wherefore  [and]  the  hearts  of  the  people  melted,  and  became 
as  [omit :  as]  water. 

c.  Joshua's  humble  Prayer  and  God's  Answer  thereto. 
Chapter  VII.  6-15. 

6  And  Joshua  rent  his  clothes,  and  fell  to  the  earth  upon  his  face  before  the  ark  of 
the  Lord  [Jehovah]  until  the  even-tide,  he  and  the  elders  of  Israel,  and  put  dust 

i  upon  their  heads.  And  Joshua  said.  Alas  !  O  Lord  God  [Jehovah],  wherefore 
hast  thou  at  all  brought  this  people  over  [the]  Jordan,  to  deliver  us  into  the  hand 
of  the  Amorites,  to  destroy  us  ?  would  to  God  [O  that]  we  had  been  content,  and 

5  dwelt  on  the  other  side  [of  the]  Jordan.  O  Lord  [Fay:  Pray,  Lord;  Bunsen  : 
Forgive.  Lord  ;   De  Wette :  Pray,  my  Lord],  what  shall  I  say,  when  Israel  turneth 

9  their  backs  [has  turned  the  back]  before  their  [his]  enemies  ?  For  the  Canaanites 
[Canaanite],  and  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  shall  hear  of  it,  and  shall  enviroff 
us  round,  and  cut  off  our  name  from  the  earth :  and  what  will  thou  do  t  Jito  thy 
great  name  ? 

10  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto  Joshua:   Get  thee  up;  wherefore  liest  thou 

11  thus  upon  thy  face?  Israel  hath  sinned,  and  they  have  also  transgressed  my  covu- 
nant  which  I  commanded  them ;  for  [and]  they  have  even  [also  x]  taken  of  the  ac- 
cursed [devoted]  thing,  and  have  also  stolen,  and  dissembled  also,  and  they  have 

12  put  it  even  [also  put  it]  among  their  own  stuff.  Therefore  the  children  [sons] 
of  Israel  could  not  stand  before  their  enemies,  but  turned  their  backs  before 
their  enemies,  because  they  were  accursed  [have  become  a  devoted  thing]  :  neither 
will  I  be  with  you  any  more,  except  ye  destroy  the  accursed  [devoted]  thing  from 

13  among  you.  Up,  sanctify  the  people,  and  say.  Sanctify  yourselves  against  to- 
morrow :  for  thus  saith  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel,  There  is  an  accursed 
[a  devoted]  tiling  in  the  midst  of  thee,  O  Israel :  thou  canst  not  stand  before 
thine  enemies,  until  ye  have  put  away  the  accursed  [devoted]   thing  from  among 

i  you.     In  the  morning  therefore  [And  in  the  morning]  ye  shall  be  brought  accord- 


76 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


ing  to  your  tribes :  and  it  shall  be,  that  the  tribe  which  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  taketli 
shall  come  according  to  the  families  thereof ;  and  the  family  which  the  Lord  [Je- 
hovah]  shall  take   [taketli]   shall  come  by   [the]  households ;  and  the  household 

15  which  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  shall  take  [taketh]  shall  come  man  by  man.  And  it 
shall  be,  that  he  that  is  taken  with  the  accursed  [devoted]  thing  shall  be  burnt 
with  fire,  he  and  all  that  he  hath :  because  he  hath  transgressed  the  covenant  of  the 
Lord  [Jehovah],  and  because  he  hath  wrought  folly  in  Israel. 

TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver    11.  —  ^31  repeated  to  the  fifth  time  very  emphatically  distinguishes  the  several  motnenta  of  their  crime 
.     .     .     sinned,  aud  also  taken  .     .     .     and  also  stolen,  and  also  dissembled,  and  also  put  it,  etc.     See  Exeg 

Note.  —  Te.] 

d.  Discovery  and  Punishment  of  Achan  the  Transgressor. 

Chapter  VIL  16-26. 

16  So  Joshua  rose  up  early  in  the  morning,  and  brought  Israel  by  their  tribes  ;  and 

17  the  tribe  of  Judah  was  taken:  And  he  brought  the  family  [Fay:  families"]  of 
Judah  ;  and   he  took   the  family  of  the   Zarhites  [of  Zarhi]  :  and  he  brought  the 

18  family  of  the  Zarhites  [of  Zarhi]  man  by  man  ; 6  and  Zabdi  was  taken:  And  he 
brought  his  household  man  by  man  ;  and  Achan  the  son  of  Carmi.  the  son  of  Zabdi, 
the  son  of  Zerah,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  was  taken. 

19  And  Joshua  said  unto  Achan,  My  son,  give,  I  pray  thee,  glory  to  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  God  of  Israel,  and  make  confession  unto  him  [Gesen. ;  so  De  Wette  and 
Bunsen  ;  Fay :  give   him  [the]   praise]  ;  and   tell   me   now  what  thou  hast  done, 

20  hide  it  not  from  me.  And  Achan  answered  Joshua,  and  said.  Indeed  I  have 
sinned  against  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel,  and  thus  and  thus  have  I  done. 

21  When  [And  :]  I  saw  among  the  spoils  a  goodly  Babylonish  garment  [mantle  of 
Shinar],  and  two  hundred  shekels  of  silver,  and  a  wedge  [tongue]  of  gold  of  fifty  she- 
kels weight,  then  [and]  I  coveted  them,  and  took  them,  and  behold  they  are  hid  in  the 

22  earth  in  the  midst  of  my  tent,  and  the  silver  under  it.  So  Joshua  sent  messengers, 
and  they  ran  unto  the  tent,  and  behold,  it  was  hid  in  his  tent,  and  the  silver  under  it. 

23  And  they  took  them  out  of  the  midst  of  the  tent,  and  brought  them  unto  Joshua, 
and  unto  all  the  children  of  Israel,  and  laid  them  out  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]. 

24  And  Joshua,  and  all  Israel  with  him,  took  Achan  the  son  of  Zerah.  and  the  silver, 
and  the  garment  [mantle],  and  the  wedge  of  gold,  and  his  sons,  and  his  daughters, 

25  and  his  oxen,  and  his  asses,  and  his  sheep,  and  his  tent,  and  all  that  he  had : 
and  they  brought  them  unto  the  valley  of  Aclior.  And  Joshua  said,  Why  hast  thou 
troubled  us  ?  [or,  What  trouble  hast  thou  brought  upon  us  ?]  The  Lord  [Jehovah] 
shall  trouble  thee  this  day.    And  all  Israel  stoned  him  with  stones,  and  they  burned 

26  them  with  fire,  after  they  had  stoned  [aud  pelted]  them  with  stones.  And  they 
raised  over  him  a  great  heap  of  stones  unto  this  day.  So  [And]  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
turned  from  the  fierceness  of  his  anger  :  wherefore  the  name  of  that  place  was 
called,  The  valley  of  Achor,  unto  this  day. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver  21.  —  nH~!S\  The  "1  is  as  nearly  redundant  here  probably  as  it  ever  is  (it  is  treated  as  if  it  were  entire .y 
to  by  lie  Wette,  Zunz,  and  Fay),  and  yet  is  not  redundant.  It  betrays  the  confusion  of  thought  in  which  Achan  spoke : 
Thus  and  thus  have  I  done  :  and  I  saw  ....  and  I  coveted  them.  etc. 

The  manner  in  which  our  version,  and  perhaps  all  others,  not  unfrequently  substitute  a  conditional  sentence  ("  when 
I  saw  ;  then  I  coveted)  for  two  coordinate,  copulative  sentences  of  narration  ("and  I  saw  —  and  I  coveted  ")  sometimes 
gives  a  welcome  variety  to  the  monotonous  succession  of  copulative  clauses  with  which  the  Hebrew  is  content ;  but  by 
lust  so  much  it  misrepresents  the  child-like  artlessness  of  the  Hebrew.  It  is  scarcely  ever  exactly  equivalent  to  the  original 
expression  of  the  thoughts.  It  is  strictly  allowable  only  when,  if  ever,  the  former  of  two  facts  may  be  assum  d  as  Known 
or  obvious,  and  the  latter  is  to  be  represented  in  its  dependence  upon  that.  —  Tr.] 


a  Different    Codd.,   the    LXX.,    the   Vulg.,  instead    of 

n  tvp  nnstra  read  rri^n*  nhstt'a,  which 

pointing  we  follow  with  Keil  and  Bunsen.  [But  it  seems 
sufficient  and  quite  consistent  with  the  principle  of  the  fol- 
lowing foot-note  to  understand  nnCtFE  to  be  "  used 
•xly  for  tribe,  f  5'*"-"     Gesen.  — Tb.] 


b  Different  Codd.,  some  old  editions,  the  Syr.,  Vulg.,  havi 

instead  of  Q,_Q2 •,  the  reading  CVjl2_  tc  make  SE 
agreement  with  ver  16.  But  since  the  former  is  the  mors 
difficult  reading  we  hold  fast  to  it  with  Keil  i  nd  Bunsen 
See  Exegetical  Notes. 


CHAPTER   VII. 


77 


EXEQET1CAL  AND  CRITICAL 

a.  Ver.  1.  The  Crime  of  Achan.  The  very  first 
words  with  which  the  account  of  Achan's  theft 
begins  show  that  the  sin  of  the  individual  is  re- 
garded as  compromising  all ;  for  it  is  said :  The 
children  of  Israel  committed    a    trespass   in   that 

which   was   devoted.    ^5?p    signifies   properly  to 

cover,  from  which  V^P  a  mantle ;  hence  to  act 
nnderhandedly,  treacherously,  ProV.  xvi.  10 ;  2 
Chvon.  xxvi.  18;  xxix.  6,  19;  Neh  i.  8;  specially 
frequent  in  the  combination  which  we  find  here 

7SJD   7  I'M  =  to  sin  through  falsehood,  treachery, 

namely,  nirT3,  I  Chron.  v.  25  ;  x.  13 ;  2  Chron. 

xii.   2,  here    2~N"t3    therefore   indirectly  !TliTQ 
ch.  xxu.  20;  1  Chron.  ii.  7. 
Achan.     In   1   Chron.  ii.  7   the   man  is   called 

^3y  =  the  troubler,  with  which  chaps,  vi.  18;  vii. 
26,  may  be  compared-  "  Josephus  also  calls  him, 
therefore,  "Ax^pos,  the  LXX.  in  Cod.  Vat.  "Ax"p. 
while  Cod.  Alex,  has  "Axav"  (Keil).  Stier  and 
Theile's  polyglott  reads  with  Vat.  "Axa-p.  Instead 
of  Zabdi  we  read  in  1  Ch.  ii.  6  Zimri,  arising  per- 
haps, as  Keil  supposes,  from  confounding  letters. 

Then  the  anger  of  Jehovah  was  kindled 
against  the  children  of  Israel.  Luther :  "  was 
fierce  ;"  but  "  blazed,"  "  was  kindled  to  ablaze," 
is  perhaps  more  adequately  suggestive,  since  the 
anger  itself  is  regarded  as  a  flame  which  blazes  up 
and  turns  its  destructive  force  in  this  or  that  di- 
rection. It  is  said  concerning  men  :  Gen.  iv.  5  ; 
2  Sam.  xii.  5  ;  Ex.  xxxii.  19,  22  ;  1  Sam.  xviii.  8 ; 
xx.  7  and  often  ;  Acts  xvii.  16 ;  but  by  preference 
concerning  God;  Num.  xi.  1,  10;  xxii.  22;  Job 
xix.  11  ;  xlii.  7;  Zech.  x.  3;  Hab.  hi.  8.  In  the 
N.  T.  also  concerning  Christ,  John  xi.  33,  38  ; 
God  himself  is  a  consuming  fire;  Ex.  xxiv.  17; 
Deut.  iv.  24  ;  ix.  3 ;  Heb.  xii.  29.  Fire  goes  be- 
fore him  :  Deut.  ix.  3 ;  Joel  ii.  3  ;  Ps.  xviii.  9,  16. 
His  anger  is  therefore  a  destructive  anger  when  it 
is  revealed  from  heaven  against  the  unrighteous- 
ness of  men,  Rom.  i.  18.  Here  it  blazes  not 
against  Achan  only,  but  against  the  whole  people, 
because  Achan,  a  member  of  the  people,  has 
through  his  crime  brought  the  whole  people  into  a 
partnership  of  suffering.  The  consequences  of  his 
deed  show  themselves  immediately  in  the  unfor- 
tunate expedition  against  Ai. 

b.  Vers.  2-5.  Its  evil  Effects  in  the  unfortunate 
Expedition  against  Ai.  Joshua  sends  men  from 
Jericho  to  Ai,  to  explore  the  land,  pursuing  the 
same  course  as  before  (ch.  ii.).  They  bring  back  a 
favorable  report,  advise  to  let  only  two  or  three 
thousand  men  go  forward,  and  persuade  Joshua 
so  to  do.  The  ill  success  of  the  movement  shows 
that  they  had  underrated  the  strength  of  Ai.1  Al- 
though the  loss  of  thirty-six  men  is  comparatively 
email,  the  people  are  disheartened.  Their  heart 
melts  and  becomes  water. 

Ver.  2.  Ai,  Beth-aven,  ch.  xviii.  23.  —  Bethel, 
xviii.  13 

Ver.  3.  They  are  few.  According  to  ch.  viii. 
25,  Ai  had  12,000  inhabitants.  The  scouts  had  not 
estimated  rightly. 

Ver.  5 .  Shebarim.  D,"13tt,)  probably  "  stone 
■juarries  "  which  lay  in  that  vicinity  but  have  not 

i  [And  yet  the  subsequent  statement  (viii.  25)  that  the 
sotire  population  of  the  city  amounted  to  only  twelve  thou- 
»nd,  would  imply  on  general  principles  that  a  tew  thousand 


yet  been  found  by  travellers,  while  there  are  such 
near  Anathoth,  according  to  Robinson  (ii.  1 10),  and 
Tobler  ( Topojra/ihu  of  Jerusalem,  ii.  p.  395,  it 
Knobel).  Noticeable  is  the  translation  of  the  LXX 
eus  auVETpi^av  aur6vs,  which  supposes  instead  of 

the   Masoretie    E'-QffiTT'lS?    the  reading    "1? 

D,"1,2prT.  According  to  that  the  defeat  should 
have  been  total,  and  the  discouragement  of  the  peo- 
ple more  intelligible  than  when  only  the  thirty-six 
were  lost. 

Wherefore  the  heart  of  the  people  melted  and 
became  water.  Ch.  ii.  1 1  ;  v.  1  ;  Deut.  i.  28.  A 
very  striking  addition  :  "  became  water."  Is  it 
perhaps,  that  they  wept  i 

c.  Ver.  6-16.  Joshua's  humble  Prayer  and  God's 
Answer  thereto.  The  section  falls  into  two  divisions : 
(«.)  Ver.  6-9.  Filled  with  deep  distress,  Joshua, 
with  the  elders  of  Israel,  falls  down  before  the  ark 
of  God,  and  continues  with  them  in  penitent  prayer 
till  evening.  (6.)  Ver.  10-15.  God  answers  that 
there  is  one  devoted  among  the  Israelites,  who 
must  be  destroyed,  after  he  has  been  discovered  by 
casting  lots. 

a.  Ver.  6-9,  Joshua's  Prayer. 

Ver.  6.  And  Joshua  rent  his  clothes.  A 
sign  of  mourning  and  distress.  The  clothes  were 
torn  in  front  over  the  breast,  yet  not  for  more  than 
a  hand-breadth  (Othon.  Lex.  Rabb.  p.  360,  apud 
Winer).  The  custom  appears  also  among  Greeks 
and  Komans.  Suet.  Cces.  33  {veste  a  pectore  dis- 
cissa).  In  the  O.  T.  many  passages  remind  us  of 
it,  yet  in  Winer  precisely  the  passage  before  us  is 
wanting.  It  is  remarkable  that  in  2  Sam.  iii.  31, 
the  rending  of  the  garments  is  commanded  by  the 
king.  "  but  it  is  no  more  strange,"  as  Winer  well 
observes,  "  than  if  among  us,  on  the  death  of  the 
ruler  of  the  land,  the  mode  of  personal  mourning 
were  prescribed  by  an  edict."  Tearing  the  clothes 
had  gradually  become  among  the  Jews,  as  we  can 
not  but  think,  the  fashion  in  mourning,  precisely  as 
among  us  the  wearing  of  black  garments  and  crape 
badges  for  a  specified  time.  [See  Bibl.  Diet.  art. 
"  Mourning."]  Hence  the  prophet  Joel  admonishes 
the  people :  "  Rend  your  hearts  and  not  your  gar- 
ments" (ii.  13).  But  when  the  high-priest  (Matt 
xxvi.  65),  or  Paul  and  Barnabas  tear  their  clothe* 
(Acts  xiv.  14),  it  was  in  the  deepest  displeasure, 
when  the  feelings  were  excited,  since  such  a  state 
is  related  to  mourning. 

Dust.  Likewise  a  sign  of  mourning  1  Sam.  iv. 
12  ;  2  Sam.  i.  2  ;  Lam.  ii.  10,  and  often,  Iliad  xviii. 
23  ff. ;  xxiv.  164- 

Ver.  7.  Joshua  first  asks  God  why  He  has 
brought  his  people  over  the  Jordan,  if  He  would 
now  destroy  them ;  for  it  would  have  been  better 
if  they  had  been  content  to  stay  in  the  land  east  of 
that  river. 

Would  that  we  had  been  content  and  dwelt 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Jordan.  Luther:  O 
that  we  had  remained  on  the  other  side  of  the  Jor- 
dan as  we  had  commenced,  — the  ut  co?pimus  of  the 

Vulgate,  by  which  :13?Sin  is  translated.  Un- 
questionably /^Sin  means  to  commence,  and  is 
eleven  times  rendered  by  the  LXX.,  according  to 
Gesenius,  &px»n<"  '■  here,  however,  as  Jude.  xix.  6 
xvii.  1 1 ,  it  means,  to  let  one's  self  be  pleased,  and 
with  the  accessory  notion,  of  "  to  be  content."  Th« 
translation  of  the  Vulgate  and  of  Luther  is  tame, 

chosen  warriors  would  be  sufficient  to  overcome  its  military 
force.  Something  must  be  allowed  for  the  effect  of  the  dJ 
vine  displeasure.  —  Ta.] 


T* 


THE   BOOK   OF   JOSHUA 


while  the  LXX.  hits  the  correct  sense :  Ei  Kore/xtii'o- 
utv  koX  KaTuKicS^^ev  napa  rhv  'loph'avnv. 

Ver.  8.  Continuation  of  the  complaint,  with  the 
additional  element  that  Israel  has  fled  before  his 
enemies. 

Ver.  9.  Portrays  the  great  danger  if  the  Ca- 
naanites  hear  of  this,  and  finally,  ver.  10  :  "  What 
wilt  thou  do  for  thy  great  name  ?  God  himself  is, 
as  it  were,  concerned. 

0.  Vers.  10-15.  God's  Reply.  The  entire  tone 
of  this  answer  attests  that  God's  anger  is  indeed 
kindled  against  the  children  of  Israel.  Israel  is 
himself  to  blame  for  the  defeat  (vers.  10,  11)  be- 
cause he  has  sinned,  nor  will  he  hereafter  be  able  to 
stand  before  his  enemies  on  this  account ;  and  God 
will  not  be  among  the  children  of  Israel  unless  they 
destroy  that  which  is  devoted  from  among  them 
(ver.  12).  Joshua  must  therefore  rise  up,  sanctify 
the  people  against  the  following  day,  and  discover 
the  guilty  man  by  casting  lots  (vers.  13,  14).  When 
he  is  discovered,  he  and  all  which  he  has  must  be 
burned  up  with  fire  (ver.  15).  It  is  a  mighty  and 
deeply  impressive  word  from  God  which  is  here 
imparted  to  Joshua. 

Ver.  10.  Get  thee  up!  "Wherefore,  etc.  Divine 
displeasure.  "  Joshua  might  well  divine  that  they 
had  merited  Jehovah's  ill-will.  Hence  God's  some- 
what impatient  question,  why  he  lay  there  on  his 
face.  He  should  rather  be  up  and  trying  to  detect 
and  put  away  the  sin"  (Knobel). 

Ver.  11.     "The  E3  is  scarcely  more  than  and," 

Knobel  remarks,  but  we  would  call  attention  to 
the  rhetorical  climax  —  suited  to  express  God's 
vehement  displeasure  —  in  the  several  designations 

of  their  sin  as  connected  by  D3 :  transgressed  — 
taken  —  stolen  —  dissembled  —  put  among  their 
own  stuff.  For  here  was  the  culmination  of  the 
crime,  that  they  had  appropriated  to  themselves  what 
belonged  to  God.  [Cf.  ch.  vi.  18.]  Thus  conceived, 
the  language  is  more  dramatic,  laden  with  the 
most  intense  emotion. 

Ver.  12.  They  have  become  a  devoted  thing, 
ch.  vi.  18. 

Ver.  13  begins  with  a  repeated  admonition  to 
Joshua  to  arise.  God  gives  him  this  admonition, 
as  indeed  the  entire  answer,  directly,  not  as  Cleri- 
cus  supposes,  through  the  high-priest,  of  whom  the 
context  has  not  a  word.  —  Sanctify  yourselves 
against  to-morrow,  ch.  iii.  5. 

Ver.    14.      The   tribe   which   Jehovah   shall 

take.  That  is  through  the  lot  (  '"13)  which  is 
here  used,  as  in  1  Sam.  xiv.  42  (Jonah  i.  7),  in  a 
criminal  investigation;  elsewhere  in  divisions  of 
land  and  people,  of  prisoners,  in  elections,  warlike 
undertakings.  "  Commonly  dice  were  thrown,  as 
is  probable  ("to  cast  lots,"  xviii.  8,  "to  throw," 
xviii.  6,  "  the  lot  falls,"  Jon.  i.  7  ;  Ezek.  xxiv.  6), 
or  drawn  out  of  a  vessel  ("  the  lot  came  forth  ") 
Num.  xxxiii.  54,  "  came  up"  Lev.  vi.  9."  Winer. 
First  the  tribe,  then  the  clan,  then  the  household, 
("father-house"),  finally  the  particular  man  was 
to  be  discovered.  The  manner  itself  in  which  this 
was  done  is  not  known ;  it  is  natural  to  suppose 
that  white  and  black  stones  were  used,  especially  as 

7"li3  from  7"I3  =  "113  to  be  rough,  signifies 
properly  a  small  stone,  if/yipos.  Farther  particulars 
mav  be  found  in  Mauritius,  De  Sortitione  apud  He- 
brrtos,  Basil,  1692.  [Diet,  of  the  Bible,  art.  "  Lot."]. 
Like  the  Hebrews,  the  Romans  also  resorted  to  the 
lot  in  divisions  (sortes  divisoriie),  and  elections  ("  sors 
ttbcimt  "  and  "  peregrina  "  in  the  choice  of  a  prastor) 


as  also  to  explore  the  will  of  the  divinity  (staff 
oracle,  rhabdomancy).  The  Homeric  heroes  cast  loti 
(xK-npoiv  k/1%>os)  whenever  the  accomplishment  of 
any  heroic  deed  was  in  question,  as  was  done  alsc 
Judg.  xxii.  10.  They  too  had  rhabdomancy  as  well 
as  the  Romans  (see  lJierer  s.  v.  "  Loos  "). 

Ver.  15.  Shall  be  burnt  with  fire.  "Not 
alive,  but  according  to  ver.  25  he  was  first  stoned 
to  death,  and  then  his  corpse  burned  as  an  aggra- 
vation of  the  death  penalty"  (Keil). 

Folly,  ^7??-  The  723  is  not  so  much  a  fool 
in  an  intellectual  respect  as  in  a  moral ;  hence 
n733  is  more  the  moral  than  the  intellectual 
folly  =  to  iniquity,  comp.  Gen.  xxxiv.  7  ;  Deut. 
xxii.  21  ;  Judg.  xix.  23,  24;  2  Sam.  xiii.  12.  *or 

the  idea  of  /23,  Ps.  xiv.  1 ;  liii.  2,  are  classical 
texts. 

d.  I'he.  Discovery  and  Punishment  of  Achan  the 
Euil-dc^r.  Ver.  16-20.  Conformably  to  God's  com- 
mand, Joshua  the  next  morning  brings  the  tribes 
of  Israel  before  Jehovah,  when  Achan  is  indicated 
by  the  lot  as  the  transgressor  (vers.  16-18).  Being 
exhorted  to  confess  his  fault  Achan  owns  all  (vers. 
19-21).  The  stolen  property  is  found  in  his  tent 
according  to  his  statement  (vers.  22-23) ;  he  him- 
self with  what  belonged  to  him  is  stoned  and  burnt 
(vers.  24-26). 

Vers.  16-18.  The  difficulty  which  the  text  of- 
fers, ver.  17,  has  been  already  intimated  above.  In 

nnGtffO  it  requires  only  a  different  punctuation 
to  bring  it  into  harmony  with  ver.  14.  We  there- 
tore  read  the  plural  without  hesitation  instead  of 
the  singular  of  the  Masoretes.     It  is  different  with 

□,-Q3v.  Here  we  have  a  different  word  before 
us,  and  a  more  difficult  one,  which  we  can  the  less 
make  up  our  minds  to  change,  since,  as  Keil,  fol- 
lowing Vatablus,  has  happily  remarked,  not  the 
father-houses  or  family  groups,  but  only  the  men 
representing  the  clan,  the  heads  of  the  several 
father-houses,  came  forward  to  the  lot.  So  alsc 
Bunsen  :  "  Man,  that  is,  house,  ver.  14." 

We  may  perhaps  best  represent  the  whole  pro- 
cess thus  :  — 

THE    PEOPLE    OF    ISRAEL. 

First  lot         ....         Tribe  of  Judah. 
Second  lot         ....     Clan  of  Zerah. 
Third  lot       ...  House  of  Zabdi.1 

Fourth  lot        ...  Man  Achan. 

Ver.  19-21.  My  son,  give,  I  pray  thee,  glory 
to  the  Lord  God  of  Israel,  and  give  him  (the) 
praise  [or,  make  confession  to  him]  ;  and  tell 
me  now  what  thou  hast  done ;  hide  it  not  from 
me,  ver.  19.  The  demand  of  Joshua  upon  Achan 
was  certainly  meant  by  him  honestly  and  frankly, 
not  craftily,  as  some'  of  the  Rabbins  assume. 
Achan  should  confess  his  sin  in  order  to  receive 
inward  forgiveness,  although  he  has  outwardly 
fallen  under  the  irrevocable  sentence  of  God.  The 
form  of  the  demand  is  the  same  as  in  John  ix.  24. 
Reverence  for  the  Omniscient  God  should  move  to 
the  confession  of  the  truth.  The  circumstances, 
indeed,  are  here  essentially  different  from  those  in 
John  ix.  Honest  and  frank  Joshua  stands  before 
Achan,  crafty  and  treacherous  the  Pharisees  seek, 
under  an  appeal  for  honor  to  God,  to  extort  from 
the  man  born  blind  a  confession  injurious  to  our 
Lord. 

Ver.  20.  Achan  humbly  confesses  his  sin  as  • 
sin  against  Jehovah,  God  of  Israel. 

1  ["  Father-house,''  represented  by  Zabdi.  —  Ta.' 


CHAPTER  VII.  12-23. 


79 


Ve.-.  21.  Babylonish  garment,  prop,  mantle  of 
Shinar  =  Babylon  (Gen.  xi.  2,  8,  9 ;  x.  10).  What 
it  was  made  of  we  know  not,  since  particular  state- 
ments are  wanting.  Starke  suspects  it  was  of  gold 
and  silken  threads,  and  that  it  was  wrought  in  man; 
colors  mixed,  Jon.  iii.  6  ;  2  K.  ii.  13.  "  Concerning 
the  elaborate  and  beautiful  products  of  the  Baby- 
lonian looms,  see  Heeren,  Asiat.  Nations;  i.  2,  p. 
422  tf.  [Bonn's  Eng.  ed.].  Movers'  Phoenicians, 
ii.  3,  p.  258  tf."  (Knobel).  [See  further  particulars 
in  Diet,  of  the  Bibl.,  art   "Babylonish  Garment."] 

Two  hundred  shekels  of  silver  =  201)  X  0.60 
=  $120.  For  details  concerning  the  calculation, 
vid.  in  Winer,  Realm,  s.  v.  "  Sekel,"  or  in  Herzog's 

Realeticyk.  vol.  iv.  p.  7C4.  [Gesen.  s.  v.  v^tt', 
Diet,  of  the  Bibl.  art.  "Money,"  "Shekel,"  and 
"  Weiglits  and  Measures."] 

A  wedge  (prop,  tongue)  of  gold.  Vulg.  regula 
aurea,  a  golden  bar.  Rather,  "  a  tongue-shaped 
article  made  of  gold  "  (Knobel).  The  weight  is 
given  at  fifty  shekels,  equal  in  value  to  dr.  thirty 
dollars. 

I  coveted  them,   Gen.    iii.   6;   Jas.  iv.   13-15. 

'^nSn,  the  article  as  Lev.  xxvii.  33. 

Under  it.  The  mantle  lay  probably  on  the  top, 
and  the  tongue  of  gold  next  below,  and  the  silver 
lowest. 

Vers.  22,  23  Discovert/  of  the  stolen  Goods  in 
A.chan's  Tent.     The  messengers  laid  it  down,  after 

they  had   found   it,  before  Jehovah.     P*^?7   from 

P?^>  to  ponr  out,  is  equivalent  to  ^SH,  to  set,  to 
place,  2  Sam.  xv.  24. 

Before  Jehovah  =  before  the  ark  of  Jehovah, 
where  He  was  enthroned,  vi.  8. 

Ver.  24-26.  Aehan,  son  of  Zerah;  in  a  wide 
sense  son  of  Zerah ;  strictly  he  was  his  great 
grandson.  He  is  now,  together  with  the  articles 
appropriated  by  him,  as  well  as  his  whole  property, 
and  also  all  his  sons  and  daughters,  given  up  to  de- 
struction. How  does  this  sentence  passed  on  Aehan, 
under  which  his  innocent  sons  and  daughters  also 
fell,  agree  with  the  decision  of  the  law,  Dent.  xxiv. 
16,  according  to  which  the  fathers  should  not  die 
for  the  children,  nor  the  children  for  the  fathers, 
but  every  one  for  his  own  sin  i  This  difficulty 
has  been  met  in  various  ways  :  (1 )  Some  Rabbins, 
Schulz,  Hess,  and  others  suppose  that  Achan's 
family  were  brought  into  the  valley  of  Achor 
merely  as  spectators,  to  take  a  terrifying  example, 
contrary  to  what  is  written,  ver.  25.  (2)  C.  a 
Lapide,  Cler.,  Mich.,  Rosenmiiller,  think  they  had 
had  a  share  in  their  father's  crime.  For  this  an 
analogous  case  might  be  cited  in  Acts  v.  1  ff.,  but 
while  there  it  is  made  conspicuous  that  Sapphira 
was  privy  to  the  sin  of  Ananias ;  here  every  inti- 
mation of  that  kind  is  wanting.  Hence  (3)  Calvin, 
Masins,  Seb.  Schmidt,  leave  the  matter  undecided, 
appealing  to  the  unfathomableness  of  God's  coun- 
sels ;  while  others  again,  like  Knobel,  and  Starke 
also,  at  least  by  intimations,  remark  that  we  have 
here  to  do  with  a  judgment  executed  by  the  im- 
mediate direction  of  God,  and  therefore  a  divine 
judgment,  similar  to  the  case.  Num.  xvi.  32, 
whereas  the  ordinance  in  Dent.  xxiv.  16,  holds  good 
only  for  the  usual  every-day  administration  of  jus- 
tice. Before  God,  the  searcher  of  hearts,  the  sons 
ind  daughters  of  Aehan  were  guilty  of  participa- 
tion in  their  father's  sin,  because  in  them  the  same 
"corrupted  nature  and  disposition,"  which  Keil 
rightly  notices,  was  present,  which  in  the  father 
produced  the  evil  deed  [?].     God  visits  the  sins  of 


the  fathers  on  the  children,  Ex.  xx.  5 ;  Num.  xiv. 
33.  Accurately  considered,  the  decision  p&iaining  it 
private  rights,  in  Dvut.  xxiv.  16,A«s  no  application  to 
this  higher  pnliiic  right  of  God. 

Ver.  24.  Valley  of  Achor.  Ch.  xv.  7  ;  Hos.  ii. 
15;  Is.  lxv.  10.  The  origin  of  the  name  is  given, 
ver.  25.  It  lay  north  of  Jericho  on  the  northern 
border  of  the  tribe  of  Judah.  In  Jerome's  time 
the  name  was  still  in  use. 

Ver.  25.    And   all   Israel   stoned   him.     Here 

E5""l  is  used,  afterwards  at  the  close  of  the  verse, 
in  an  addition  which  the  LXX  omit,  77*3.  Both 
words  are  used  in  the  Bible  of  stoning,  but  "27,"! 
has  the  more  general  signification,  and  is  found 
only  once.  Lev.  xxiv.  14,  without  "13  7~.  Aehan  is 
condemned  to  be  stoned  because  he  had  by  his 
robbery  violated  the  honor  of  God,  as  did  "blas- 
phemers,  Sabbath   breakers,    idolaters,   sorcerers, 

wizards,  etc.  The  addition  3^3S3  C,~1S  "ibfTO 
is  superfluous,  and  may  perhaps  be  intended,  as 
Knobel  conjectures,  to  obviate  a  misunderstanding 

nt  1,~lS  in  the  former  half  of  the  verse.  Not  only 
the  LXX.  but  the  Vulg.  omits  it.  Luther  has 
aimed  to  avoid  the  difficulty  by  attaching  the  words 
to  the  following  verse,  and  translating :  "  And 
when  they  had  stoned  them  they  raised,"  etc 
[Nearly  so  the  Eng.  vers.] 

Ver.  26.  Over  Aehan  they  raised  a  great  heap 
of  stones  which  served  to  commemorate  his  dis- 
grace (ch.  viii.  29  ;  2  Sam.  xviii.  17) ;  and  that  even 
to  the  writer's  time.  The  casting  of  stones  on  cer- 
tain graves  was  customary  in  other  nations  also, 
i .  g.  among  the  Arabs  (Schulte's  Hist.  Joctanida- 
nun.  pp.  118,  144),  and  the  Romans  (Propert.  4,  5, 
74  ft'.  Serv.  ed.  Lion,  i.  p.  1),  but  had  not  always 
that  dishonorable  import.  It  had  not,  e.  g.  among 
the  Bedouins  who  often  heap  up  stones  over  one 
buried  (Burkhardt,  Beduinen,  p.  81),  Knobel. 

And  Jehovah  turned  from  the  fierceness  of 
his  anger,  Ex.  xxxii.  12. 

THEOLOGICAL  AND  ETHICAL. 

1.  God's  anger  is  not  an  ebullition  of  blind  pas- 
sion, but  a  holy  displeasure  against  the  unright- 
eousness of  men.  When  this  unrighteousness  is 
removed  God's  anger  ceases,  as  the  close  of  our 
chapter,  ver.  26,  shows.  All  which  has  been  in- 
juriously said  concerning  the  blood-thirsty  and 
wrathful  God  of  the  0.  T.  rests  on  a  failure  to  ap- 
prehend this  holy  displeasure  of  God  against  the 
unrighteousness  of  men.  That  brings  upon  them 
indeed  judgment  and  penalty,  but  never  goes  so 
far  as  to  shut  up  his  compassion,  although  men 
may  think  so  and  with  Asaph  sigh  :  Hath  God  fot 
gotten  to  be  gracious,  hath  He  in  anger  shut  up  his 
tender  mercies  ?  (Ps.  lxxvii.  10.)  Eternal  justice 
which  belongs  as  a  constitutive  element  to  the  na- 
ture of  God,  without  which  we  cannot  conceive  of 
any  government  at  all  of  the  world,  is  constantly 
limited  by  his  love.  But  conversely  his  love  to- 
wards men  is  not  a  blind  love,  but  rather  a  truly 
paternal  affection  which  leaves  no  fault,  no  trans- 
gression of  his  commands,  unreproved.  Both  jus- 
tice and  love  coexist  in  God,  and  are  mutually 
blended  in  him  with  an  interpenetration  of  the  most 
intimate,  highest,  absolute  kind.  Hence  the  jurists 
may  say  :  Fiat  justitia  pereat  mundus !  God  never 
has  and  never  can. 

2.  Properly  Aehan  alone  is  the  transgressor,  but 


80 


THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


of  the  body  politic  his   act  |  hovah  win  strik     take  (7pb.  properly,  "  select,'" 
ildren  of  Israel,  and  hence    Ag  ^.^  (he  ^  ^  ^^  ^  particu]ar  maD| 


since  he  is  a  member 
compromises  all  the  children 

draws  after  it  injurious  consequences  upon  all,  so 
that  the  anger  of  God  is  kindled  against  all.  In 
the  eyes  of  God  the  whole  community  appears  in- 
fected by  the  sin  of  the  one,  so  that  they  stand  be- 
fore him,  not  as  a  pure  and  holy  congregation,  as 
thev  should  be  according  to  their  high  vocation, 
(Ex.  xix.  6;  Dent.  vii.  6;  1  Pet.  ii.  9).  If  we 
keep  firmly  to  this  point  of  view,  we  shall  cease 
from  complaining  of  God  as  being  in  any  way  un- 
righteous, as  if  He  recklessly  punished  the  innocent 
with  the  guilty.  We  shall"  rather,  in  this  matter, 
agree  with  Keil  when  he  says  :  "  As  member  of  a 
community  established  by  God,  the  good  or  evil 
action  of  the  individual  involves  the  whole  congre- 
gation in  blessing  or  destruction."  As  Paul 
writes:  "if  one  member  suffer,  all  the  members 
suffer  with  it ;  and  if  one  member  be  honored  all 
the  members  rejoice  with  it  "  (1  Cor.  xii.  26).  So 
niav  we  also  say,  that  if  one  member  becomes 
guilty,  all  the  members  share  the  guilt,  and  if  one 
of  the  members  does  well,  all  the  members  share 
the  blessing  of  this  good  deed.  It  is  important  in 
these  matters  to  look  not  only  at  the  individual  but 
also  at  the  community,  that  we  may  comprehend 
at  least  in  some  measure  the  procedure  of  the  divine 
justice  over  against  the  guilt  of  mankind.  We 
emphasize  "  in  some  measure,"  because  we  need 
yet  to  lav  to  heart  the  advice  which  Calvin  here 
o-ives :  "  Suspensas  tenere  nostras  mentes,  donee  Ubri 
aperiuntur,  ubi  clan-  patebuntquos  nunc  nostra  ealigme 
obtmebruntur  Dei  judicia." 

[As  clearly  as  the  whole  Scripture  makes  the  in- 
dividual an  object  of  the  divine  mercy  and  justice, 
so  clearly  does  it  teach  us  also  to  regard  the  total- 
ity of  a  people  as  an  organic  unity,  in  which  the 
individuals  are  only  members  of  the  body,  and  not 
capable  of  being  separated,  as  so  many  atoms,  from 
the  whole.  The  state  as  a  divine  institution  is 
built  on  the  family,  to  promote  the  mutual  love  of 
the  members,  and  the  common  love  of  all  to  the 

one  invisible  head  of  all But  if  the  state  is 

of  divine  appointment,  not  a  mere  civil  establish- 
ment, not  a  human  institution,  conventionally 
agreed  upon  by  men,  the  fact  following  as  a  neces- 
sary consequence  from  the  moral  unity  of  the  or- 
ganism, that  the  good  or  evil  deed  of  the  one  mem- 
ber is  reckoned  to  the  whole  body,  loses  the  appear- 
ance of  caprice  and  unrighteousness  which  it  has 
while  one,  without  perceiving  their  fundamental 
connection,  has  only  a  one  sided  regard  to  the  in- 
fliction of  the  consequences  of  the  sin.  Keil  — 
Te.1 

3.  The  deep  humility  of  Joshua  before  the  Lord 
reminds  us  of  Moses,  Ex.  xxxii.  32,  of  Ezra  (ix.  3), 
of  his  own  and  Caleb's  course  when  the  people 
murmured  (Num.  xiv.  6).  How  mighty  appear 
these  O.  T.  saints  in  their  grief  because  of  the  sins 
of  their  people,  how  independently  they  stand  up 
against  God,  in  behalf  of  God's  honor,  and  yet  how 
humbly  !  Their  sorrow  is  truly  a  Avttti  Kara  6ebv 
(2  Cor.  vii.  10),  from  which  proceeds  the  ^erdvoia 
*ptra)ji4\i\Tos.  Hence  God  raises  them  up  again, 
oud  gives  them  again  fresh  courage  for  his  work, 
for  He  knows  that  their  grief,  in  its  deepest  root,  is 
a  grief  for  him,  for  his  name's  glory  and  honor. 
Themselves  pure  and  clean,  they  mourn  over  the 
misdeeds  of  the  people,  while  an  Ahab  (1  K.  xxi. 
27)  if  he  does  this  has  to  exercise  penitence  for  his 
own  sin.  Si  duo  faciunt  idem,  non  est  idem.  Com- 
oare  still  Ps.  lxxxv;  cii.  14-19;  exxx.  7,  8. 

4.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  God  (ver.  14  ff.)  re- 
jerveB  to  himself  the  discovery  of  the  crime.     Je- 


by  the  lot,  the  disposing  of  which  is  ascribed  (Prov 
xvi.  33)  to  the  Lord.  Such  an  employment  of  the 
lot  as  is  here  presented,  could  only  be  brought  in  at 
the  immediate  direction  of  God,  or  with  special  ap- 
peal to  him  (1  Sam.  xiv.  41),  and  belonged  to  the 
extraordinary  measures  which  He  prescribed  for  his 
people.  The  certainty  with  which  the  whole  pro- 
cess goes  forward,  the  quiet  which  accompanies  it, 
makes  a  very  solemn  impression.  The  control  of 
the  divine  justice 'is  most  directly  brought  to  our 
thought  when  we  read  the  narrative  of  the  trans- 
action, distinguished  as  it  is  by  an  unadorned  sim- 
plicity ;  how  much  more  powerful  must  have  been 
the  original  impression  which  this  judgment  of 
God  made  on  the  assembled  people  at  its  actual 
occurrence  !  An  analogous  example  is  presented 
in  the  N.  T.,  Acts  v.  1  ff. 

5.  That   all  wickedness   is   folly    (<T???)i  thai 

every  sinner  is  a  fool  P-3),  not  indeed  so  much 
in  an  intellectual  but  above  all  things  in  a  moral 
spect,  this  cutting  truth  is  proclaimed  by  the  O. 
T.  loudly  and  impressively.  A  very  significant 
hint  for"  hamartiology ;  the  nature  of  sin  is  so 
difficult  to  explain  because  it  is  merely  absolute 
irrationality,  because  it  is  foolishness  ! 


HOMILETICAL   AND  PRACTICAL. 

How  human  iniquity  provokes  divine  anger.— 
The  sin  of  an  individual  in  its  destructive  effects 
on  an  entire  people  shown  in  the  case  of  Achan.  — 
Of  God's  anger.  (1)  What  are  we  to  understand 
thereby  •  (2)  How  can  we  guard  against  it  so 
that  it  may  not  be  kindled  against  us?  —  The  un- 
fortunate expedition  of  Joshua  against  Ai.  —  Hu- 
man sagacity  alone  helps  not  if  God  be  not  with 
us.  —  Despise  no  enemy;  for  you  may  in  meeting 
him  be  irreatly  deceived"  concerning  his  strength. — 
How  soon,  alas,  is  the  heart  of  man  discouraged  ! 
—  Against  despondency  of  the  heart  helps  God's 
grace  alone,  Heb.  xiii.  9. 

Joshua's  humble  prayer  before  God. —  God  with- 
stands the  proud  but  giveth  grace  unto  the  humble. 
Joshua's  grief  for  his  people  compared  with  the 
lamentation  of  Moses  and  Ezra.  —  Joshua  as  an 
example  of  mounting  before  God.  —  Parallel  be- 
tween Joshua's  penitence  and  that  of  Ahab.  — 
Rending  of  the  garments  a  significant  symbol  of  the 
rending  of  the  heart,  Joel  ii.  13.  —  How  God  hears 
prayer. 

The  discovery  and  punishment  of  Achan  the 
transgressor,  a  case  of  the  divine  administration  of 
justice.  —  (1)  How  Achan  was  hit  upon;  (2)  how 
he  confessed  his  sin;  (3)  what  punishment  he  re- 
ceived ;  or  (1)  the  discovery  of  the  criminal;  (2) 
his  confession ;  (3)  his  punishment.  —  Joshua  and 
Achan  ;  ( 1 )  How  Joshua  seeks  to  bring  Achan  to 
a  confession  of  his  guilt ;  (2)  how  the  latter  actu- 
ally confesses  it.  —  We  give  honor  to  God  when  we 
say  the  truth.  —  Achan's  lowly  confession  of  sin.  — 
Every  sin  a  sin  against  the  Lord.  —  Covetousness, 
unlawful  desire,  a  source  of  every  sin.  —  The  ston- 
ing of  Achan.  — The  judgment  in  the  valley  of 
Achor.  —  The  monument  of  the  crime  a  warning 
to  Israel.  — The  stoning  of  Achan,  and  that  of 
Stephen  —  what  a  contrast  1 

Starke  :  He  who  has  done  iniquity  should  own 
the  truth  to  the  honor  of  God.  But  woe  to  those 
who  denv  their  misdeeds,  Ps.  xxxii.  1.     Si  fecistt 


CHAPTER   VIII.    l-£9. 


81 


nega,  is  not  a  divine  but  a  devilish  rule.  Ye  advo- 
cates, put  nothing  of  such  into  any  man's  head. 

Cramer  :  However  shrewdly  men  begin  a  thing 
it  does  no  good  except  in  so  far  as  dud  gives  it 
success.  For  if  God  is  not  with  us  all  is  lost.  — 
The  heart  of  man  can  nowhere  observe  a  just  pro- 
portion. In  prosperity  it  is  too  proud,  in  adversity 
too  pusillanimous. 

Bibl.  Tun. :  When  God  goes  with  us  into  the 
field  the  mightiest  foe  cannot  hurt  us,  but  where 
God  is  not  we  cannot  resist  the  weakest  enemy.  — 
God  lets  us  not  sink  away  in  our  mourning,  but 
when  He  has  sufficiently  humbled  us  and  laid  us  in 
the  dnst,  and  sees  in  us  a  true  repentance  for  our  sins, 
He  himself  also  raises  us  up  again  and  exalts  the 
miserable  from  the  dust,  Ps.  cxiii.  7  ;   1  Cor.  x.   13. 

Hedinger  :  If,  in  the  spiritual  conflict  also  we 
are  left  to  come  off  worsted,  there  is  often  nothing 
to  blame  but  some,  perhaps  hidden,  sin  which  yet 
lurks  in  us  and  of  which  we  have  not  yet  repented 

Gerlach,  Calvin  :  That  they  in  this  prayer 
turn  straight  to  God,  and  recognize  that  He  who 
has  wounded  can  heal  them,  springs  from  their 
faith ;  but  carried  away  by  excess  of  grief  they 
transgress  all  limits.  Hence  the  boldness  of  their 
controversy  with  God ;  hence  the  perverse  wish : 
0  that  we  had  remained  in  the  wilderness  !  But 
it  is  nothing  new  that  when  men  with  holy  zeal 
seek  God,  the  light  of  their  faith  is  dimmed  by  the 

intensity,    the   tempest  of  their  emotions 

And  yet  when  they  thus  strive  with  God  and  pour 
out  before  Him  all  which  weighs  them  down,  though 
this  their  simplicity  needs  forgiveness,  it  is  still  tar 
more  agreeable  to  God  than  the  mock-humility  of 
hypocrites,  who  take  great  care  that  no  word  of  as- 
surance may  cross  their  lips,  while  they  are  inwardly 
filled  with  pride.  —  It  is  a  fine  trait  in  this  narrative 
that  the  criminal,  detected  by  the  lot,  should  be  con- 
demned only  on  his  own  confession.  Joshua  does 
not  promise  him  exemption  from  punishment,  but 
by  his  confession  God  was  honored  before  all  the 
people,  since  the  accuracy  of  the  lot  was  con- 
firmed. At  the  same  time  there  lies  in  these  words 
a  hint  of  a  divine  judgment  hereafter,  before  which 
guilt  and  penalty  will  be  abated  when  one  has 
given  himself  up  to  suffer  the  earthly  penalty  or- 
dained by  God,  confessing  that  he  has  deserved  it. 
There  is  manifested  here  a  truly  holy,  paternal 
disposition  in  Joshua,  as  a  judge  who  relaxes  noth- 
ing of  the  rigor  of  the  divine  command,  but,  so  far 
as  is  possible  in  consistency  with  that,  deals  merci- 


fully with  the  transgressor.  —  By  his  robbery  of  tht 
sanctuary  Achan  had  entirely  broken  the  covenan 
with  God,  and  he  and  his  had  become  the  *ame  ai 
the  Canaanites;  as  they  had  snatched  tor  them- 
selves what  had  been  devoted  to  destruction,  they 
must  themselves  now  be  destroyed.  Similar  in 
this  respect  was  the  punishment,  which  in  ancient 
times  was  inflicted  on  the  families  of  those  guilty 
of  high  treason,  and  in  some  degree  is  still  inflicted 
among  us. 

[Scott  :  Every  failure  in  such  undertakings 
as  evidently  accord  to  the  will  of  God,  and  the  duty 
of  our  place  and  station,  should  cause  us  to  hum- 
"ble  ourselves  before  him,  to  flee  to  his  mercy  scat, 
to  pour  out  our  hearts  in  prayer,  and  inquire 
"  wherefore  he  contendeth  with  us  ;  "  and  to  plead 
his  promises  and  the  glory  of  his  great  name,  as 
engaged  to  support  that  cause  which  we  are  en- 
deavoring to  promote  whatever  becomes  of  us  and 
our  worthless  names.  —  Would  we  avoid  the  com- 
mission of  gross  iniquity,  we  must  "  make  a  cove- 
nant with  our  eyes  and  all  our  senses;  we  must 
repress  the  first  movements  of  concupiscence,  and 
pray  earnestly  not  to  be  led  into  temptation,  we 
must  habituate  ourselves  to  meditate  on  the  fu- 
ture consequences  of  sinful  gratification  ;  and  to 
place  ourselves,  by  an  effort  of  the  imagination,  in 
those  very  circumstances  in  which  we  should  be 
were  the  sin  committed,  and  the  infatuation  van- 
ished; and  to  consider  what  our  judgment  and  feel- 
ings in  that  case  would  be.  —  Finally,  though 
atrocious  criminals,  should  be  punished  with  un- 
relenting firmness,  and  all  should  unite  in  pro- 
testing against  their  crimes ;  yet  their  misery 
should  not  be  insulted,  nor  their  immortal  sours 
forgotten  ;  but  calm  expostulations,  serious  instruc- 
tions, and  compassionate  exhortations,  should  be 
used  to  bring  them  to  repentance,  that  they  may 
obtain  mercy  from  God  in  a  future  world. 

G.  R.  B  :  Jehovah  is  a  prayer-hearing  God  — 
blessed  be  His  name  !  —  but  with  what  impatience 
He  listens  to  the  cries  of  those,  however  proper  the 
matter  of  their  petitions,  who  have  need  themselves 
to  act  in  order  that  their  wishes  may  be  granted ! 
"  Up!  sanctify  thyself,"  we  may  hear  Him  saying 
to  many  an  earnest  suppliant ;  "  put  away  thy  sins, 
supply  thy  own  deficiencies,  and  do  thy  part  to 
remove  the  stumbling-blocks  from  among  thy 
brethren  ;  then  expect  my  help  towards  what  thou 
desirest  further."  Happy  for  us  if  we  get  even  thii 
answer  to  our  mistaken  prayer  1  —  Tr.] 


3.   Capture  and  Destruction  of  Ai. 
Chapter  VIII.     1-29. 

a.  Joshua's  Stratagem  against  Ai. 
Chapter  VIII.  1-13. 


And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto  Joshua:  Fear  not,  neither  be  thou  dismayed, 
[i.  9]  :  take  all  the  people  of  war  with  thee,  and  arise,  go  up  to  Ai :  see,  I  have 
given  into  thy  hand  the  king  of  Ai,  and  his  people,  and  his  city,  and  his  land :  And 
thou  shalt  do  unto  Ai  and  her  king  as  thou  didst  unto  Jericho  and  her  king:  only 
the  spoil  thereof,  and  the  cattle  thereof,  shall  ye  take  for  a  prey  unto  yourselves: 
lay  thee  an  ambush  for  the  city  behind  it. 


82  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


3  So  [And]  Joshua  arose,  and  all  the  people  of  war,  to  go  up  against  Ai :  and  Joshua 
chose  out  thirty  thousand  mighty  men  of  valour  [strong  heroes]  and  sent  them  away 

4  by  night.  And  he  commanded  them,  saying,  Behold,  ye  shall  lie  in  wait  against 
the  city,  even  [omit :  even]    behind  the  city ;  go  not  very  far  from  the  city,  but  be 

5  ye  all  ready :  And  I,  and  all  the  people  that  are  with  me,  will  approach  unto  the 
city :  and  it  shall  come  to  pass  when  they  come  out  against  us,  as  at  the  first,  that 

6  we  will  ilee  before  them,  (for  [and *]  they  will  come  out  after  us,)  till  we  have  drawn 
them  from  the  city  ;  for  they  will  say,  They  flee  before  us  as  at  the  first  :  there- 

7  fore  [and]  we  will  flee  before  them.  Then  ye  shall  rise  up  from  the  ambush 
and  seize  upon  the  city :  for  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  will  deliver  it  into  your 

8  hand.  And  it  shall  be  when  ye  have  taken  the  city,  that  ye  shall  set  the  city  on 
fire ;  according  to  the  commandment  [word]  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  shall  ye  do. 
See,  I  have  commanded  you. 

9  Joshua  therefore  [And  Joshua]  sent  them  forth ;  and  they  went  to  lie  in  ambush, 
and  abode  between  Beth-el  and  Ai,  on  the  west  side  of  Ai :  but  Joshua  lodged  that 

1C  night  among  the  people.  And  Joshua  rose  up  early  in  the  morning,  and  numbered 
[mustered]  the  people,  and  went  up,  he  and  the  elders  of  Israel,  before  the  people 

11  to  Ai.  And  all  the  people,  even  the  people  [omit :  even  the  people]  of  war  that 
were  with  him,  went  up,  and  drew  nigh,  and  came  before  the  city,  and  pitched  on 
the  north  side  of  Ai  :  now   there  was  a  valley  [and  the  valley  was]  between  them 

12  [him]  and  Ai.    And  he  took  about  five  thousand  men,  and  set  them  to  lie  in  ambush 

13  [as  an  ambush],  between  Beth-el  and  Ai,  on  the  west  side  of  the  city.  And  when 
they  had  set  the  people,  even  all  the  host  [camp]  that  was  on  the  north  of  the  city, 
and  their  liers  in  wait  on  the  west  of  the  city,  Joshua  went l  that  night  into  the. 
midst  of  the  valley.* 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.  6.  —  ^Ml^l.  The  train  of  thought  will  probably  be  better  represented  by  beginning  the  sentence  anew  and 
iroisping  the  parenthesis,  so  as  to  connect  this  clause  with  the  following.  Bo  Fay  and  De  Wette  :  And  they  will  come  out 
titer  ua  till,  etc.     Zunz,  howeTer,  continues  from  the  preceding  :  "  that  they  may  come  out,"  etc.  —  Ta.] 

6.  Sham  Flight  of  the  Israelites.    Their  Victory.     Capture  and  Destruction  of  the  City. 
Chapter  VIH.     14-29. 

14  And  it  came  to  pass  when  the  king  of  Ai  saw  it,  that  they  hasted  and  rose  up 
early,  and  the  men  of  the  city  went  out  against  Israel  to  battle,  he  and  all  his  people, 
at  a  [the]  time  appointed  [or,  to  the  appointed  place  l],  before  the  plain  [Jordan- 
valley]  :  but  he  wist  not  that  there  were  liers  in  ambush  [was  an  ambush]  against 

15  him  behind  the  city.     And  Joshua  and  all  Israel  made  as  if  they  were  beaten  before 

16  them,  and  fled  by  the  way  of  the  wilderness.  And  all  the  people  that  were  in  Ai 
were  called  together  to  pursue  after  them  ;  and  they  pursued  after  Joshua,  and 

17  were  drawn  away2  from  the  city.  And  there  was  not  a  man  left  in  Ai,  or  Beth-el, 
that  went  not  out  after  Israel :  and  they  left  the  city  open,  and  pursued  after 
Israel. 

18  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto  Joshua,  Stretch  out  the  spear  that  is  in 
thine  hand  toward  Ai  ;  for  I  will  give  it  into  thine  hand.     And  Joshua  stretched 

19  out  the  spear  that  he  had  in  his  hand  toward  the  city.  And  the  ambush  arose 
quickly  out  of  their  place,  and  they  ran  as  soon  as  he  had  stretched  out  his  hand  ; 

20  and  they  entered  into  the  city,  and  took  it,  and  hasted,  and  set  the  city  on  fire.  And 
when  the  men  of  Ai  looked  behind  them,  they  saw,  and  behold,  the  smoke  of  the 
city  ascended  up  to  heaven,  and  they  had  no  power  to  flee  this  way  or  [and]  that 
way  :  and  the  people  that  fled  to  [had  fled  towards]   the  wilderness  turned  back 

21  upon  the  pursuers.  And  when  Joshua  and  all  Israel  saw  that  the  ambush  had 
taken  the  city,  and  that  the  smoke  of  the  city  ascended,  then  they  turned  again,  and 

22  slew  [smote]  3  the  men  of  Ai.  And  the  other  issued  out  of  the  city  against  them  : 
so  that  they  were  in  the  midst  of  Israel,  some  on  this  side,  and  some  on  that  side : 

23  and  they  smote  them,  so  that  they  let  none  of  them  remain  or  escape.  And  the  king 
of  Ai  they  took  alive,  and  brought  him  to  Joshua. 

*  Some  Codd.  read  "\  7s!    (lodged)  instead  of  7J^*\ 


CHAPTER   VIII.     1-29. 


8£ 


24  And  it  came  to  pass  when  Israel  had  made  an  end  of  slaying  all  the  inhabitants 
of  Ai  in  the  field,  in  the  wilderness  wherein  they  [had]  chased  them,4  and  when 
they  wen;  all  fallen  on  [by]  the  edge  of  the  sword,  until  they  were  consumed,  that 
all  the  Israelites  [prop. :  all  Israel]   returned  unto  Ai,  and  smote  it  with  the  edge 

25  of  the  sword.     And  so  it  was,  that  all  that   fell  that  day,  both  of  men  and  women, 

26  ivere  twelve  thousand,  even  all  the  men  of  Ai.  For  Joshua  drew  not  his  hand  back 
wherewith  he  stretched  out  the  speai  [which  he  had  stretched  out  with  the  spear], 

27  until  he  had  utterly  destroyed  [devoted]  all  the  inhabitants  of  Ai.  Only  the  cattle 
and  the  spoil  of  that  city  Israel  took  for  a  prey  unto  themselves,  according  unto  the 

28  word  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  which  he  commanded  Joshua.     And  Joshua  burnt  Ai, 

29  and  made  it  a  heap  for  ever,  even  a  desolation  unto  this  day.  And  the  king  of  Ai  he 
hanged  on  a  [the]  tree  until  even-tide :  and  as  soon  as  the  sun  was  down,  Joshua 
commanded  that  they  should  take  his  carcass  [corpse]  down  from  the  tree,  and  cast 
it  at  the  entering  of  the  gate  of  the  city,  and  raise  thereon  a  great  heap  [b2, 
mound]  of  stones,  that  remaineth  [omit :  that  remaineth]  unto  this  day. 

TEXTUAL   AND    GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.  14.  —  So  Fay,  De  Wette,  Keil.     Either  way   "iVllD  has  the  article.     Perhaps  "  to  the  appointment,"  meaning 
m  respect  either  to  time  or  to  place,  would  represent  the  Hebrew  with  sufficient  detiniteness.  —  Tr.] 
[2  Ver.  16.  —  ^pj^lS*  here,  ft  were  torn  away,"  "completely  separated."     See  Esegetical  Notes.  — Tr.] 

[8  Ver.  21.—  -13  *    as  in  the  next  verse  —  Tr.] 

[4  Ver.  24.  —  That  is,  n  wherein  (or  whither)  the  men  of  Ai  had  chased  the  Israelites."  —  Tr.] 


EXEQETTCAL  AMD  CRITICAL. 

As  soon  as  Aehan's  crime  is  expiated  by  his 
death  God  restores  his  favor  to  Joshua  and  the 
people,  exhorts  them  to  be  cheerful  and  bold,  and 
for  the  second  time  to  undertake  the  expedition 
against  Ai.  This  is  done,  and  now  with  complete 
success  (ch.  viii.  1-29).  To  the  rhetorical  beauty 
of  this  section  we  have  already  referred  in  the  in- 
troduction (§  1 )  ;  the  critical  difficulty  (vers.  12,  13) 
will  be  discussed  below. 

a.  Joshua's  Stratagem  against  Ai,  ch.  viii.  1-13. 
Ver.  1.  The  same  encouraging  address  as  in  ch. 
i.  9  ;  now  very  much  needed  in  reference  to  ch. 
vii.  5. 

AH  the  people  of  war.  Not  as  in  the  first  at- 
tempt 3000  men  only,  ch.  vii.  4. 

Ver.  2.  Only  the  spoil  thereof  ....  shall  ye 
take  for  prey.  At  the  capture  of  Jericho,  the  spoil 
also  (the  property)  was  devoted  to  Jehovah  ;  but  at 
this  time  it  should  belong  to  the  people  to  whom 
ample  gain  had  been  promised  (Deut.  vi.  10  ft'.) 

An  ambush.  Concerning  the  question  so  ex- 
tensively discussed  by  the  old  interpreters,  Whether 
the  employment  of  stratagems  (wiles  in  war)  was 
consistent  with  the  dignity  of  God,  Calvin  observes 
briefly  and  convincingly  :  "  Quod  hie  quwrunt  non- 
nulli,  dolonc  et  per  insidias  liceat  hostes  op/m.mere,  ex 
crassa  imperitia  nascitur.  Cerium  est  uon  feriendo 
solum  qeri  bet/a,  sed  eos  censeri opti  mos  duces,  qui  arte 
et  consilw  pollent  rnaqis  quam  impilu.  Ergo  si  legiti- 
mist sit  betlum,  extra  controversiam  est,  consuetis  vin- 
cendi  artibus  patefactam  esse  viam:  modo  ne  vel  pac- 
tis  iwluciis,  vel  alio  modojidem  datam  fallamus. 

Ver.  3  does  not  agree  with  vers.  13,  14.  Here 
.t  is  said  that  30,0OU  men  are  placed  in  the  ambush ; 
according  to   ver.   12  they  are  only  5,000.     Fur- 

1  [Keil  supposes  that  Joshua  also,  and  the  main  army 
had  gone  from  Gilgal  to  the  neighborhood  of  Ai  (ver.  3),  that 
from  there  he  sent  out  the  ambush  (vers.  3-9),  and  there 
(near  Ai)  he  speut  that  night  in  the  midst  of  the  people 
(ver.  9l.  In  ver  12,  13,  then  he  finds  only  a  repetition  with 
loine  more  particularity  of  the  statement  concerning  the 


ther,  the  30,000  men  were,  according  to  this  verse, 
sent  out  already  on  the  evening  before ;  in  ver.  13, 
on  the  contrary,  the  5,000  betake  themselves  to  their 
safe  concealment  first  on  the  morning  of  the  battle. 
These  contradictory,  statements  taken  from  dif- 
ferent sources  cannot  be  reconciled,  as  Keil  indeed 
perceives,  while  yet  he  strangely  attempts  to  liar- 
monize  them.  He  takes  vers.  12  and  13  to  be  a 
"supplementary  remark"    to   vers.    3,  and  says: 

Before  the  i"1??-  n  if  *i  ver.  3,  we  must  supply 
from  the  supplementary  remark,  that  Joshua  out 
of  the  30,000  men  separated  again  about  5,000  and 
-rnt  them  out  by  night  into  the  ambush."1  Against 
this  Maurer  correctly  says,  on  vers.  12,  13  :  "  Hiec 
repugnant  iis  qua;  vers.  3-8  et  9-11  expositu  leguntur. 
Quam  repugnantiam  reete  plerique  repetuut  ex  anna- 
libus  diversis  alio  et  alio  ordine  diversisque  verbis 
scriptis,  in  quibus  contrahendi  is,  qui  hunc  librum  com 
posm  nt,  non  satis  ad  dioersitatem  attenderit  Confer 
si  mil  em  locum,  iv.  9.  Alex,  ver-  12  prorsus  non  ex 
hibet,  tertii  decimi,  maximam  partem  omittit :  habei  enini 
hoc  ttintum  :  Kail  t&  IVtOpu  rijs  iro'Xeius  txiro  OaXainrris 
(Itala;  et  insidice  erant  civitati  a  man'),  nihil  am- 
plius."  Such  is  the  judgment  of  Knobel  also.  The 
30,000  might  reach  the  neighborhood  of  Ai  before 
daybreak,  since  the  distance  from  Gilgal  to  Ai 
was  not  more  than  five  to  six  hours.  ( Robinson, 
ii.  307-12.)  Joshua  still  remained  that  night  in 
Gilgal. 

Vers.  4-8.  Clear  and  exact  instructions  to  the 
soldiers  how  they  were  to  proceed.  They  must 
put  themselves  in  ambush,  not  too  far  from  the 
city,  and  be  in  readiness ;  he  would  make  an  attack 
in  front  and  pretend  to  flee.  Then  they  should 
break  forth  into  the  city  abandoned  by  the  enemy, 
and  set  it  on  fire.    "  See,"  he  concludes  his  address, 

ambush  previously  mentioned.  The  only  difficulty  In  the 
way  of  regarding  both  accounts  as  relating  to  the  same 
movement  is  the  great  difference  of  the  numbers  of  the  men 
Here  he  thinks  there  has  been  simply  an  error  of  transcrip- 
tion, the  letters  representing  the  5,000  having  been  by  mi*, 
take  replaced  in  ver.  3  by  those  denoting  30,000.  — Tr.J 


84 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


"I  have  commanded  it  to  you,"  that  is,  "Take 
heed  that  yon  do  well  your  part." 

Ver.  9.  Between  Beth-el  and  Ai.  "  Ai  lay 
forty-five  minutes  southeast  of  Beth-el  (ch.  xii.  9; 
Gen.  xii.  8) ;  between  the  two  places  rise  two  rocky 
heights,  behind  which  the  liers  in  wait  appear  to 
have  taken  their  position  (Van  de  Velde  :  Narra- 
tive, ii.  p.  280)."    (Knobel.) 

Ver.  10.  In  the  morning  Joshua  leads  up  the 
rest  of  the  army,  comes  before  the  city  and  encamps 
to  the  north  of  it,  so  that  a  valley,  probably  "  the 
present  YVady  Mutyah,"  lay  between  him  and  Ai. 

Vers.  12,  13.      See  above  on  ver.  3.    According 

to  Keil,  S^rtil  n7.v3  menus  the  same  night  as 
ver.  9,  But  on  that  night  (ver.  9)  Joshua  was  not 
yet  certainly  before  Ai,  for  which  he  started  only 

in  the  morning  (ver.   10).      The   reading     7!?*] 

instead  of  ^I^*\  originated  perhaps  in  the  same 
effort  to  harmonize  ver.  15  with  ver.  9. 

b.  Sham-flight  of  the  Israelites.  Their  Victory, 
Capture  and  Destruction  of  the  Citu  (vers.  14-29). 
The  plan  succeeds  admirably.  The  king  of  Ai, 
seeing  Joshua's  army  in  front,  leads  out  against 
him.  The  latter  pretends  to  run  away.  The  in- 
habitants of  Ai  now  pursue  the  Israelites  and  leave 
the  city  standing  open.  Then  Joshua  gives  the 
ambush  a  signal  with  his  spear.  They  rush  forth, 
seize  the  city,  and  set  it  on  fire.  Joshua  himself 
with  his  army  turns  about  at  the  same  moment. 
The  men  of  Ai  find  themselves  suddenly  attacked 
in  front  and  rear  at  once,  and  are  annihilated.  The 
other  inhabitants  of  Aialso,  about  12,000!  in  men 
and  women,  are  slain.  The  city  is  razed  to  the 
ground,  its  king  hanged  on  a  tree. 

Ver.  14.  When  the  king  of  Ai  saw  it,  namely, 
Joshua  and  his  army,  —  pointing  back,  therefore, 
to  ver.  11,  the  continuation  of  which  we  have  here. 
It  cannot  refer  to  ver.  13  because  he  could  not  see 
the  ambush  nor  have  any  knowledge  of  it,  as  is 
shown  by  the  close  of  ver.  11. 

Vers.  16,  17.  The  men  of  Ai  in  their  excessive 
ardor  recklessly  leave  the  city,  without  care  about 
covering  their  line  of  return  to  Ai,  and  without 
protection  to  the  city  itself  which  they  leave  open. 

The  expression  ^PPS?]  is  striking :  "  they  were 
torn  away,"  Van  Ess ;  "  they  were  cut  off."  2 

Ver.  18.  A  direct  command  of  God  renewed, 
under  whose  special  order  the  whole  affair  pro- 
ceeds. 

Spear.  Heb.  11*^3,  dart,  javelin,  a  small  spear 
which  is  hurled  (Job  xii.  20.  Eng.  28),  distinct 
from  the  H,3n  there  mentioned  in  connection  with 
it.  From  our  passage  compared  with  ver.  26, 
some  would  conclude  that  the  3  must  have  been 
furnished  with  a  flag  or  standard.  Possibly,  though 
not  necessarily,  since  the  waving  motion  which 
Joshua  made  with  his  spear  might  be  seen  a  long 
distance,  especially  if  we  suppose  that  there  was  a 
bright  sunshine.  As  a  weapon  of  the  Babylonians 
and  Persians,  it  is  spoken  of  Jer.  vi.  23 ;  1,  42. 
The  rendering  of  the  Vulg.  by  "  clypeus  "  is  er- 
roneous. 

Ver.  20.     C^'TJ  had  no  power,  Vulg.  non  pot 

verunt.  Others,  e.  </.  Gesenius,  explain  □"'"P  with 
reference  to  Deut.  xxiii.  13;  Num.  ii.  17  ;  Is.  xvii. 

1  [But  it  was  "  all  that  fell  that  day  "  (ver.  25),  not  "  the 
jther  inhabitants  »  that  made  up  the  12,000.  —  Tr  ) 

2  [It  is  the    same  word  which,  iv.  18,  denotes  the  with- 


8,  as  meaning  place,  room ;  but  whether  the  dua 
can  mean  this  appears  to  us  doubtful.  We  should 
rather  approve  the  rendering  "  sides"  (Keil).  The 
first  signification,  however,  is  to  be  preferred,  be- 
cause then  the  thought  is  this,  that  being  held  fast 
by  terror,  they  had  no  power  to  flee  this  way  or 
that.  The  whole  situation  of  the  men  of  Ai,  who 
saw  before  them  the  enemy,  behind  them  the  burn- 
ing town,  is  admirably  pictured  in  a  few  strokes. 

Ver.  26.  "  Joshua  drew  not  back  the  hand  which 
he  had  stretched  out  with  the  spear,  until  all  the 
inhabitants  of  Ai  had  been  destroyed.  The  signal 
for  attack  on  Ai  was  also  a  signal  for  the  desttuc- 
tion  of  the  inhabitants,  and  remained  until  its 
design  was  fulfilled  "  (Knobel). 

Ver.  28.    The  city  is  made  even  with  the  ground 

—  kot  USacpos. 

Ver.  29.     Heap  of  stones,  as  in  ch.  vii.  26. 

DOCTRINAL  AND  ETHICAL. 

1.  It  should  not  be  overlooked  that  the  spoil  to 
be  taken  in  Ai  is  given  over  to  the  Israelites,  which 
was  not  the  case  at  Jericho.  Jericho  was  the  first 
of  the  cities  of  Canaan  captured,  and  belonged  on 
this  account  wholly  to  the  Lord,  as  the  first-born 
of  man  and  beast  (Ex.  xiii.  2,  12,  15),  and  as  the 
firstlings  of  the  fruits  of  the  field  (Ex.  xxiii.  19; 
xxxiv.  26;  Lev.  ii.  12;  xxiii.  10,  17,20;  Num.  xv. 
20,  21 ).     This  was  no  longer  so  at  Ai. 

2.  If  the  justice  of  the  war  is  conceded,  it  follows 
that  a  stratagem  such  as  was  here  adopted  by 
Joshua  against  Ai,  is  likewise  morally  allowable, 
since  notoriously  wars  are  not  carried  on  exclusively 
through  "hard  blows"  (feriendo) ,  as  Calvin  has 
well  remarked.  Yet  stratagem,  as  Calvin  also  calls 
us  to  notice,  has  its  limits.  A  treacherous  termina- 
tion of  a  truce,  and  the  like,  is  morally  reprehen- 
sible. Of  such  things  there  is  no  mention  here, 
but  simply  an  instance  of  strategy  like  what  is 
witnessed  in  almost  every  great  battle. 

HOMILETICAL    AND    PRACTICAL. 

God's  renewed  call  to  Joshua  —  the  same  word 
indeed  as  before,  but  now  of  quite  a  different  import, 
since  God  by  it  not  only  assures  him  of  his  support, 
but  also  gives  him  to  understand  that  He  is  again 
gracious  to  him.  —  The  capture  and  destruction  of 
the  city  of  Ai.     (1.)  Preparation.  (2.)  Execution. 

—  See,  I  have  commanded  it  to  you  —  a  strict  mil- 
itary admonition,  which  may  apply  also  to  the 
spiritual  conflict.  —  How  God  gives  his  enemies 
into  the  hands  of  his  servants,  while  he  (1.)  blinds 
and  disheartens  the  former;  (2.)  enlightens  and 
strengthens  the  latter. 

Starke  :  Although  every  victory  comes  from 
God,  it  is  still  in  the  order  of  our  own  fidelity  and 
bravery.  —  From  God  alone  comes  the  victory  and 
He  it  is  who  can  subdue  and  root  out  the  peoples. 

Lange  :  In  so  far  as  a  war  is  justifiable,  so  far 
is  stratagem  therein  justifiable  also,  provided  only 
that  it  conflict  not  with  the  special  agreements  ex- 
isting, and  lead  not  to  inhuman  measures  ;  for  as 
much  as  possible,  the  people  must  be  spared. 

Bib.  Tun.  :  The  fortune  of  war  is  changeable, 
but  it  turns  as  the  Lord  will  have. 

Cranmer:  Just  wars  are  not  in  themselves 
against  God.  But  without  necessity,  recklessly, 
and  from  trilling  causes  to  begin  war,  is  iniquitous, 
2  (  lir.  xxxv.  20  ;  1  K.  xx.  3. 

dniwnient  of  the  priests  feet  from  the  mud  of  the  river-bed 
to  the  dry  land  ;  "  were  lifted,"  more  exactly  "  plucked 
up."  —  Tr.] 


CHAPTER   VHI.     30-35.  85 


4.    The  Altar  of  Blessing  and  of  Cur  ting  on  Ebal. 
Chapter  VIII.  30-35. 

30  Then  Joshua  built  an  altar  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel  in  Mount  Ebal 

31  as  Moses  the  servant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah  had]  commanded  the  children  of  Israel, 
as  it  is  written  in  the  book  of  the  law  of  Moses,  An  altar  of  whole  stones,  over  which 
no  man  hath  lifted  up  any  iron  :  and  they  offered  thereon  burnt-offerings  unto  the 

32  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  sacrificed  peace-offerings.  And  he  wrote  there  upon  the 
stones  a  copy  of  the  law  of  Moses,  which  he  wrote  [had  written]  in  the  presence  of 

33  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel.  And  all  Israel,  and  their  elders,  and  officers  [over- 
seers], and  their  judges,  stood  on  this  side  the  ark,  and  on  that  side,  before  the 
priests  the  Levites,  which  [who]  bare  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah], 
as  well  the  stranger,  as  he  that  was  born  among  them;  half  of  them  over  against 
mount  Gerizim,  and  half  of  them  over  against  mount  Ebal ;  as  Moses  the  servant 
of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  had  commanded  before,1  that  they  should  bless  the  people  of 

34  Israel.     And  afterward  he  read  all  the  words  of  the  law,  the  blessings  and  cursings, 

35  according  to  all  that  is  written  in  the  book  of  the  law.  There  was  not  a  word  of 
all  that  Moses  commanded,  which  Joshua  read  not  before  all  the  congregation  of 
Israel,  with  the  women  and  the  little  ones,  and  the  strangers  that  were  conversan 
[the  stranger  that  walked]  among  them. 

TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.  33.  —  n3trS"]2  qualifies  rather  the  following  clause,  «  to  bless  the  people  of  Israel  in  the  beginning,''  or,  "  at 
first ;  "  probably  with  reference  to  the  injunction  in  Deut.  xxvii.  2,  taken  literally,  and  so  Jar  removing  the  improbability 
that  what  is  recorded  in  this  paragraph  should  have  occurred  before  the  completion  of  the  conquest.  —  TE.J 

exeoetical  AND  CRITICAL.                  j  off  (leaves),  lignifies  the  naked  (mountain) :   com- 

Thia  paragraph,  which  contains  the  fulfillment  of  pare  also  ^2  (Gen.  x.28),a  region  of  Joktanite 

the  command  given  by  Moses  Deut xxvii.  Iff,  Arabia.    Gerizim  (D^ro   "IP)  ver.  33  is  =  mount 

breaks  the  connection  between  chaps,  vin.  29  and  ix.  '    : 

1,  and  would  appear  to  be  in  place  later,  perhaps  of  the  Gerizites.     The  CM"}?  (from  >^2  in  Arab, 

after  ch.  xi.  23,  since  it  is  not  likely  that  before  the  to  hew,  to  exterminate,  in  Heb.  onlv  in  Niphal,  Ps. 

complete  conquest  of  the  hind,  Joshua  could  have  xxxi.  23  ;  lxxxvi.  6)  are  the  dwellers   in  a  barren 

undertaken  such  a  celebration  :  and  besides,  we  find  land.  Assuming  this,  then  the  desolation  perceived 

bim  stiil,  chaps,  ix.  and  x.,  in  the  south  of  Palestine,  by  travellers  on  the  mountain  would  be  as  truly 

Keil,in  his   prejudiced  opposition  to  all  which  is  countenanced  by  the  name  in  the  case  of  mount 

called   criticism,  naturally  allows  no  weight  to  this,  Gerizim,  as  in  that  of  Ebal. 

and  hence  seeks,  among  other  things,  to  show  that  Ver.  31.  Altar  of  unhewn  stones  over  which 
when  (ch.  i\.  6)  the  camp  at  Gi  gal  is  spoken  of.  this  no  man  had  lifted  up  any  iron.  So  the  law  re- 
is  not  Gilgal  near  Jericho  but  another  place  of  that  quired  in  general  (Ex.  xx.  25) ;  so  it  had  been  spe- 
name  in  the  region  of  Shechem.  If  this  were  correct  dally  ordained  for  this  case  (Deut.  xxvii.  5,  6). 
the  author  won. d  certainly  in  some  way  have  given  Ver.  32.  Stones.  Not  the  stones  of  the  altar 
an  intimation  of  the  fact  that  in  ch.  ix.  6  we  no  (Jos.  Syr.)  but  the  great  stones  whitewashed  with 
longer  are  to  understand  the  Gilgal  near  Jericho  but  lime,  spoken  of  in  Deut.  xxvii.  2-4,8.  For  this 
a  Gilgal  near  Shechem.  As  he  omits  this,  the  whole  .,  •  ,  ,  .  ,  Vs-.  „,, 
connection  points  to  the  former,  and  Joshua  is  in  reason  the  artlcle  als0  st!mds  here'  S?'  The  un" 
the  southern  part,  not  in  central  Palestine.  hewn.  rough  stones  of  the  altar  moreover  would 

Ver.  30.      Ebal.      On  the  alleged  fertility  of    have  been  P001"'?  adaPted  t0  this  use',     ,     ,        . 
Gerizim,  and  barrenness  of  Ebal,  many  fables  have        A  copy  of  the  Law  of  Moses   (  ^  j""1  P-?^^?, 
been  told  by  travellers  and  interpreters.     Accord-   properly,  doubling  of  the  law  of  Moses.     So  Gen. 
ing  to  Robinson  (Bib!.  Res.  iii.  96-103.  and  Later     ,•••   ,,    .,  «,»,.,—  '•»  ,,.  ,    . 

B?bl.  Res.  131,  132  [Phys.  Geog.  of  B.  L.  p.  36  f.l),  xlm'  15  tbe?  sa-r  ™*~  °  =  doubl>nS  °f  '•* 
both  mountains  are  alike  desolate,  while  the  vale  money-  By  this  doubling  of  the  law  is  naturally 
of  Shechem  lying  between  them  is  extremely  t0  be  understood  a  copy  of  the  law,  in  the  same 
pleasant  and  fertile  [Comp.  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  arti-  sense  b^  as  ln  De«t.  xvu.  18,  as  we  also  speak  of 
cles,  Ebal,  Gerizim,  Shechem.]  According  to  the.  duPhcate  of  a  document.  What  now  was 
Deut.  xxvii.  6,  the  altar  was  to  be  erected  on  Ebal,  wn"?n  on  the  stones?  Different  answers  are  given 
which  would  thus  have  the  advantage  over  Gerizim,  rTu  tnls'  raV--cd  according  to  the  interpretations  of 
.vliich,  however,  is  distinguished  in  its  turn  bv  the  }.\?.x?"n'  (a-)  The  whole  law  (seTeral  Rab" 
fact  that  from  it  the  blessing  was  to  be  pronounced.  bras,  Mich.,Baumg.)  and, .according  to  the  Talmud- 
Probablv  Ebal  had  been  like  Sinai,  like  Moriah  u;ts  1"/™rt-  iota,  ch.  vu.,  in  seventy  languages, 
'Gen.  xxii.),  an  old  place  of  sacrifice,  and  so  ren-  'hat  all  the  peoples  of  the  earth  might  read  it ;  there- 
u    s.  u  tore   the   whole    Ihorah    with  all   its   narratives 

'.ered  sacred.  The  name  V2  ?,  from  ~-lV,  to  strip   genealogies,  legal  prescriptions,  etc.     Improbable 


86 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


[b.)  Particular  parts  of  the  law  ;  (a.)  the  Decalogue 
(Grofius,  Kennicott,  Hasse).  ($.)  Deuteronomy 
(Gerhardt,  Osiander,  Geddes,  Vater,  Hengsten- 
herg).  (>•)  The  blessings  and  cursings  (Masius, 
Maurer,  Rosenmuller)  —  against  the  words  of  Dcut. 
xxvii.  3.    (c.)  Everything  in  the  books  of  Moses 

which  is  law,  every  i"11Vt2  (Deut.  xxvii.  1),  which 
is  given  in  them,  all  the  words  of  the  law  (Deut. 
xxvii.  3).  So  formerly  Michaelis  (Laws  of  Moses 
ii.  §  60),  rightly,  and  now  Knobel  on  Deut.  xxvii. 
1  :  "  The  language  reaches  to  the  law  in  general 
(Mischna  Sota  7,  5),  to  the  Mosaic  law  (Josh.  viii. 
32).  The  author  thinks,  however,  only  of  the  com- 
mandments proper,  six  hundred  and  thirteen  in 
number,  according  to  the  Jewish  reckoning,  not  of 
all  the  narratives  also  and  warnings,  admonitions, 
discourses,  reasons,  and  the  like.  So  also  ch.  vi.  9." 
The  inscription  itself  may  probably  have  been 
effected  not  till  after  the  ceremony  was  completed, 
being  reported  here  by  anticipation. 

Vers.  33-35.  Proclamation  of  the  Blessing  and 
Curse.  We  must  imagine  the  position  of  the  peo- 
ple to  have  been  such  that  the  priests  with  the 
ark  of  the  covenant  stood  in  the  midst  of  the  valley, 
between  Ebal  lying  on  the  north  and  Gerizim  lying 
on  the  south,  but  the  people,  one  half  over  against 
Gerizim  (therefore  on  Ebal),  and  the  other  half 
over  against  Ebal  (therefore  on  Gerizim).  After 
this  had  been  arranged  Joshua  himself  read 
(Luther  ;  incorrectly  :  "  caused  to  be  read  ")  all  the 
words  of  the  law,  the  blessing,  and  the  cursing.  A 
discrepancy  which  Knobel  thinks  he  finds  between 
this  report  and  the  directions  Deut.  xxvii.  9  ff.  we 
cannot  admit,  because  by  the  expression  "  all  the 
words  of  the  law  "  which  is  afterwards  defined  by 
the  addition,  "  the  blessing  and  the  curse,"  nothing 
more  is  probably  to  be  understood  than  in  the  for- 
mulas given  Deut.  xxvii.  14  ff.  The  curses  are  ex- 
actly twelve,  according  to  the  number  of  the  tribes ; 
the  blessings,  see  Deut.  xxviii.  1-14. 

DOCTRINAL  AND  ETHICAL. 

1.  It  is  consistent  with  the  divine  economy  of 
salvation  in  the  time  of  the  old  covenant,  that  on 
the  entrance  of  the  chosen  people  into  the  promised 
land,  not  merely  blessing  but  also  curse  was  held  up 
before  them.  A  people  standing  so  low  in  morality 
as  the  Israelites  then  did  needed  stern  discipline,  and 
not  only  might  be  allured  by  promises  but  must  be 
alarmed  by  threats.  This  was  a  very  wholesome 
pedagogic,  which  is  even  yet  quite  in  place  in  the  ed- 
ucation of  particular  individuals  as  well  as  of  whole 
nationalities,  under  certain  circumstances.  Think, 
for  instance,  of  the  neglected  children  as  they  are  de- 
livered to  our  reformatory  institutions,  or  of  rough 
heathen  nations  among  whom  the  Christian  mission- 
aries labor.  Only  we  must  consider  one  thing, 
namely  this,  that  the  day  of  salvation,  in  which  we 
lire,  must  never  be  lost  sight  of,  that  Moses  may  not 


be  again  put  in  the  place  of  Christ  by  whom  grace 
and  truth  have  been  brought  to  us  (John  i.  17).  nor 
the  servile  spirit  in  place  of  the  filial  (Rom.  viii.  15). 
Unfortunately,  a  certain  legal  tendency  has  shown 
a  great  inclination  that  way.  even  in  the  evangeli- 
cal church,  to  say  nothing  of  Rome,  whose  curses, 
far  removed  from  the  royal  power  of  those  impre- 
cations of  the  O.  T.  are  a  kind  of  invectives  about 
which  no  one  cares.  The  curse,  to  have  any  power, 
must  be  uttered  in  the  name  of  God  against  un- 
questionable transgressions  of  the  divine  command, 
as  conversely,  the  blessing  only  takes  effect  when  it 
is  bestowed  upon  acts  well  pleasing  to  God.  Ac- 
cording to  this  canonical  law  the  curia  has  seldom 
proceeded,  but  often  exactly  in  the  opposite  way. 

2.  More  closely  considered,  the  twelve  curses  are 
directed  against  idolatry  (Deut.  xxvii.  15),  con- 
tempt of  parents  (ver.  16),  removing  a  neighbor's 
land-mark  (ver.  17),  inhumanity  toward  the  blind, 
strangers,  orphans,  widows  (vers.  18,  19),  incest 
and  sodomy  (vers.  20-23),  murder  (vers.  24,25), 
and  finally  in  general  against  the  transgression  of 
the  law  in  any  manner  (ver.  26).  Blessings  are 
promised  in  the  city  and  on  the  field  (ch.  xxviii.  3), 
on  all  births  (xxviii.  4),  on  the  basket  and  the 
kneading-trough  (xxviii.  5  ;  Ex.  vii.  28,  xi.36),on 
going  out  and  coming  in  (Deut.  xxviii.  6) ;  a  bless- 
ing in  particular  on  their  arms  in  contest  with  their 
enemies  (xxviii.  7),  a  blessing  on  the  position  of 
Israel  among  the  nations  (xxviii.  9-14).  The  N. 
T.  recognizes  still  an  entirely  different  blessing,  the 
fvhoyia  TrvtvpaTiK-j)  in  heavenly  goods  (eV  tois 
eVovpai'iois)  in  Christ  (Eph.  i.  3),  the  imperishable, 
and  undefiled,  and  unfading  inheritance  which  is 
reserved  in  heaven  (1  Pet.  i.  3).  This  blessing 
makes  rich,  in  the  highest  sense,  without  trouble 
added  (Prov.  x.  22). 


H0MILET1CAL    AND    PRACTICAL 

The  solemn  gathering  of  the  people  on  Eoal,  ( 1 ) 
Sacrifice,  (2)  inscription  of  the  law,  (3)  blessing 
and  curse.  —  The  consecrated  altar.  —  Not  only  on 
the  stones  but  rather  on  the  hea  t  should  the  law 
of  God  be  written,  Jer.  xxxi.  31  34.  —  On  the  im- 
port of  blessing  and  cursing.  —  Rather  bless  than 
curse,  yet  bless  not  under  all  circumstances. — Curse 
may  become  blessing,  blessing  curse.  —  How  is  it 
with  thee,  Christian  congregation  ?  Standest  thou 
under  the  blessing  or  deservest  thou  the  curse  of 
thy  God  !  —  Questions  to  be  asked,  perhaps,  on 
days  of  penitence  and  prayer.  —  The  whole  congre- 
gation should  hear  the  word. 

Starke  :  A  Christian  should  n.M,  after  being 
delivered  from  need,  forget  gratitude  also. — Not 
human  nonsense  but  the  holy  word  of  God  alon< 
must  be  taught  and  preached.  —  My  God,  give  us 
also  readiness  and  desire  to  make  known  thy  com- 
mandments, to  all,  friends  and  foes,  old  and 
young. 


CHAPTER  IX.   1-27.  87 


B.    CONTESTS  AGAINST   THE   ALLIED  KINGS   OF   THE    CANAANITES. 

Chapters  IX.-XI. 

1.  The  first  League  of  Canaanite  Kings  against  Israel. 

Chapter  IX.  1-2. 

And  it  came  to  pass,  when  all  the  kings  which  were  on  this  side  [on  the  other  side 
of  the]  Jordan,  in  the  hills  [on  the  mountain],  and  in  the  valleys  [the  low  land], 
and  in  all  the  coasts  [on  all  the  coast]  of  the  great  sea  over  against  Lebanon,  the 
Hittite,  and  the  Amorite,  the  Canaanite,  the  Perizzite,  the  Hivite,  and  the  Jebusite, 
heard  thereof ;  That  they  gathered  themselves  together  to  fight  with  Joshua  and  with 
Israel,  with  one  accord. 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

WTiile  Joshua  had  hitherto  contended  against 
separate  cities,  namely,  Jericho  and  Ai,  there  now 
follows  an  account  of  the  struggles  with  the  allied 
kings  of  the  Canaanites,  of  whose  first  league  we 
are  informed  in  ch.  ix.  1-2,  of  their  second  in  ch 
xi.  1—3.  They  are  defeated  in  two  great  battles, 
at  Gibeon  (ch.  x.  1  ff.),  and  at  the  sea  of  Merom 
(ch.  xi.  4-9).  Following  upon  that  first  triumph, 
southern  Palestine  west  of  the  Jordan  is  subju- 
gated (ch.  x.  28-13),  and  upon  the  second,  the 
northern  part  (ch.  xi.  10-23).  Only  the  Gibeon- 
ites  were  shrewd  enough,  as  is  related  in  ix.  3-27, 
to  save  themselves  by  a  stratagem  from  the  edge  of 
the  sword. 

Ver.  1 .  On  the  other  side  (Eng.  vers,  on  this 
tide),  as  in  ch.  v.  1,  where  the  country  west  of  the 


Jordan  is  intended.  "  This  land,  Canaan  proper, 
is,  from  its  conspicuously  diverse  features,  divided 

into  the  mountain,  ~ ir^T^T,  the  plain  or  lowland, 
n^?^!T',  and  the  sea  coast,  D*n  F|in,  toward 
Lebanon  "  (Keil).  The  mountain,  Tin,  is  the 
Mount  Ephraim  and  mount  (or  mountain  of) 
Judah ;  the  lowland  is  the  region  from  Akko  to 
Gaza  lying  west  of  the  mountain ;  the  sea  coast  is 

the  coast  of  north  Galilee  and  Phoenicia.  —  *pn 
elsewhere  in  poetical  passages  as  Gen.  xlix.  13; 
Judg.  v.  17;  Jer.  xlvii.  7;  Ezek.  xxv.   16. —  ""151 

""vS  prop,  with  one  mouth,  unanimously.  Ex. 
xxiv.  3;  IK.  xxii.  13. 


2.   The  Craft  of  the  Gibeonites. 
Chapter  IX.  3-27. 

a.  Coming  of  the  Gibeonites  to  Joshua  and  his  League  with  them. 
Chapter  IX.  3-15. 

8       And  when  the  inhabitants  of  Gibeon  heard  what  Joshua  had  done  unto  Jericho 

4  and  to  Ai,  they  [also]  did  work  wilily,  and  went  and  made  as  if  they  had  been 
ambassadors  [went,  and  set  out,  or,  went  and  1  provided  themselves  with  victuals], 
and  took  old  [prop,  decayed]  sacks  upon  their  asses,  and  wine-bottles  [wine-skins], 

5  old  [decayed],  and  rent,  and  bound  up ;  And  old  [decayed]  shoes  and  clouted 
[patched]  upon  their  feet,  and  old   [decayed]  garments  upon  them ;  and  all  the 

6  bread  of  their  provision  was  dry  and  mouldy.  And  they  went  to  Joshua  unto  the 
camp  at  Gilgal,  and  said  unto  him,  and  to  the  men  of  Israel,  We  be  [are]  come  from 

7  a  far  country :  now  therefore  [and  now]  make  ye  a  league  [covenant]  with  us. 
And  the  men  of  Israel  said  unto  the  Hivites,  Peradventure  ye  dwell  among  us  ; 2 

8  and  how    shall  we  make  a  league  [covenant]  with  you  ?     And  they  said  unto 

9  Joshua,  We  are  thy  servants.  And  Joshua  said  unto*  them,  Who  are  ye  ?  and  from 
whence  come  ye  ?  And  they  said  unto  him,  From  a  very  far  country  thy  servants 
are  come,  because  of  the  name  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  thy  God :  for  we  have  heard 

10  the  fame  of  him,  and  all  that  he  did  in  Egypt,  and  all  that  he  did  to  the 
two    kings  of  the    Amorites,    that  were  beyond  the    Jordan,  to    Sihon    king   of 

11  Heshbon,  and  to  Og  king  of  Bashan,  which  [who]  was  at  Ashtaroth.  Where- 
fore [And]  our  elders,  and  all  the  inhabitants  of  our  country  spake  to  us,  saying, 
Take  victuals  with  you  for  the  journey,  and  go  to  meet  them,  and  say  unto  them, 
We  are  your  servants :  therefore  [and]  now  make  ye  a  league  [covenant]  wit!  us 

12  This  our  bread  we  took  hot  for  our  provision  out  of  our  houses  on  the  day  we  name 


88 


THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


13  forth  to  go  unto  you  ;  but  now,  behold,  it  is  dry,  and  it  is  [has  become]  mouldy :  And 
these  bottles  of  wine  [wine-skins]  which  we  filled  were  new,  and  behold  they  be 
[are]  rent :  and  these  our  garments  and  our  shoes  are  become  old  [are  decayed]  by 

14  reason  of  the  very  long  journey.    And  the  men  took  of  their  victuals,  and  asked  not 

15  counsel  at  [omit :  counsel  at]  the  mouth  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  Joshua 
made  peace  with  them,  and  made  a  league  [covenant]  with  them,  to  let  them  live : 
and  the  princes  of  the  congregation  sware  unto  them. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL,. 

[1  »er.  4. —  The  verb  ?|~lsI0t2s~l  from  *T^,  not  elsewhere  found  in  Hebrew,  should  from  the  signification  of  its 
derivatives,  aud  from  the  analogy  of  the  Arab.,  mean  to  go,  to  set  out  on  a  journey.  ff  But  since  no  other  trace  of  this 
form  or  signification  exists  in  Heb.  or  in  Aramaean,  it  is  better  to  read  with  six  MSS.  •t"7sT2^£\  they  provided  them' 
selves  with  food  for  the  journey,  as  in  ver.  12 ;  which  is  also  expressed  by  the  ancient  versions,-'  Gesen.  With  this  agree 
Knobel  and  Fay.  But  De  Wette.  and  Keil  adhere  to  the  root-meaning  ft  set  out  on  a  journey,"  and  there  is  a  reasonable 
probability  that  the  change  suggested  by  a  few  MSS.,  and  the  anc.  vers,  was  owing  simply  to  the  strangeness  of  the  word 
which  originally  stood  here.     The  meaning  t(  to  act  as  ambassadors  "  appears  to  have  been  derived  from  the  analogy  o/ 

*V*J   rt  a  messenger,' and  is  retained  by  Zunz:  SteUten  sich  ais  Boten.  —  Tr.J 

[a  Ver.  7  — The  Hebrew  uses  the  sing.  "  in  the  midst  of  me,  and  how  shall  I."  —  Te.] 

b.  Discovery  and  Punishment  of  the  Fraud. 
Chapter  IX.  16-27. 

16  And  it  came  to  pass  at  the  end  of  three  days  after  they  had  made  a  league  witn 
them,  that   they  heard  that  they  were  their  neighbors,  and   that  they  dwelt  among 

17  them.  And  the  children  of  Israel  journeyed  [broke  up],  and  came  unto  their  cities 
on  the  third  day.  Now  [And]  their  cities  were  Gibeon,  and  Chephirah,  and  Beeroth, 

18  and  Ivirjathjearim.  And  the  children  of  Israel  smote  them  not,  because  the  princes 
of  the  congregation  had  sworn  unto  them  by  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel. 

19  And  all  the  congregation  murmured  against  the  princes.  But  all  the  princes  said 
unto  all  the  congregation,  We  have  sworn  unto  them  by  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God 

20  of  Israel :  now  therefore  we  may  not  touch  them.  This  we  will  do  to  them  ;  we  will 
even  let  them  live,1  lest  wrath  be  upon  us,  because  of  the  oath  which  we  sware  unto 

21  them.  And  the  princes  said  unto  them,  Let  them  live;  but  let  them  be  [and  they 
became]  hewers  of  wood  [wood-choppers],  and  drawers  of  water  unto  all  the  con- 
gregation ;  as  the  princes  had  promised  [spoken  to]  them. 

22  And  Joshua  called  for  them,  and  he  spake  unto  them,  saying,  Wherefore  have  ye  be- 

23  guiled  us,  saying.  We  are  very  far  from  you,  when  ye  dwell  among  us  ?  Now  therefore 
ye  are  cursed,  and  there  shall  none  of  you  be  freed  from  being  [there  shall  not  fail  to 
be  from  among  you]  bond-men,  and  hewers  of  wood   and  drawers  of  water  for  the 

24  house  of  my  God.  And  they  answered  Joshua,  and  said,  Because2  it  was  certainly  told 
thy  servants  how  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  thy  God  commanded  his  servant  Moses  to 
give  you  all  the  land,  and  to  destroy  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  from  before  you, 
therefore  we  were  sore  afraid  of  our  lives  because  of  you,  and  have  done  this  thing. 

25  And  now,  behold,  we  are  in  thy  hand :  as  it  seemeth  good  and  right  unto  thee  to  do 

26  unto  us,  do.     And  so  did  he  unto  them,  and  delivered  them  out  of  the  hand  of  the 

27  children  of  Israel,  that  they  slew  them  not.  And  Joshua  made  them  that  day  hewers 
of  wood  and  drawers  of  water  for  the  congregation,  and  for  the  altar  of  the  Lord 
[Jehovah],  even  unto  this  day,  in  the  place  which  he  should  choose. 


TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.  20.  —  De  Wette,  Fay,  and  others  translate  this  and  the  following  verse  accurately  :  This  [sc.  what  we  have 
iworn]  will  we  do  to  them,  and  let  them  live,  lest  wrath  be  upon  us,  because  of  the  oath  which  we  have  sworn  to  them. 
And  the  princes  said  to  them,  Let  them  live.  And  they  became  wood-cboppers  and  water-carriers  (or  drawers  of  water) 
s*s.  —  Te.1 


p  Ver.  24.  —  ^3 
iftaid,  etc.  —  Te.] 


better  regarded  as  merely  introducing  the  words  quoted  :  It  was  told 


and  we  wert 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

Gihon  would  appear  to  have  heen  a  sort  of  in- 
dependent republic,  since  we  hear  of  elders  there 


(ix.  11),  but  not  of  a  king;  and  of  their  city  it  i? 
said  (x.  2)  that  it  was  a  great  city  like  a  royal  city. 
The  inhabitants,  having  heard  of  the  deeds  of 
Joshua,    hit  ipon   a  different  plan  of  resistanct 


CHAPTER  IX.     3-27. 


89 


from  that  adopted  by  the  kings  before  named,  — 
the  plan  of  negotiation,  but  with  wiles.  They  pre- 
tend to  have  come  from  a  very  far  country  fix.  9) 
to  form  an  alliance  with  Joshua;  and  to  confirm 
their  declaration  they  point  to  their  mouldy  bread, 
their  torn  wine-skins,  and  their  worn-out  clothing 
(ix.  12,  13).  Joshua  surfers  himself  to  be  deceived, 
and  makes  a  treaty  with  them  which  is  ratified  with 
an  oath  (ix.  15). 

The  deception,  however,  is  discovered.  After 
not  more  than  three  days  the  Israelites  hear  that 
the  Gibeonites  dwell  in  their  very  neighborhood 
(ix.  16).  They  break  up,  go  thither  themselves, 
and  spare  them  because  of  the  oath  which  the 
chiefs  had  sworn  to  them  (ix.  18).  When  discon- 
tent arises  in  the  camp  on  this  account,  Joshua 
consults  with  the  chiefs,  but  they  appeal  to  their 
oath,  and  decide  in  favor  of  letting  them  live.  To 
this  resolution  they  adhere,  but  the  Gibeonites,  as 
a  penalty  for  their  falsehood,  ate  made  wood- 
choppers  and  water-cairicrs  tor  the  congregation 
and  the  altar  of  Jehovah  (ix.  21-27). 

a  Arrival  of  the  Gibeonites  ami  Joshua's  league 
with  them,  vers.  3-15.  Gibeon, ch  xviii.  25.  They 
also  did  work  wilily.  They  had  heard  what 
Joshua   had  done   in  the  case  of  Jericho  anil  Ai, 

and  they  also  (23)  did  something,  and  that  with 
craft.  ntTO,  ver.  3,  and  W3?!!l  ver.  4,  are  rela- 
tive to  each  other,  so  that  the  C3  refers  not  to  what 
the  Canaanite  kings  had  done,  but  to  Joshua's 
deeds.  These  would  they  emulate,  only  not  by 
warlike  exploits,  but  by  a  finely  contrived  trick. 
So  also  the  LXX.  :  kcu  i-n6n\aav  nai  ye  avrol  uera 
Travovpyias .  Joshua's  stratagem  against  Ai  (ch.  S) 
is  to  be  remembered.  Maurcr  thinks  also  of  Jeri- 
cho ;  but  that  is  less  apposite. 

Provided  themselves  with  victuals.  The  He- 
brew ^*t?2J3,  "is  nowhere  else  met  with,  and  in- 
stead of  it  we  should  read  with  all  the  ancient 

translations  and  many  MSS.,  TTJIS?'!)  which 
also  occurs  in  ver.  12"  (Knobel).  Keil  adheres 
unqualifiedly  to  the  textus  receptus,  and,  connect- 
ing !H*t?^*l  with  ~l  ?j  nunciiis,  translates  :  "  they 
went  and  journeyed  as  ambassadors,"  or  "set  out 
as  ambassadors"  [thus  bringing  out  the  sense  of 
the  English  version].  Hut  was  it  necessary  to 
state  thi>  particularly?  Is  not  that  evident  of 
itself,  that  if  the  Gibeonites  went  they  went  as  am- 
bassadors, since  ver.  3  leaves  us  to  suppose  a  pre- 
vious consultation  1 

Ver.  6.  Gilgal.  In  the  Jordan  Valley,  as  Ewald 
also  assumes,  and  not,  as  Keil  supposes,  the  I  rilgal 
on  the  mountain  near  Bethel,  "often  mentioned  in 
the  Book  of  Judges  and  in  First  Samuel."  But 
something  would  surely  have  been  said  of  it  if 
Joshua  had  moved  the  camp  from  Gilgal  in  the 
Jordan  Valley  to  Gilgal  near  Bethel ;  and  as  this 
is  not  the  case,  we  have  no  ground  for  thinking 
here  of  another  Gilgal.  Joshua  had  rather  re- 
turned from  his  successful  expedition  against  Ai 
to  his  well  situated  headquarters  in  the  Jordan 
Valley,  in  order  to  undertake  from  thence  fresh 
enterprises.  Comp.  the  preliminary  remarks  to 
:h.  viii.  30-35. 

Ver.  7,  VU^I.  This  Kethib  is  to  be  retained 
after  the  analogy  of  Jndg.  viii.  22,  xx.  36  ;  1  Sam. 
liv.  22.  The  Israelites  are  not  clear  in  this  matter. 
The  thing  looks  suspicious  to  them,  hence  the  ques- 
:tion  :  "  Perhaps  thou  dwellest  in  the  midst  of  us 
ime),  how  then  can  I  make  a  covenant  with  thee?" 


Ver.  8.  To  this  entangling  question  the  Gibeon 
ites  return  no  answer  at  all,  but  say,  with  true 
oriental  adroitness,  apparently  submissive  and 
humble:  "We  are  thy  servant*."  This  was  no 
sincere  declaration  of  submission  (Serar.,  C.  A. 
Lap.,  Rosenm.,  Knobel),  but  simply  a  form  of 
courtesy,  as  Gen.  1.  IS,  xxxii.  4,  which  was,  how- 
ever, very  well  designed  and  cunningly  addressed. 
Nevertheless,  Joshua  shows  himself  not  satisfied 
with  it,  and  asks  again,  more  definitely  than  others 
had  done  before  :  "Who  are  ye  and  whence  come 

ye?  The  imperfect  ^2TI  )^SO,  is  worthy  of 
notice  as  indicating  the  still  incomplete  action, 
comp.  Judg.  xvii.  9,  xix.  17  ;  2  Sam.  i.  3  ;  Jonah 
i.  8;  Ewald,  Lehrgeb.  §  136,  1,  a. 

Ver.  9.  So  pressed,  the  Gibeonites  are  compelled 
to  answer  Joshua,  and  first  repeat  what  they  have 
said  before  (ver.  6),  but  add  that  they  have  come 
on  account  of  the  name  of  Jehovah,  whose  fame 

(V12XD)  they  have  heard.  In  the  more  detailed 
specification  which  follows  of  what  they  had  heard 
they  say  nothing  of  Jericho  and  Ai  [to  have  heard 
of  which  might  indicate  that  they  lived  not  very 
far  off],  but  cunningly  confine  themselves  to  what 
God  has  done  to  the  Amorite  kings  beyond  the 
Jordan,  therefore  at  a  distance,  nay  even  in  Egypt 
(ver.   1U). 

They  then  recall  the  commission  given  them  by 
their  elders  (ver.  11),  and  refer  in  conclusion  to 
their  mouldy  bread,  etc..  as  a  proof  of  the  truth 
of  their  story.  The  <  libeouitcs  must  have  played 
their  part  admirably;  for  all  the  scruples  which 
had  been  expressed  are  now  silent. 

Ver.  14.  And  the  men  took  of  their  victuals. 
"  The  men,"  as  we  learn  from  vers.  18,  21 ,  are  the 
princes,  i  e.,  heads  of  the  tribes.  The  taking  of 
their  food  is  a  sign  of  friendship,  of  inclination  to 
make  a  league  with  the  Gibeonites,  Gen.  xx.xi.  40  ; 
Lev.  ii.  13;  2  Chron.  xiii.  5.  Keil  will  not  allow 
this,  but  adopts  the  explanation  of  Masius,  ap- 
proved also  by  J.  H.  Michaelis  and  Rosenmiiller. 
He  says:  "Est  enim  vcluti  oppositio  qucedam  inter 
ilia;  sumere  panem  Gibeonitarum  in  manus,  xms- 
que  oculis  satis  jidere  et  os  s.  oraculum  Domini  in- 
terrogare."  This  opposition  is  not  to  be  denied, 
but  would  it  not  be  much  stronger,  if  it  related 
not  merely  to  a  testing  of  the  bread  whether  it  was 
so  old,  but  to  an  eating  of  it  with  a  symbolical 
import,  which  implied  readiness  to  make  a  league 
with  the  Gibeonites  % 

And  the  mouth  of  the  Lord  they  asked  not. 
That  was  a  transgression  of  the  explicit  command, 
Num.  xxvii.  21,  that  the  priest  Eleazer  should  seek 

counsel  for  Joshua,  and  that  2,~rISn  t22K'S5, 
i.  e.,  through  the  judgment  or  right  of  Urim  (and 
Thummim).1  The  priest  by  that  becomes  the 
mouth  of  Jehovah,  since  he  announces  God's  an- 
swer in  His  name,  just  the  same  as  the  prophet 
who  (Is.  xxx.  2;  Jer.  xv.  19;  Ex.  iv.  16)  is  so 
called. 

Ver.  15.  And.  Joshua  made  peace  with  them. 
He  assured  them  of  peace  and  so  of  preservation 
from  the  edge  of  the  sword. 

b.  Discovery  and  Punishment  of  the  Deceit.  Vers 
16-27.  Ver.  16.  At  the  end  of  three  days,  as  in 
Ich.  iii.  2. 

Ver.  17.  And  came  to  their  cities  on  tne  third 
day.  It  took  them  so  long,  namely,  to  come  from 
Gilgal  lying  in  the  Jordan  valley  to  Gibeon.  They 
might  have  accomplished  the  journey  in  much  lesa 

1  See  the  Art.  rc  Urim  and  Thummim  "  in  the  Diet,  ofttu 
Bible.—  Te.] 


90 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHLA. 


time,  as  appears  from  ch.  x.  9,  but  here  there  was 
no  forced  march  commanded  as  in  that  passage. 
They  could  therefore  take  their  time.  But  it  would 
have  been  an  unreasonably  slow  march,  if,  as  Keil 
supposes,  Joshua's  headquarters  had  now  been  at 
Gilgal  near  Bethel,  and  he  had  taken  more  than 
two  days  for  a  distance  of  seven  or  eitrht  hours. 
Chephirah,  ch.  xviii.  26.  Beeroth,  xviii.  25.  Kir- 
iath-jearim,  xv.  60. 

Vers.  18,  19.  The  question  whcthei  the  princes 
were  really  bound  to  keep  the  oath  which  they  had 
sworn  to  the  Gibeonites,  after  it  appeared  that  the 
condition  on  which  it  had  been  given  did  not  hold 
good,  has  been  much  discussed  by  the  interpreters, 
and  decided  rightly  by  most  of  them  in  the  nega- 
tive. The  contrary  is  maintained  by  Osiander, 
Ising  (p.  208),  Corn,  a  Lapide,  and  Clericus.  The 
last  named  expresses  that  opinion  the  most  de- 
eidedly  :  "  Non  videntur  Hebneorum  proceres  intabu- 
lis  foederis  hoc  adscripsisse,  se  ea  lege  J'cedus  cum  iis 
facere,  si  modo  remotam  oram  habitarent,  quod  nisi 
esset,  fadus  hoc  foret  irritant.  Simpliciter  jurarunt, 
ee  Gabahonitis  vitam  non  erepturos  idque  invocato 
nomine  Dei  Israelis.  Quam  ob  rem  suum  hoc  jusju- 
randutn  revocare  amplitts  non  potuerunt."  .... 
Upon  this  Keil,  from  whom  we  borrow  this  extract, 
justly  remarks:  "Although  the  Israelite  princes 
did  not  verbally  make  the  truth  of  the  declaration 
of  the  Gibeonites  a  condition  of  the  validity  of 
their  oath,  and  add  it  to  the  league,  expressis  verbis, 
still  it  lay  at  the  bottom  of  their  oath,  as  the  Gib- 
eonites very  well  knew ;  and  hence  they  so  care- 
fully represented  themselves  as  having  come  from 
a  very  far  country.  The  Israelites  had  not,  there- 
fore, so  wholly  simpliciter,  as  Clericus  assumes, 
sworn  to  preserve  their  lives,  and  were  not  bound 
to  spare  them  after  the  discovery  of  their  trick." 
That  the  princes  nevertheless  felt  themselves  bound 
in  conscience  is  sufficiently  explained,  psychologi- 
cally, by  their  reverence  for  the  oath  in  itself,  Lev. 
xix.  12.  Although  the  congregation  murmur,  the 
princes  abide  by  their  conviction  that  the  Gibeon- 
ites must  be  spared  on  account  of  the  oath.  This 
murmuring  was  directed  once  against  Moses  also, 
Ex.  xv.  24  ;  xvi.  2 ;  xvii.  3  ;  Num.  xiv.  2  ;  xxvii. 
36.  Murmuring  against  God  is  mentioned,  Judg. 
viii.  21.  Lam.  iii.  39,  is  a  classic  passage.  In  the 
N.  T.,  yoyyvfew,  yoyyvo-/i6s,  Mark  xiv.  5  ;  Luke 
v.  30  ;  John  vi.  41,  51. 

Ver.  20.  They  would  therefore  let  the  Gibeonites 

live.  On  nTliT),  comp.  Ewald,  Lehrg.  §  280,  a. 
[Ges.  §  131,  2,].  By  the  inf.  abs.,  much  the  same 
as  by  the  Lat.  gerund  in  -ndo,  or  by  our  part, 
pres.  act.,  is  more  definitely  expressed  what  they 
would  do  ;  Lev.  iii.  5  ;  1  Sam.  iii.  12. 

Ver.  21.  "  The  princes  repeat  with  emphasis 
that  they  shall  live.  Hence  the  Gibeonites  then 
became  wood-choppers  and  drawers  of  water  for 
the  congregation,  as  the  princes  had  spoken  to 
them.  That  is,  the  princes  had  made  this  proposi- 
tion together,  with  their  TTT  [ver.  20].  The  au- 
thor had  omitted  it  there  because  it  is  manifest 
from  the  historical  statement  in  the  second  mem- 
ber of  this  verse.     So  ch.  iii.  8  "  (Knobcl). 

Vers.  22,  23.  Joshua  communicates  to  the  Gib- 
eonites what  has  been  decided  upon.  There  shall 
QOt  fail  from  among  you  servants  and  wood- 
choppers  and  water-carriers,  i.  e.,  such  slaves  [•) 
explicative]  as  are  wood-choppers  and  water-car- 
■iera,  and  are,  therefore,  reckoned  among  the  lowest 
crass  of  the  people  (Deut.  xxix.  10,  11).  Together 
with  captives  taken  in  war  and  devoted  for  like 
purpo-'es  'o  the  sanctuary,  the-"  bore,  at  a  later 


period,  the  name  Q^O?  [Diet,  of  Bible,  art 
Xethinim],  Deo  dati,  donati,  1  Chron.  ix.  2  ;  Ez 
ii.  43,  70 ;  viii.  20 ;  Neh.  vii.  43,  46.  Saul  was  dis 
posed  to  exterminate  them,  as  is  implied  in  2  Sam. 
xxi.  1,  2,  and  David  sought  to  propitiate  them 
again  by  granting  their  blood-thirsty  request  (2 
Sam.  xxi.  6). 

Vers.  24, 25.  The  Gibeonites  plead  as  an  apology 
the  fear  which  they  felt  towards  the  Israelites,  and 
leave  their  fate  entirely  in  the  hand  of  Joshua. 

Vers.  26,  27.  Joshua  does  as  he  had  informed 
them,  according  to  verse  23.  And  delivered  them 
out  of  the  hand  of  the  sons  of  Israel.  Thes« 
would  certainly,  in  their  wavlike  zeal,  as  we  may 
infer  from  their  murmuring,  have  been  glad  to 
destroy  the  Gibeonites.  Superior  to  the  people 
stands  the  leader  here,  who  proceeds  in  the  spunt 
of  humanity,  and,  in  full  harmony  with  the  princes, 
gives  no  heed  to  the  murmuring  of  the  people. 

Ver.  27.  For  the  congregation  and  for  the  al- 
tar.    The  worshipping  congregation  is  meant,  the 

"rt   7Hp,  as  appears  plain,  partly  from  the  word 

HIS  ("*  flU,  Num.  xxvii.  17),  partly  from  the 
additional  qualification,  "  and  for  the  altar."  Pot 
profane  service  the  Gibeonites  could  not  be  em- 
ployed.    They  were  temple  slaves. 

In  the  place  which  He  (Jehovah)  should 
choose.  Keil  infers  from  these  words  that  the 
author  of  our  book  wrote  before  the  building  of 
Solomon's  temple,  because  in  his  time  God  could 
not  yet  have  chosen  a  fixed  and  permanent  place 
for  his  sanctuary.  Knobel  regards  them  as  "  an 
addition  by  the  careless  Deuteronomist,"  who  alone 
in  all  the  Pentateuch  had  used  this  expression 
(Deut.  xii.  5).  But  in  Ex.  xx.  24,  which  passage, 
even  according  to  Knobel,  certainly  does  not  belong 
to  the  Deuteronomist,  we  meet  with  a  related  ex- 
pression so  that  we  are  not  compelled  to  think  of 
"  an  addition  by  the  careless  Deuteronomist.''  Just 
as  little  necessary  is  it  to  suppose  that  the  whole 
arrangement  by  which  the  Gibeonites  were  obliged 
to  serve  as  wood-choppers  and  drawers  of  water 
for  the  congregation  was  first  made  in  later  times 
by  Solomon.  Reasons  :  ( 1 )  The  Gibeonites  are 
not  expressly  mentioned,  1  K.  ix.  20;  (2)  1  K.  ix. 

21,  has  reference  to  tributary  work  ("T?*  OQ), 
and  that,  as  the  context  shows,  for  architectural 
purposes,  but  not  to  servants  for  the  purposes  of 
worship.     To  such  tributary  services  did  Solomon 

appoint  (EyJT)  the  rest  of  the  population  (C3J 
~li"Tl2n)  of  the  Amorites,  Hittites,  Perrizites, 
Hivites,  and  Jebusites  ;  but  the  Israelites  he  made 
soldiers  (ver.  22).  Our  view  is,  accordingly,  that 
Joshua  did  certainly  appoint  the  Gibeonites  at 
once  to  the  lowest  service  at  the  sanctuary,  "  for 
congregation  and  altar,"  as  the  text  says,  especially 
as  this  service  might  already  be  performed  about 
the  tabernacle,  as  soon  as  this  had  an  assigned 
place. 

DOCTRINAL  AND  ETHICAL. 

1.  The  question  how  far  a  promissory  oath  is 
binding  on  him  who  has  given  it,  depends  very 
much  on  our  determination  of  the  conditions  under 
which  one  is  at  liberty  to  swear  at  all.  On  this 
Jer.  iv.  2  is  rightly  regarded  as  a  locus  classicus. 
According  to  this  passage  an  oath  may  be  given . 
(1)  ng&g,  (2)  C2tr»3.  (3)  np^Sa.  These 
three  conditions,  truth,  right,  and  justice,  are  that 
which  being  presupposed  an  oath  may  be  taken 


CHAPTER   IX.     3-27. 


91 


They  are,  as  Jerome  long  ago  called  them,  and  as 
the  canonical  law  recognizes  them,  the  comites 
jura  nejiti,  namely,  Veritas  in  mente,  judicium  in 
jurante,  justitia  in  objecto.  If  then,  as  in  the  case 
with  the  Gibeonites,  the  justitia  in  objecto  is  absent, 
the  oath  need  not  be  observed  ;  and  so  in  all  cases, 
when  "  the  thorough  knowledge  of  the  subject"  is 
wanting  to  the  swearer  without  his  fault.  Com- 
pletely so  when  this  subject  matter  of  the  promis- 
sory oath  is  something  directly  unallowable,  in 
clear  opposition  to  the  law  of  God,  which,  never- 
theless, one  has  hastily,  without  rightly  under- 
standing it,  sworn  to  do,  as  was  true  of  Jephtha 
(Judg.  x.  30,  31 )  and  Herod  (Matt.  xiv.  9).  Only, 
in  that  case,  some  expiation  must  be  made,  accord- 
ing to  the  principle  laid  down,  Lev.  v.  4-6,  which, 
if  a  man,  e.  g.  has  taken  an  oath  of  office,  and  this 
office  he  cannot  discharge,  might  consist  in  his 
resignation  of  the  office,  and  in  the  case  of  a  king, 
in  his  abdication.  Christian  ethics,  especially  that 
of  the  evangelical  church,  cannot  be  too  earnest  on 
this  doctrine  of  the  obligation  of  an  oath,  since 
mental  reservations  are  so  easily  allowed  which 
threaten  truth,  right,  and  justice.  Very  beauti- 
fully, on  this  point,  Nitzsch  says  (System  of  Chris- 
tian Doctrine,  §  207)  :  "  Better,  indeed,  if  the  Chris- 
tian state  had  done  away  with  the  word  oath,  opxos, 
and  the  like,  together  with  the  whole  train  of  heath- 
enly-religious  presuppositions  which  are  connected 
with  them.  We  might  and  should  speak  of  God's 
witness,  appeal  to  God,  worship  in  court,  duty  to  God, 
etc.  The  form  of  the  oath  of  this  kind  would  have 
far  less  difficulty.  Much  more  would  depend  on 
performing  the  whole  service  in  a  truly  religious 
way,  according  to  place  and  time,  and  on  limiting, 
in  conformity  with  this,  the  requisition  and  per- 
mission, and  on  giving  due  heed  to  what  Christian 
morals  and  policy  might  have  to  advise  further." 

On  the  conditions  of  a  right,  that  is,  Christianly- 
pious  offering  and  performance  of  an  oath,  Harless 
observes  ( Christian  Ethics,  §  39,  b) :  "  The  first  con- 
dition is,  that  the  oath  should  be  rendered  only  by 

virtue  of  a  right  demand  for  it "The 

second  condition  is,  that  the  swearer  be  in  truth  a 
confessor,  i.  e.  that  his  oath  be  the  expression  of  a 
believing  hope  truly  dwelling  in  him.  The  third 
condition  is,  that  the  engagement  into  which  he 
enters  under  his  professing  oath  should  be  such 
that  the  God  Himself  whom  the  swearer  acknowl- 
edges may  acknowledge  it.  For  the  oath's  sake  to 
fulfill  engagements  displeasing  to  God  is  wickedly 
to  carry  to  conpletion  that  which  has  been  wickedly 
begun,  to  add  a  second  sin  to  the  first.  Not  to  ful- 
fill what  has  been  sworn  is  in  such  cases,  not  the 
violation  of  an  oath  pleasing  to  God,  but  the  peni- 
tent recall  of  a  God-offending  oath."  Worthy  of 
consideration  further  are  the  richly  instructive  ar- 
ticles in  Herzog's  Realencyk.  (iii.  713 ff.)  on  "the 
Oath  among  the  Hebrews  "  by  Ruetschi,  and  on 
"  the  Oath  "  by  C.  F.  Gdschel. 

-'.  The  sanctity  of  the  oath  stood  very  high  with 
the  ancient  Israelites,  so  that,  as  this  narrative 
shows,  they  would  rather  tn  dubic,  hold  fast  to 
their  oath  even  when  they  might  jastly  have  re- 
leased themselves  from  it.  As  the  name  of  God 
was  to  them  thrice  holy  (Is.  vi.  3  ;  Ps.  cxi.  9),  so 
also  was  the  solemn  appeal  to  this  name  whether  in 
a  promise  or  an  assertion  With  this  is  connected 
the  fact  that  the  administration  of  oaths  before  the 
;ourt  was  restricted  to  a  few  cases  (Ex.  xxii.  6  ff. 
11  ;  Lev.  v.  23,  25;  Num.  v.  19  ff.)  For  that 
6tate  of  things  ought  modern  legislation  also  to 
strive,  and  upon  that  ought  Christian  ethics  to  in- 
list.      Yet  in  North  America,  otherwise  so  puritan- 


ically disposed,  what  sport  is  made  with  the  oath, 
while  in  the  territory  of  the  Zwinglian  church  in 
Switzerland,  the  oath  scarcely  occurs  any  more 
before  the  courts. 

3.  Priests  and  prophets  are  called  the  mouth  of 
Jehovah,  and  rightly,  because  he  speaks  through 
them  when  they  have  been  enlightened  by  Him. 
This  illumination,  however,  ought  not  to  be 
thought  of  as  in  any  way  a  mechanical  process,  but 
is  rather  to  be  regarded  always  as  in  the  closest 
connection  with  the  entire  personal  life,  and  official 
position  of  the  individual  bearer  of  the  divine  rev- 
elation. Even  in  the  handling  of  the  Urini  ane" 
Thummim,  this  also  must  be  taken  into  account 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

As  once  the  Canaanites  against  Israel,  so  still 
and  ever  the  foes  of  God  gather  themselves  together 
to  fight  against  Him  and  his  church.  —  The  trick 
of  the  Gibeonites  (1 )  shrewdly  thought  out,  (2)  cun- 
ningly carried  out,  but  (3)  detected  and  punished. 

—  There  is  no  thread  so  finely  spun,  but  comes  at 
last  before  the  sun. —  Lying  and  deceit  bring  no  bles- 
sing. —  Humble  words  alone  do  not  accomplish  it, 
they  must  also  be  true.  —  The  glory  of  God  among 
the  heathen. —  Do  nothing  without  asking  God. — 
If  we  ask  the  Lord,  He  gives  us  also  an  answer ;  if 
we  neglect  it  we  have  to  bear  the  hurt  ourselves.  — 
How  necessary  it  is  for  us  to  ascertain  accurately 
the  state  of  the  case  before  we  bind  ourselves  by  an 
oath,  lest  we  afterwards  be  troubled  in  conscience 

—  shown  in  the  case  of  the  princes  of  Israel.  — 
The  firmness  of  the  princes  against  the  murmur- 
ing of  the  congregation.  —  The  judgment  upon  the 
Gibeonites:  (1)  the  hearing;  (2)  the  sentence. — 
Man  fears  for  nothing  more  than  his  life,  and  yet  this 
life  is  only  a  temporal  good.  —  Joshua's  beautiful 
humaneness. — Better  to  be  wood-choppers  and 
water-carriers  for  the  altar  of  the  Lord  than  to  have 
no  part  therein,  as  the  Gibeonites  had  well  deserved 
by  their  treacherous  scheme. 

Starke  :  It  is  no  new  thing  for  the  mighty  of 
the  world  to  bind  themselves  together  against  God 
and  his  gospel,  Ps.  ii.  2.  But  rage  ye  peoples,  and 
be  confounded  ;  and  give  ear  all  ye  of  far  countries  ; 
arm  yourselves  and  be  confounded ;  take  counsel 
together  and  it  shall  come  to  nought ;  speak  a 
word  and  it  shall  not  stand,  for  God  is  with  us,  Is. 
vii.  9,  10.  —  No  man  should  lie;  straightforward 
truth  gives  the  best  security,  Eph.  iv.  25.  —  God's 
wonders  and  works  are  not  hidden  even  from  the 
heathen ;  how  then  shall  they  excuse  themselves 
in  that  day  ?  Rom.  i.  19,  20.  — For  the  preserva- 
tion of  mortal  life  men  may  well  give  themselves  a 
deal  of  trouble,  but  where  lies  the  care  for  the  soul's 
welfare?  Matt  xvi.  25,26.  —  He  who  always  takes 
counsel  of  God  in  prayer  will  not  easily  be  deceived. 

—  It  is  a  bad  case  when  one,  on  account  of  lying 
and  deceit,  must  blush  and  turn  pale ;  let  every 
man,  therefore,  strive  after  uprightness  and  honesty. 

Cramer  :  Gad  must  have  wood-choppers  also 
and  water-carriers  in  his  congregation,  and  He  gives 
to  everv  one  gifts  according  to  his  portion,  1  ('or. 
xii.  27." 

Hedinger  :  It  is  thoughtless  stupidity  in  a  man, 
if  he  will  not  take  warning  but  runs  also  into  the 
judgment  where  he  sees  that  others  have  gone  te 
ruin.  —  Credulity  brings  us  into  trouble. 

Geri.ach  :  This  history  warns  the  congregation 
of  God  at  all  times  of  the  craft  and  disguises  of  the 
world,  which  often,  when  it  would  bean  advantage 
to  it,  seeks  recognition  and  admission  into  the  king- 
dom of  God 


92  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


3.   The  great  Victory  at  Gibeon  over  the  five  allied  Canaanite  Kings. 
Chapter  X.     1-27. 

a.  Investment  of  Gibeon  by  the  fire  allied  Kings. 
Chapter  X.  1-5. 

1  Now  [And]  it  came  to  pass,  when  Adoni-zedek  king  of  Jerusalem  had  [omit : 
had]  heard  how  Joshua  had  taken  Ai,  and  had  utterly  destroyed  [devoted]  it ;  as  he 
had  done  to  Jericho  and  her  king,  so  had  he  done  to  Ai  and  her  king  ;  and  how  the 

2  inhabitants  of  Gibeon  had  made  peace  with  Israel,  and  were  among  them  ;  that  they 
feared  greatly,  because  Gibeon  was  a  great  city,  as  one  of  the  royal  cities  [prop, 
one  of  the  cities  of  the  kingdom],  and  because  it  tvas  greater  than  Ai,  and  all  the 

3  men  thereof  ivere  mighty.  Wherefore  [And]  Adoni-zedek  king  of  Jerusalem  sent 
unto  Hoham  king  of  Hebron,  and  unto  Piram  king  of  Jarmuth,  and  unto  Japhia 

4  king  of  Lachish,  and  unto  Debir  king  of  Eglon,  saying,  Come  up  unto  me,  and 
help  me,  that  we  may  smite  Gibeon :  for  it  hath  made  peace  with  Joshua  and  with 

5  the  children  of  Israel.  Therefore,  [And]  the  [omit :  the]  five  kings  of  the  Amo- 
rites, the  king  of  Jerusalem,  the  kins  of  Hebron,  the  king  of  Jarmuth,  the  king  of 
Lachish,  the  king  of  Eglon,  gathered  themselves  together  and  went  up,  they  and 
all  their  hosts  [camps],  and  encamped  before  Gibeon,  and  made  war  against  it. 

b.  Slaughter  at  Gibeon. 
Chapter   X.   6-15. 

6  And  the  men  of  Gibeon  sent  unto  Joshua  to  the  camp  to  Gilgal,  saying,  Slack  not 
thy  hand  [hands]  from  thy  servants  ;  come  up  to  us  quickly,  and  save  us,  and  help 
us  :  for  all  the  kings  of  the  Amorites  that  dwell  in  the  mountains  are  gathered  to- 

7  gether  against  us.   So  [And]  Joshua  ascended  from  Gilgal,  he  and  all  the  people  of 

8  war  with  him,  and  all  the  mighty  men  of  valour  [strong  heroes].  And  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah] said  unto  Joshua,  Fear  them  not :  for  I  have  delivered  [given]  them  into  thine 

9  hand  ;  there  shall  not  a  man  of  them  stand  before  thee.     Joshua  therefore  [And 

10  Joshua]  came  upon  them  suddenly,  [:]  and  went  [he  went  up]  from  Gilgal  all  night. 
And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  discomfited  [Bunsen  :  brought  into  confusion  ;  Knobel : 
scattered  ;  Fay,  De  Wette,  Zunz  :  confused]  them  before  Israel,  and  slew  them  with  a 
great  slaughter  [De  Wette :  effected  a  great  overthrow  among  them  ;  Fay,  literally  : 
smote  them  with  a  great  stroke]  at  Gibeon,  and  chased  them  along  the  way  that 
goeth  up  to  [the  way  of  the  ascent  of]  Beth-horon,1  and  smote  them  to  Azekah,  and 

11  unto  Makkedah.  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  they  fled  from  before  Israel,  and  were  in 
the  going  down  to  [on  the  descent  from]  Beth-horon,  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  cast 
down  great  stones  from  heaven  upon  them  unto  Azekah,  and  they  died :  they  were 
more  which  died  with  [the]  hail-stones  than  they  whom  the  children  of  Israel  slew 
with  the  sword. 

12  Then  spake  Joshua  to  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  in  the  day  when  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
delivered  up  the  Amorites  before  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel,  and  he  said  in  the 
sight  of  Israel : 

Sun,  stand  thou  [omit :  thou]  still  on  Gibeon, 

And  thou  [omit :  thou],  Moon,  in  the  valley  of  Ajalon ! 

13  And  the  sun  stood  still, 
And  the  moon  stayed, 

Until  the  people  [nation]  had  avenged  themselves  upon  their  enemies. 

Is  not  this  written  in   the  book  of  Jasher   [Fay :  the  upright  (Rechtschaffenen) 
Luther  :  pious  ;  De  Wette  :  just  [Redlichen]  ?  So  [And]  the  sun  stood  still  in  the 

14  midst  of  heaven,  and  hasted  not  to  go  down  about  a  whole  day.  And  there  was  no 
day  like  that   before  it  or  [and]  after  it,  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hearkened  unto 

15  the  voice  of  a  man  ;  for  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  fought  for  Israel.  And  Joshua  re- 
turned, and  all  Israel  with  him,  unto  the  camp  to  Gilgal. 


CHAPTER  X.   16-27. 


93 


TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

p  Ver.  11.  —  This  sentence  is  properly  parenthetical  :  As  they  fled  betore  Israel  (they  were  on  the  descent  from  Belli. 
no?on)  that  Jehovah,  etc.  —  Tr.] 

c.  Flight  and  Destruction  of  the  five  Kings. 
Chapter  X.     16-27. 

16  But  [And]  these  five  kings  tied  and  hid  themselves  in  a  [the]  cave  at  Makke- 

17  dah.     And  it  was  told  Joshua,  saying :  The  five  kings  are  found  hid  in  a  [the]  cave 

18  at   Makkedah.    And  Joshua  said,  Roll  great  stones  upon  the  mouth  of  the  cave, 

19  and  set  men  by  it  for  [omit :  for]  to  keep  them  :  And  stay  ye  not,  but  [omit :  but"^ 
pursue  after  your  enemies,  and  smite  the  hindmost  of  them  ;  suffer  them  not  to 
enter  into  their  cities  ;  for  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  hath  delivered  [given] 
them  into  your  hand. 

20  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Joshua  and  the  children  of  Israel  had  made  an  end 
of  slaying  [smiting]  them  with  a  very  great  slaughter  [stroke],  till  they  were  con 
sumed,  that  the  rest  which  remained  of  them  entered  [Fay  :  but  those  that  re- 

21  mained  of  them  escaped  and  came]  into  [the]  fenced  [fortified]  cities.  [,]  And  [that x] 
all  the  people  returned  to  the  camp  to  Joshua  at  Makkedah  in   peace :  none  moved 

22  [Fay,  properly  :  pointed]  his  tongue  against  any  of  the  children  of  Israel.  Then 
said  Joshua,  Open  the  mouth  of  the  cave,  and  bring  out  those  five  kings  unto  me 

23  out  of  the  cave.  And  they  did  so,  and  brought  forth  those  five  kings  unto  him  out 
of  the  cave,  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  the  king  of  Hebron,  the  king  of  Jarmuth.  the 

24  king  of  Lachish,  and  [omit :  and]  the  king  of  Eglon.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when 
they  brought  out  those  kings  unto  Joshua,  that  Joshua  called  for  all  the  men  of  Is- 
rael, and  said  unto  the  captains  [Z^r^r?,  leaders]  of  the  men  of  war  which  went 
with  him,    Come   near,  put  your  feet  upon  the  necks  of  these  kings.     And  they 

25  came  near  and  put  their  feet  upon  the  necks  of  them.  And  Joshua  said  to  them, 
Fear  not,  nor  be  dismayed,  be  strong,  and  of  good  courage  [firm,  ch.  i.  G],  for  thus 

26  shall  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  do  to  all  your  enemies  against  whom  ye  fight.  And  after- 
ward Joshua  smote  them,  and  slew  them,  and  hanged  them  on  five  trees  :  and  they 

27  were  hanging  upon  the  trees  until  the  evening.  And  it  came  to  pass  at  the  time 
of  the  going  down  of  the  sun,  that  Joshua  commanded,  and  they  took  them  down 
off  the  trees,  and  cast  them  into  the  cave  wherein  they  had  been  hid,  and  laid  great 
stones  in  the  cave's  mouth,  which  remain  [omit  :  which  remain]  until  this  very 
day. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

[i  Verses  20  and  21  might  well  be  translated  and  connected  thus  :  And  it  came  to  pass  when  ....  till  they  were 
sonsumed,  and  those  that  had  escaped  of  them  had  fled,  and  were  come  into  the  fortified  cities,  that  all  the  people 
returned,  etc.  —  Tr.] 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

The  abandonment  by  Gibeon  of  the  common  cause 
leads  Adoni-zedek,  king  of  Jerusalem,  beyond  doubt 
the  most  powerful  of  the  Canaanite  king's  in  South- 
ern Palestine,  tr  call  upon  the  kings  of  Hebron,  La- 
chish, Jarmuth,  and  Eglon,  to  chastise  the  apostate 
city.  With  this  demand  the  princes  named  yielded 
compliance  (ver.  1—5).  But  Joshua,  being  sum- 
moned by  the  Gibconites  to  their  assistance,  hastens 
to  aid  his  threatened  allies,  defeats  the  Canaanite 
kings  in  the  famous  battle  at  Gibeon,  ever  mem- 
orable on  account  of  the  much  disputed  standing 
still  of  the  sun  (vers.  6-15),  and  pursues  and  slays 
the  confederates  (vers.  66-27). 

a.   Investment  of  Gibeon  by  the  Jive  allied  Kings 

(vers.  1-5),— ver.  1.  PT2",3"'S*  =  Lord  of  right- 
eousness. Better  known  than  this  Adoni-zedek  is 
"'T£">3  '5?  =  King  of  righteousness  ( Gen.  xiv.  1 8  ; 
Ps.  ex  4;  Heb.  v.  6-10;  vi.  20;  vii.  1,10  and 
)ften).  who  was  likewise  king  of  Salem  I  Jerusalem). 


I?1???!!"!;  also  Dlbtt^T  (the  latter  form  here 
and  there  in  Chronicles,  e.  7.,  1  Chron.  iii.  5,  also 
on  the  coins  of  the  Maccabsean  age,  while  others 
have  also  the  defective  form,  Gesen.).  abbreviated, 

-!?&'  (Gen.  xiv.  18;  Ps.  Lxxvi.  3),  from  which  it 

is  evident  that  the  proper  pointing  is  DvtOTI^,  .a 

further,  the  Aram.  DbttW""!?,  Ezra  iv.  20,  24;  v.  1, 

and  cHpT;  Ezra  v.  14  ;  vi.  9,  go  to  show.  The 
Keri  perpetuum  —  ,  which  is  a  dual  form,  is  ex- 
plained (Fiirst)  as  having  arisen  with  reference  to 
the  double  city  (upper  and  lower),  or,  without  re- 
spect to  that,  from  the  fact  that  the  later  Hebrews 

understood  Cn  to  be  an  old  dual  form  (still  ap- 
pearing in  C^E?,  E^ti'  and  the  nom.  prop 
C\32,  ERt£),  and  had  substituted  for  it  the  cu» 
tomary  ~1— 


94 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


The  etymology  is  doubtful.  Gesenius  maintains 
the  interpretation,  supported  by  the  translation  of 

Saadjas :  dwelling  of  peace.      On  this  view,  T>. 

would  be  from  iTV  =  dwelling  or  foundation,  and 

D7SZ7  =  2V7H7,  which  is  favored  by  the  Greek 
mode  of  writing  Soav/m  (Josephus,  Ant.  i.  10,  12; 
Pans.  8.  Hi,  3)  and  the  Latin,  Solyma  (Mart.  10, 
65,  5).     Ewald  holds  the  first  part  of  the  word  to 

be  an  abbreviation  of  HTTP  =  possession,  and  ex- 
plains, possession  of  Shalem."  Hitzig  (on  Is.  p.  1 ,  ff.) 
goes  back  to  niJJrP  =  possession,  district,  "  dis- 
trict or  possession  of  Salem.''  More  recently  he 
holds,  on  Ps.  lxxvi.  3,  that  a7H$T"T'  should  properly 
have  been  written  a?^?^!:H',.  which  he  translates 
(History  of  the  People  of  Israel]  i.  140)  by  :  "  Fear  ye 
God  uiid'ividedly."  Here  it  is  to  be  further  ob- 
served that  according  to  Hitzig's  views  E?H\  in 
the  southern  Arabic  =  a  stone,  was,  with  the  Amo- 
rite  D^,  the  old  Canaanite  name  of  the  city  [Je- 
busalem],"  which  David  changed  into  Jerusalem, 
while  Hitzig  adds  that  the  city  was  earlier  called 
Salem  (?). 

Fiirst  decides  for  the  old  etymology,  appealing 
also  to  Saadjas  on  Is.  xliv.  28  ;  li.  17  ;  lx.  1 ;  lxii.  1, 
6,  taking  obtD,  however,  =  DibHJ,  as  an  epithet 
of  the  most  high  God,  as  in  DT^SfcJ.  Thus 
3bH7VP  would  be  equal  to  bSTP,  2Chr.xx.16, 
meaning  "foundation  (or  place,  dwelling)  of  El," 
and  that  as  the  Peaceful.     It  is  striking  that  Furst 

interprets  Ebfij,  Gen.  xiv.  18  ;  Ps.  lxxvi.  3,  where 
it  stands  alone,  without  TP.  by  "  hilly  place,  sum- 
mit," from  a  supposed  stem  D/H7,  to  be  high.  But 
it  would  be  more  obvious  to  explain  it,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  meaning  given  to  EvH?  in  D/U?V1,I 
as  "  place  of  the  Peaceful,"  that  is,  of  God. 

"  The  later  Arabic  name  of  Jerusalem,  el-Kuds  or 
Beit  el-Mukaddas,  is  only  a  circumlocution   like 

BJ'jpnT'S  in  the  Hebrew  (Neh.  xi.  18)."  Fiirst. 
On  the  topography  of  Jerusalem  and  its  neighbor- 
hood, comp.  Dr.  E.  G.  Schultz,  Jerusalem  ;  W. 
Krart't,  The  Topography  of  Jerusalem :  Tobler,  Mem- 
oranda of  Jerusalem,  and,  Topography  of  Jerusalem 
and  its  Vicinity,  as  also  Menke's  Bible  Atlas,  map  v., 
where  on  very  carefully  drawn  side-maps  the  views 
of  Tobler,  Kiepert,  Ferguson,  Robinson,  Krafl't,  and 
Sepp,  concerning  the  plan  of  the  city,  are  delin- 
eated.1 

Ver.  2.  It  is  emphatically  mentioned  concern- 
ing Gibeon  that  it  was  a  great  city,  "  like  one  of 
the  cities  of  the  kingdom,"  that  is,  perhaps,  like  a 
city  in  which  a  king  dwelt,  like  a  "  royal  city." 

Ver.  3.  Hebron,  chaps,  x.  36  ;  xv.  54,  Jarmuth, 
ch.  xv.  35,  Lachish  and  Eglon,  ch.  xv.  39,  lie  in 
southern  Canaan. 

Ver.  4.  The  enterprise  is  not  directly  against 
Joshua,  but  against  Gibeon,  because  Gibeon  has 
made  peon  with  Joshua  and  the  children  of  Israel. 

Ver.  5.  The  four  kings  hear  the  summons,  and 
encamn  around  Gibeon.     The  names  of  the  kings 

J  [A  particularly  valuable  article  on  Jerusalem  will  be 
foun.l  in  Smith's  Dictionary  of  the  Bible.  On  the  topography 
the  additions  to  the  Am.  ed.  are  indispensable.  The  Recoven/ 
i.  .lenualem   see  Iutr.  p  37)  is  now  reprinted  in  N.  Y  .— Tr  j 


are  not  given  here  a  second  time,  but  the  names  of 
the  cities  over  which  they  ruled,  and  in  the  sam« 
order  as  in  ver.  3.  The  former  names,  however 
are  significant  throughout,  for  Hoham  is  probablj 
"  whom  Jehovah  drives,"  Piram  "  the  wild  ass  * 
(similar  designations  among  the  aborigines  of  N 
A.),  Japhia  "splendid,"  Debir  "the  writer,"  on 
which  the  Lexicons  may  be  consulted. 

b.  Battle  of  Gibeon,  vers.  6-15.  —  Ver.  6.  The 
Gibeonites  send  to  Joshua  at  Gilgal  and  implore 
help,  and  indeed,  as  the  form  of  their  expres- 
sion indicates,  immediate  help.  Observe  the  cli- 
max ;  slacken  not  thy  hands  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  16)  — 
come  up  to  us  quickly  —  and  save  us  -  -  and  help 
us.  A  very  similar  tone  is  adopted  by  the  perse- 
cuted Christian  congregation,  Acts  iv.  24-30,  es- 
pecially vers.  27-29. 

Kings  of  the  Amorites  —  a  common  designa- 
tion of  the  five  princes. 

Ver.  7.  Joshua  responds  to  the  appeal  and 
hastens  marching  all  night  long  to  reach  them 
(ver.  9),  and  that  with  a  select  portion  of  the  army 

—  VjiTJJ  ""liaa,  ch.  i.  14.  The  }  is  to  be  taken 
as  explicative,  as  Gen.  iii.  16;  comp.  also  Josh, 
xiv.  6. 

Ver.  8.  An  encouraging  address  from  Jeho- 
vah. 

Ver.  9.  A  more  particular  statement  of  what 
has  been  told  (ver.  7).  —  Suddenly  comes  he 
upon  them  because  he  has  marched  the  whole  night. 
In  the  morning  he  stands  before  them,  when  they 
believe  him  to  be  yet  at  his  head-quarters  on  the 
Jordan.  These  rapid  marches  illustrate  the  true 
energy  and  efficiency  of  great  military  commanders. 
This  is  perceived  also  in  modern  and  even  the 
most  recent  history.3 

Ver.  10.  "  Jehovah  scattered  (DlSTTl)  the 
enemy  before  Israel.  The  latter  smote  them  in  a 
great'  defeat  at  Gibeon  and  pursued  them  north- 
westward on  the  way  to  the  ascent  ( T2  nW.D) 
of  Beth-horon.  So  likewise  he  followed  them  in  a 
southwesterly  direction  and  smote  them  even  unto 
Azekah  and  Makkedah."  So  Knobel.  According 
to  his  view,  therefore,  the  whole  pursuit  occurred 
simultaneously,  towards  the  northwest  and  the 
southwest.  But  that  is  not  the  sense  of  vers.  10 
and  1 1  •  Kather  all  Israel  pursued  the  enemy  in  a 
northwesterly  direction  towards  the  pass  of  Beth- 
horon,  and  from  thence  through  the  pass  down 
into  the  plain,  where  probably  Azekah  and  Makke- 
dah lay.  By  what  means  Jehovah  discomfited 
the  enemy,  or  "  scattered  "  them,  as  Knobel  trans- 
lates, is  not  told  ;  for  the  hail  comes  later.  So  Je- 
hovah once  discomfited  the  Egyptians,  also,  Ex. 
xiv.  24  ;  and  xxiii.  27  the  promise  is  given  that 
God  will  always  do  so  with  the  foes  of  Israel.  In 
1  Sam.  vii.  10  we  are  told  of  a  tempest  which  Je- 
hovah brought  up  when,  at  Samuel's  prayer,  he 
caused  it  to  thunder  against  the  Philistines,  and 
then  it  is  said  :  CErP]  —  the  same  word  which  is 
used  here.  Probably  also  the  storm  came  on  during 
the  battle.  It  thundered  and  lightened.  Jehovah 
fought  for  his  people  out  of  the  clouds.  The  enemy 
trembled  and  lost  heart.  They  fled.  During  their 
Bight  the  storm  broke  upon  them  in  full  fury ;  hail- 
stones fell  on  them  and  of  such  size  that  more  died 
from  these  than  were  slain  by  the  sword  (ver.  11). 

2  [If  Sadowa  and  the  other  events  of  the  Austrian  cam- 
paign were  so  commemorated  by  the  author,  what  would  he 
have  said  of  the  progress  from  Weissenberg  to  Sedan,  and 
1'aris,  and in  1870.  —  Tr.) 


CHAPTER   X.    1-27. 


9S 


By  a  very  similar  mischance  the  Austrians  were 
avertaken  in  1859  at  the  battle  of  Solferino.  —  We 

hare  translated  f  5?!2  in  ver.  10  "  ascent"  and 
in  ver.  11,  "descent."1  It  means  both  alike,  as 
in  1  Mace.  iii.  16,  24,  both  stand  together  in 
reference  to  this  place  :  avafia.<ris  xal  KardPao-is  Baifl- 
ttiputv-  If  ''pass"  were  not  so  modern  it  would 
best  express  the  meaning  of  this  word.  This  Pass 
of  Beth-horon  is  still  very  rocky  and  rough  (Rob- 
inson, iii.  59-63),  and  leads  from  the  mountain 
down  into  the  western  plain,  whither  Joshua  pur- 
sued the  enemy  even  to  the  places  lying  there, 
Azekah  (ch.  xv,  35)  and  Makkedah  (ch.  xv.  41). 

Ver.  1 1 .  That  by  the  great  stones,  not  stones 
literally  as  rained  down  (Grotius,  Calmet,  Ilgen), 
but  hail-stones  are  to  be  understood,  appears  from 
the    second  half  of  the  verse,  "A  hail-storm  is 

meant,  in  relation  to  which  T^S  1?^  occurs  also 
Is.  xxx.  30;  comp.  Ez.  xiii.  11,  13.  Jehovah  in 
contending  with  his  enemies  employs  the  hail  also 
(Job  xxxviii.  23;  Is.  xxxit.  19)  as  he  did  e.  g.  in 
Egypt,  Ex.  ix.  19,  25  "  (Knobel). 

The  verses  which  now  follow,  12-15,  deserve  a 
particularly  careful  examination,  and  that  (1)  in 
reference  to  the  criticism  of  the  text;  (2)  as  regards 
their  contents.  As  to  the  former  it  is  obvious  that 
the  whole  passage,  ver.  12-15,  might  be  removed 
from  the  context  entirely,  without  in  the  least 
mutilating  the  narrative  ;  rather,  ver.  16  connects 
itself  with  ver.  1 1  as  its  proper  continuation.  It  is 
further  manifest  that  ver.  13  itself  refers  to  another 
writing  as  its  source,  and  that  the  same  author 
cannot  possibly  have  written  ver.  15  and  ver.  43. 
For,  according  to  ver.  15  Joshua  had  returned  im- 
mediately after  the  battle  at  Gibeon  into  the  camp 
at  Gilgal,  while  in  ver.  43  this  return  takes  place 
only  after  the  completed  conquest  of  southern 
Canaan. 

We  have  therefore  to  consider  here  an  inserted 
passage.  Knobel  calls  it  "  a  fragment  from  the 
first  document  of  the  Jehovist."  This  first  docu- 
ment of  the  Jehovist  is,  as  may  have  been  already 
perceived   from   the   Introd.    (§  2),   according   to 

Knobel's  view,  the  "^J^  ""'??  here  cited  —  the 
"Law-book"  as  he  calls  it,  —  composed  in  the 
Northern  kingdom.  From  this  first  document  the 
whole  episode  here  is  taken,  as  he  supposes,  except 
the  words,  "  is  it  not  written  in  the  Sepher 
Jaschar  ?  "  which  he  explains  as  an  addition  of  the 
Jehovist,  "  who  in  a  tiling  so  unheard  of  and  in- 
credible thought  himself  bound  to  quote  his  au- 
thority expressly."  As  we  have  not  been  able  to 
assent  to  this  view,  but  are  rather  obliged,  with  the 

whole  body  of  critics,  to  regard  this  ""*tf*i7  "'?'■?> 
mentioned  only  here  and  2  Sam.  i.  18,  as  a  poeti- 
cal book,  we  cannot  by  any  means  refer  the  whole 
passage  to  the  "  Book  of  the  Upright,"  but  only  a 
part  as  is  afterwards  shown.  In  this  assumption 
that  the  whole  passage,  with  the  exception  of  the 
formula  of  quotations,  is  taken  from  the  "Book  of 

1  [The  remark  which  follows  is  true  and  appropriate  con- 
ferniog  n|p3?D,  which,  however,  is  not  repeated  in  ver. 
11.     TT10    is  used  there.  —  Tb.1 

T  J 

2  [Might  we  not  add  aisl  ^TZ  ver.  13,  which  is  unusual 
for  C3?  in  reference  to  the  Hebrews  ?  —  Tb  1 

T  J 

S  [The  unhesitating  soohdence  of  our  author  in  this  con- 
clusion seems  hardly  borne  out  by  his  reasons.  The  cautious 
•  jilgment  of  lileek,  above  quoted,   seems   more  consistent 


the  Upright,"  there  agree  with  Knobel :  Hengsten 
berg  in  the  Evang.  Kirchen-Zeitung,  1832,  No.  88, 
ibid.  1868,  No.  48  ;  Havernick,  Einl.  ii.  1,  p.  50,  Keil, 
Comm.  p.  255  ff.  [Bill.  Comrn.  ii.  1,  76  ff.].  The 
latter  remarks,  at  the  end  of  his  exposition  :  "  The 
only  plausible  consideration  which  can  be  brought 
against  this  view,  and  which  has  been  adduced 
with  great  emphasis,  by  two  anonymous  writers  in 
the  hcang.  Kirchen-Zeitung,  1833,  No.  17,  p.  135  f., 
and  No.  25  f.  p.  197  f.  and  211  f.,  consists  in  this, 
that  the  formula  of  citation,  '  Is  not  this  written 
in  the  Book  of  the  Upright  ? '  stands  in  the  middle 
of  the  passage  quoted,  while  elsewhere  this  and 
similar  formulas  stand  either  at  the  beginning  of 
the  quotation,  as  Deut.  xxi.  14-27,  or  at  the  end  of 
it,  as  generally  in  the  books  of  Kings  and  Chroni- 
cles. But  from  both  cases  it  does  not  follow  that 
this  is  a  rule  without  exceptions."  Keil  labors  to 
prove  this,  quite  fruitlessly,  in  our  opinion ;  Heng- 
stenberg  also,  in  his  second  essay,  seeks  to  obviata 
the  striking  fact  that  the  citation  occurs  in  the  midst 
of  the  passage,  by  assuming  that  the  author  has  com- 
municated, out  of  the  Book  of  the  Upright,  two  lyr- 
ical fragments,  which  he  separates  from  each  other 
by  the  intervening  phrase  of  quotation  {ubi  sup. 
p.  580).  But,  granting  that  ver.  13  6-15,  together 
with  the  very  prosaic  conclusion,  "  and  Joshua  re- 
turned and  all  Israel  with  him,  unto  the  camp  to 
Gilgal,"  must  be  a  lyrical  fragment,  would  it  not 
then  have  been  more  natural  for  the  writer  to  re- 
peat the  formula  somewhat  in  this  manner :  Is 
not  this  also  written  in  the  Book  of  the  Upright  ? 
— -Bleek  has  left  the  question  unsettled,  saying, 
"  How  far  the  quotation  here  extends,  and  where 
the  historian  resumes,  is  not  quite  clear  "  (Introd. 
to  the  0.  T.  p.  349).  Kamphausen  on  the  con- 
trary (Stud,  und  Kritiken,  1863,  p.  866),  assumes 
that  the  author  of  ver.  12-15  was  a  historian  who 
names  expressly  the  source  from  which  he  draws, 
and  plainly  distinguishes,  the  lines  which  he  e.rtracts 
therefrom  from  his  own  prosaic  narrative.  Tc 
the  same  result  must  we  also  come,  and  for  the  fol- 
lowing reasons:  ( I. )_  The  fact  that  the  formulaof 
citation  here  occurs  in  the  midst  of  the  passage, 
constitutes  for  us  an  insuperable  objection  to  refer- 
ring the  whole  to  the  Book  of  the  Upright,  since 
everywhere  else,  such  formula  comes  in  either  at 
the  beginning  or  end  of  the  words  cited.  (2.)  The 
exclamation  which  is  put  in  the  mouth  of  Joshua, 
breathes  in  every  aspect  the  spiritof  Hebrew  poetry. 
It  is  sublime  in  its  import,  rythmical,  and  strictly 
observing  the  parallelism  in  its  form,  in  its  choice 

of  words  also  poetical  (notice  Di^T,  E^l  * ) ;  whiie 

afterwards  the  discretion  of  the  historian  manifestly 
comes  into  play,  since  he  mentions  only  the  sun ; 
lets  it  stand  in  the  midst  of  heaven,  then  continues 
with  the  observation  that  it  hasted  not  to  go  down 
almost  a  whole  day;  in  ver.  14  expounds  verbally  the 
poetical  language,  and  concludes,  finally,  with  a 
wholly  prosaic  notice. 

Verses  13  6-15,  accordingly,  do  not  belong  to  the 
Book  of  the  Upright.3    But  how  with  verse  12  a  1 

with  all  the  facts.  we  think  the  poetic  spirit  resounds 
through  the  whole  of  vers.  13  aod  14,  to  say  nothing  ol  the 
more  satisfactory  dogmatic  bearing  of  Hengstenberg's  view, 
to  be  noticed  hereafter. 

Stanley,  iu  his  very  interesting  presentation  of  the  great 
battle  of  Gibeon  {Jewish  Ctiurrh,  1st  series,  lect.  xi.).  givef 
this  whole  section  poetically  arranged,  as  follows.  It  will 
be  seen  that  here  again  he  blends  the  LXX.  and  the  Hebrev 
text  too  much  as  if  they  were  of  like  authority :  — 
"  Then  spake  Joshua  unto  Jehovah, 
In  the  day  '  that  God  gave  up  the  Ar  orite 


9ii 


THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


It  is  possible  that  these  words  may  have  formed  the 
histo.ical  introduction  in  that  Book  of  Heroes,  to 
Joshua's  exclamation,  as  Ex.  xv.  1,  "Then  sang 
Moses,"  etc.,  but  it  is  also  possible  that  they  belong 
to  the  same  author  as  vers.  13  fc-15,  from  whom 
other  sections  likewise  wrought  into  the  body  of 
the  history  may  have  been  derived.  On  this  see 
the  Introduction. 

Having  dealt  with  the  criticism  of  the  text,  we 
proceed  (2)  to  a  consideration  of  the  meaning  of 
the  passage,  which  especially  needs  to  be  exeget- 

ically  settled.  Ver.  12,  TS,  pointedly  "  at  that 
time,"  as  Gen.xii.  6,  Josh.  xiv.  11,  in  contrast  with 

™?2;   I.XX.  t6t(,  Vulg.  tunc.    This  TS  is  more 

closely  defined  by  "lTI  HFI  CV?,  "in  the  day 
when  Jehovah  delivered  up,"  etc.  The  battle  at 
Gibeon  is  intended.  The  promise,  Deut.  i.  7,  8,  is 
to  be  remembered.  On  this  day,  Joshua  spake  to 
Jehovah,  ....  and  he  said  in  the  sight 
of  Israel.  We  should  have  expected  rather,  "  in 
the  ears  of  Israel."  The  same  kind  of  expression 
is  used  in  Num.  xx.  8,  in  a  passage  which  prob- 
ably has  the  same  author  as  ours,  and  in  Deut. 

xxxi.  7.  Quite  correctly  2  ,3>i?7  is  used,  Gen. 
xxiii.  11,  18;  Ex.  iv.  30.  Here  it  is  to  be  taken 
=  coram,  as  the  Vulgate  translates,  correctly  as 
to   the  sense.     Then   follows  what  Joshua   said. 

tPt?tt?,  as  also  n^,  is  without  the  article,  accord- 
ing to  the  usage  of  poetry,  as  Job  xvi.  18,  y"~^ 
(0  earth),  while  in  prose  the  article  in  this  case  is 
more  common  to  distinguish  the  noun  in   some 

manner  (Ewald,  Lehrg.  §  327).     Oi^i  Imp.  Kal 

from  CQTJi  prop.,  to  be  dumb  with  astonishment, 
then  to  be  silent,  then  to  rest,  to  be  quiet,  to  keep 
still,  as  one  who  is  silent  does.  So  Ps.  iv.  5 ;  1 
Sam.    xiv.   9;   Job  xxxi.  34;    Lam.  ii.   18;   Job 

xxx.  27.  Knobel  remarks  also  that  tP^OUi 
Gen.  xxxiv.  5 ;  Ex.  xiv.  14,  is  used  in  the  same 
way  of  rest,  inactivity.  "  Sun,  stand  still  on  Gib- 
eon,"  is  accordingly, = keep  thyself  quiet  and  inac- 
tive, stand  still.     Keil  indeed  will  not  grant  this, 

but  translates  E??1  here  and  1  Sam.  xiv.  9,  by 
"  wait."  But  both  here  and  there  "TO3?  stands  im- 
mediately parallel  to  C?|,  and  11237  means  un- 
questionably to  stand,  stand  still,  remain  standing, 
for  which  1  Sam.  xx.  38  may  be  superfluously  com- 
pared. Besides,  how  can  the  sun  wait,  without 
standing  still.  It  is  better,  therefore,  to  translate 
poetically,  with  force  and  boldness,  "stand  still," 
than  tamely  "  Sun,  wait  at  Gibeon  and  moon  in 
the  Valley  of  Ajalon."  So  also  the  LXX.,  2ttjto> 
6  tJAios  kclto.  ra^eou/,  Kai  7}  fft)\T}vn  Kara  tpapayya 
AtAu'i-:  and  the  Vulgate:  "Sol  contra  Gabaon  ne 
movearis  et  lima  contra  vallem  Ajalon!"  Quite 
erroneous  is  the  attempt  of  Dr.  Barzilai  in  the  bro- 
chure, Un  Errore  di  Trente  Secoli  (Trieste,  1868), 

to  translate  the  Cl^T  Il'SU?  by  "  Sun,  be  silent, 
cease   to  shine ! "  by  which  an  eclipse  of  the  sun 

[nto  the  hund  of  Israel,'  (LXX.) 
IVhen  he  discomfited  them  in  Gibeon, 

And  they  were  discomfited  before  the  face  of  Israel,'  (LXX.)" 
And  Joshua  Raid  :  — 

'  f  Be  thou  still,  0  eun,  upon  Gibeon, 

And  thou  moon  upon  the  Valley  of  Ajalon.' 
And  the  sun  was  still, 
And  the  moon  stood* 


would  be  made  out  of  his  standing  still.  Ziickler, 
in  a  treatise  (Beweis  des  Glaulens,  iv.  p.  2501,  re 
marks  on  this  :  "  The  untenableness  of  this  expla- 
nation appears  not  only  from  the  tact  that  ~  -1. 

'to  be  silent'  (as  well  as  its  synonym  tT*nnn, 
in  Gen.  xxxiv.  5  ;  Ex.  xiv.  14),  according  to  1  Sam. 
xiv.  9,  may  very  well  signify  in  general,  the  hold- 
ing in,  or  ceasing  from  any  activity,  and  partic- 
ularly resting  from  any  movement,  the  holding 
still  or  standing  of  a  moving  body  (comp.  also  Ps. 
iv.  5;  Job  xxxi.  34;  Lam.  ii.  IS),  while  its  appli- 
cation to  the  self-concealment  of  a  luminous  body, 
can  be  supported  by  no  example,  —  but  further- 
more also  from  the  connection  with  what  follows. 
This,  as  definitely  as  is  possible,  presents  the  actual 
standing  still  of  the  sun,  as  the  result  of  the  might; 
injunction  of  Joshua,  the  believing  warrior." 

The  Valley  of  Ajalon  lies  to  the  west  of  Gibeon. 
Knobel  says  on  this,  at  ch.  xix.  42  :  "  Ajalon,  in 
whose  vale  Joshua  bade  the  moon  stand  -till  (x. 
12),  allotted  to  the  Levites  (xxi.  24  :  1  Chron.  vi. 
54),  often  mentioned  in  the  wars  with  the  Philis- 
tines (1  Sam.  xiv.  31  ;  1  Chron.  viii.  13),  fortified 
by  Kehoboam  (2  Chron.  xi.  10),  taken  from  Ahaz 
by  the  Philistines  (2  Chron.  xxviii.  18),  lying,  ac- 
cording to  the  Onom.,  s.  v.  "  Ajalon,"  two  miles  eas: 
of  Nicopolis;  at  the  present  day,  a  village  Jalu 
Jalo,  in  a  fertile  region  on  the  north  side  of  £, 
mountain  ridge,  from  which  one  overlooks  the 
beautiful  and  wide  basin  Merdj  Ilm  Omeir  stretch 
ing  away  to  the  north.  Rob.  iii.  63,  tJ4  ;  Later  Blbl 
Res.  145,  Tobler,  Dritte  Wanderung,  p.  188  f."  To 
this  position  of  Ajalon,  westward  frorn  Gibeon, 
where  Joshua  joined  battle  with  the  Amorites,  the 
place  of  the  moon  suits  well.  It  stood  in  the  west, 
near  its  setting,  over  Ajalon,  and  was  still  visible 
although  the  sun  was  shining.  Let  the  two  heav- 
enly bodies  stand  where  they  stood  and  there 
would  continue  to  be  day  ;  and  if  there  continued 
to  be  day  there  would  still  be  a  possibility  of  com- 
pletely destroying  the  foe.  And  that  was  precisely 
Joshua's  wish,  that  they  might  stand  where  they 
stood  in  order  that  he  might  annihilate  the  enemy. 
Hengstenberg  (ubi  sup.  p. 558)  will  not  allow  this, 
but  explains  that  the  "  simultaneous  appearance  of 
the  sun  and  moon  "  was  "  something  entirely  un- 
usual, which  ought  not  to  be  so  readily  taken  for 
natural."  This  joint  apparition,  however,  is  not 
very  unusual ;  on  the  contrary  it  may  be  witnessed 
in  a  clear  sky  at  any  time,  during  the  moon's  first 
quarter,  in  the  afternoon,  and  during  the  last  quar- 
ter, in  the  forenoon  :  and  indeed,  from  what  is 
kindly  communicated  to  me  by  the  astronomer 
Mridl'er,  it  may  be  seen,  in  the  much  clearer  south- 
ern heavens,  early  in  the  afternoon,  during  the 
moon's  first  quarter,  and  until  late  in  the  forenoon 
during  her  third. 

Knobel,  for  his  part,  supposes  that  "  the  sepa- 
rate mention  of  the  sun  and  moon  on  Gibeon  and 
Ajalon  has,  in  the  poetical  parallelism,  as  e.  g.  in 
Hos.  v.  8;  Am.i.  5  ;  Mich,  iii-  12  ;  Zech.  ix.  10,  17, 
no  significance."  That,  however,  is  questionable, 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  assignment  of  the  two 
heavenly  bodies  to  their  respective  positions  suit* 
Until  '  the  nation '  (or,  LXX.,  until  God)  had  avenged  them 

upon  their  enemies. 
And  the  sun  stood  in  f  the  very  midst '  of  the  beaveni, 
And  hasted  not  to  go  down  for  a  whole  day. 
And  there  was  no  day  like  that  before  it  or  after  it, 
That  Jehovah  heard  the  voice  of  a  man, 
For  Jehovah  fought  for  Israel. 
And  Joshua  returned,  and  all  Israel  with  him,  unto  thi 

camp  in  Gilgal."  —  Te.) 


CHAPTER  X.    1-27. 


so  perfectly  to  the  place  of  Joshua,  ami  the  more 
so  because  it  is  to  us  very  doubtful  whether  the 
names  in  Hos.  v.  8,  Am.  i.  5,  Zech.  ix.  10,  are  con- 
nected merely  for  the  sake  of  the  parallelism,  which 
we  admit  only  as  to  Mie.  iii.  12.  But  if  the  sun 
and  moon  simultaneously  stood  still  in  the  heavens, 
;md  su  that  the  sun  rested  over  Gibeon  east  of  the 
Held  of  battle,  and  the  moon  over  Ajalon  in  the 
west,  the  battle  must  have  heen  going  on  in  the 
morning,  and  Joshua  have  uttered  his  invocation 
it  this  time,  perhaps  toward  midday.  So  it  is  un- 
derstood also  by  Keil,  Knobel,  and  Zockler,  who 
writes  (ubi  sup.) :  "  The  mention  of  the  moon  with 
the  sun  in  ver.  13  is  to  be  explained  simply  from 
the  circumstance  that  it  also  was  yet  visible  in  the 
sky,  and  that  the  prayer,  directed  toward  a  prolong- 
ation of  the  dag,  could  only  be  fully  expressed,  pos- 
itively as  well  as  negatively,  if  it  at  the  same  time 
called  for  the  delay  of  the  night,  or,  which  i-  the 
same  thing,  a  standing  still  of  the  planet  which 
governed  the  night  (Gen.  i.  16)." 

Gibeon  and  Ajalon  are  named  as  stations  of  the 
sun  and  moon,  because  Joshua  when  he  engaged 
in  the  battle  was  probably  west  of  Gibeon,  in  a 
place  from  which  he  saw  the  sun  shining  in  the 
east  over  that  city,  and  the  moon  in  the  far  west 
over  Ajalon. 

As  the  probable  hour  of  the  conflict  we  may  in- 
fer, partly  from  this  situation  and  partly  from  the 
sun  standing  still  "  in  the  midst  of  the  heaven  " 
(ver.  13),  that  it  was  in  the  middle  part  of  the  day, 
and  probably  still  in  the  forenoon,  hardly  the  late 
afternoon  as  Corn,  a  Lapide,  Clericus,  J.  D.  Mich. 
et  at.  have  supposed.  Hitzig  also  decides  in  favor  of 
the  forenoon  :  "  As  Saul  upon  the  king  of  Amnion, 
Joshua  fell  on  the  Amorites  early  in  the  morning. 
When,  soon  after,  the  battle  took  a  favorable  turn, 
the  sun  had  already  risen  and  stood  over  Gibeon 
behind  the  combatants,  while  in  the  far  west,  the 
moon  had  not  yet  gone  down"  (ubi  sup.  p.  102). 
Most  recently  of  all  A.  Hengstenberg  in  Bochuni 
has  also  published  a  contribution  (Beweisdes  Glau- 
bens,  vol.  v.  pp.  287,  288)  toward  the  explanation  of 
our  passage,  in  which  he  agrees  with  Zockler  in  re- 
gard to  the  question  at  what  time  of  day  the  battle 
was  fought  and  Joshua  uttered  his  call  to  the  sun. 
Ewald,  on  the  contrary  (Gesch.  d.  v.  Israel,  2,  p. 
325,  326),  thinks  of  the  afternoon.  In  regard, 
further,  to  the  relation  between  the  hail-storm 
mentioned  ver.  11  and  Joshua's  exclamation,  we 
must  remember  that  the  author  of  the  "Book  of 
the  Upright,"  knew  nothing  of  this  hail-storm,1  but 
the  writer  who  gave  the  Book  of  Joshua  its  present 
form,  inserted  not  only  the  supposed  citation  (ver. 
12  and  13  a.)  but  the  whole  passage  (vers.  12-15) 
into  the  midst  of  the  histoiy  of  the  pursuit,  so  that 
he  appears  certainly  to  have  conceived  of  the  hail- 
storm as  a  preceding  event. 

Ver.  13.  And  the  sun  stood  still,  and  the 
moon  stayed  until  the  nation  had  avenged 
themselves  on  their  enemies.  Joshua's  wish  is 
fulfilled.  The  heavenly  bodies  pause  in  their  course 
and  stand  still.  When  once  we  remember  that  the 
poet  says  this,  the  same  poet  who  has  previously 
put  in  Joshua's  mouth  this  grand,  poetical  excla- 
mation, reminding  ns  of  Agamemnon's  wish  (//.  2, 
413  ff.),  we  have  found  the  key  to  ver.  13,  the  most 
striking  parallel  to  which  is  Judg.  vi.  20.  When 
it  is  there  said  that  the  stars  out  of  their  courses 

l.CriwDCO)  fought  against  Sisera,  no  one,  so  far 
is  we  know,  has  ever  supposed  that  this  poetical 

1  [That  is.  strictly,  gives  no  indication  of  such  knowledge 
In  this  passage.  —  Tr.] 


I  trope  was  to  be  literally  understood.  Rather  it  is 
I  there,  as  here,  the  heavenly  powers,  nay  Jehovah 
himself  (ver.  14)  who  fights  for  Israel.  It  is  not 
"an  unheard  of,  as tronomico-meehanicRl miracle" 
with  which  we  here  have  to  do.  but  "  the  most 
glorious  typical  occurrence,  which  illustrates  how 
all  nature,  heaven  and  earth,  is  in  league  with  the 
people  of  God,  and  helps  them  to  victory  in  theii 
battles  of  the  kingdom"  (Lange,  Com. on  (Jen.  pp. 
86,  87). 

The  standing  still  of  the  sun  and  moon  is  no 
more  to  be  understood  literally  than  that  fighting 
of  the  stars  down  out  of  their  courses,  or  the  melt- 
ing down  of  the  mountains  (Is.  xxxiv.  3  :  Amos 
ix.  13  ;  Mie.  i.  3),  the  rending  of  the  heavens 
(Ps.  xviii.  10),  or  the  skipping  of  Lebanon  (lJs 
xxix.  6),  the  clapping  of  hands  by  the  trees  in  the 
field  (Is.  lv.  12),  the  leaping  of  the  mountains  and 
hills  (Ps.  cxiv.  46),  the  bowing  of  the  heavens 
(Ps.  xviii.  10).  It  is  the  language  of  poetry  which 
we  have  here  to  interpret,  and  poetry,  too,  of  the 
most  figurative,  vehement  kind,  which  honors  and 
celebrates  Joshua's  confidence  in  God  in  the  midst 
of  the  strife;  that  "unique  assurance  of  victory  on 
the  part  of  Joshua  "  (Lange,  ubi  sup.)  which  the 
Lord  would  not  suffer  to  be  put  to  shame.  In  this 
the  most  positive  interpreters  (Keil,  Kurtz,  both 
Hengstenbergs),  however  they  may  differ  as  to  the 
particulars,  and  to  textual  criticism,  are  perfectly 
at  one,  against  a  literal  apprehension  of  the  pas- 
sage. Nor  can  Hab.  iii.  1 1 ,  be  adduced  in  favor  of 
a  literal  interpretation  of  the  passage.     For  if  it  is 

said,  Hab.  iii.  11,  "Sun,  moon,  T35  nba?," 
this  is  not  to  be  translated  as  Hengstenberg  (ubi 
sup.)  and  Keil,  on  the  one  side,  and  Hitzig  (Kl. 
Prophelen),  on  the  other  have  shown,  "  The  sun, 
and  moon  remain  in  their  habitation,"  but  rather  : 
"The  sun, the  moon  enter  into  a  habitation,"  i.e 
as  we  should  say:  "into  the  shade,"  namely, 
"  behind  the  stratum  of  clouds "  or,  "  they  are 
darkened."  "  The  friendly  lights  grow  pale,  while 
on  the  other  hand,  there  shines  for  the  enemies  of 
God  and  his  people,  another,  an  ungenial  light, 
which  brings  destruction,  the  lightning,  God's 
spears  and  arrows  "  (Hengstenberg).  This  passage 
has  therefore  nothing  at  all  to  do  with  the  one  be- 
fore us.  And  when  Jesus  Sirach  in  his  enumera- 
tion of  the  exploits  of  Joshua,  asks  (xlvi.  4),Ouxl 
eV  x€lpi  a-vTov  avtTroStffev  6  ?J\tos  Kal  i±ia  i/.utpa  eyev- 
■hB-q  wfibs  Svo ;  he  makes  out  of  the  standing  stilt  of 
the  sun,  agoing  bach,  something  like  Is.  xxxviii.  8, 
and  speaks  at  the  same  time  of  lengthening  one 
day  into  two.  He  is  not  therefore  correct  in  his 
representation  of  the  occurrence.  The  same  is  true 
of  Josephus  (Ant.  v.  1,  17),  when  he  speaks  only 
of  an  increase,  i.  e.  lengthening  in  general  of  the 
day. 

Is  not  this  written  in  the  Book  of  the  Up- 
right P  ;'.  e.  "  Lo,  this  stands  written   in  that  book 

and  may  there  be  read  expressly.     On   S7H  for 

n3n  comp.  Num.  xxii.  37;  Pent.  xi.  30.  So 
very  often  in  citations  ;  1  K.  xi.  41  ;  xiv.  29;  xv. 
7,  23,  31  ;  xvi.  3,  20,  27  and  often  "  (Knol  tl). 

And  the  sun  stood  still  in  the  midst  of  heaven 
and  hasted  not  to  go  down  about  a  whole  day. 

"^02  here  used  of  place,  in  Judg.  xvi.  .')  of  time ; 
in  the  middle,  a  more  precise  designation  of  the 
sun's  standing,  which  is  omitted  in  the  poetical 
part  of  this  episode. 

And  hastened  not   to   go   down.     The   vert 

V^  is  used  once  besides  in  our  book  'eh.  xvii.  15), 


98 


THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


ind  in  the  sense  "  to  be  rarrow,"  and  again  in 
Ex.  v.  13,  where  the  Egyptian  task-masters  are 
spoken  uf.  in  the  sense  of  "to  oppress."  It  is  not 
employed  in  poetry  alone,  as  Zockler  (ubi  sup.) 
maintains,  in  order  to  support  his  view  that  these 
verses  also,  at  least  to  the  close  of  ver.  14,  breathe 
'•  a  poetically  exalted  "  strain.  Or  should  Ex.  v. 
13  also  be  regarded  as  a  poetical  passage  ?  A  cer- 
tain elevation  is,  indeed,  not  to  be  denied  to  the 
narrative  here,  but  that  we  find  also  in  places,  like 
ch.  viii.,  which  yet  is  unquestionably  prose. 

About  a  whole  day.  D^DFI,  elsewhere  com- 
monly of  moral  integrity,  is  used  in  the  original 
sense. "  complete,''  "  entire,"  in  Lev.  iii.  9  ;  xxv.  30, 
in  the  latter  passage  of  time,  namely,  of  the  year 

nrrpo  mti,  as  here  of  the  day  D'Dn  CV 
Plainly,  the  author  of  this  verse  understands  the 
poetical  citation  from  the  Book  of  the  Upright, 
literally,  which  does  not  hinder  us  from  going  back 
to  the  original-  sense,  as  we  have  done  above.  That 
he,  like  all  the  Scripture  writers,  thought  of  an 
"  anti-Coperniean  "  system,  as  Zockler  expresses  it, 
or  as  we  might  more  correctly  say,  that  he  spoke 
of  what  was  immediately  perceptible,  is  evident 
without  discussion.  We  think  with  Zockler  (p. 
250)  "  it  is  lost  labor  to  put  upon  the  expressions 
of  holy  Scripture  concerning  the  magnitudes  and 
movements  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  a  heliocentric 
sense,  by  allegorical  artifices,  since  the  childishly 
simple  view  of  the  universe,  which  perceives  in  the 
earth  the  fixed  centre,  must  necessarily  have  pos- 
sessed the  Biblical  writers  also  as  children  of  their 
time." 

Ver.  14.  And  there  was  no  day  like  that  be- 
fore it  and  after  it  (VjnSI,  V3Db)  that  Jeho- 
vah hearkened  (pOK'v)  unto  the  voice  of  a 
man ;  for  Jehovah  fought  for  Israel.  The  war 
was  not  merely  a  war  of  men,  Jehovah  himself 
rather  was  its  leader,  as  was  promised  the  Is- 
raelites, Ex.  xiv.  14,  by  Moses.  Comp.  Deut.  i. 
29,  30;  iii.  22,  xx.  1,  3,  4,  xxxi.  6.  Hence  Jeho- 
vah is  called  precisely  HDnyO  tlTH,  "  man  of 
war  "  (Luther :  der  rechte  Kriegsmann),  Ex.  xv.  3. 
He  has  heard  the  call  of  Joshua  and  held  the  sun 
still  in  his  course  (of  the  moon  nothing  more  is 
said),  and  so,  according  to  the  view  of  the  author  of 
13  6-15,  has  performed  an  objective  astronomical 
miracle,  of  which  the  poet  from  whom  the  quotation 
is  made,  had  no  thought,  and  of  which  we,  following 
him  (the  poet)  have  no  thought.1 

Ver.  15  b.  Hengstenberg  would  refer  this  prosaic 
statement  still  entirely  to  the  poetry  (which  Zockler 
does  not  do),  and  quotes  in  support  of  this  (Ex. 
xv.  19)  the  close  of  Moses'  song  of  triumph,  which 
is  also  found  Ex.  xiv.  22.  It  is  not  found,  however, 
in  precisely  the  same  words  (in  the  latter  passage 

S2,  in  the  former  the  more  graphic  Tf  '"Vi  nor 
with  the  same  arrangement  of  the  words,  which  in 
Ex.  xv.  19  has  the  rythmical  cadence.  We  cannot, 
therefore,  allow  force  to  this  example,  but  believe, 
rather,  that  to  this,  certainly  if  to  any  of  the  vers. 
(13H5)  the  "words  of  Maurer  apply  :  Qum  ante 
formulam  citandi  leguntur,  sunt poesis  ;  quce  post  pura 
pitta  prosa." 

1  [N'ithout  dwelling  on  the  palpable  difficulty,  not  t0  6ay 
Impossibility,  of  reconciling  such  a  judgment  with  any  satis- 
factory conception  of  the  inspiration  of  the  writer  of  our 
book,  is  not  that  judgment  inconsistent  with  the  natural 
probabilities  concerning  the  authorship?  That  is,  would 
not  the  reviser  or  compiler  of  the  Book  of  Joshua  know, 
as  well  as  we,  that  he  was   introducing  in  verses  12,  13,  a 


Keil's  View  of   vers.  12-15,  added  by   thj 
Translator. 

[As  representing  a  somewhat  different  theologi- 
cal position,  the  following  comments  of  Keil  on 
this  passage,  may,  as  well  as  from  their  character 
in  other  respects,  be  profitably  cited  here. 

"  This  wonderful  victory  was  celebrated  by  Is- 
rael in  a  war-song  which  was  preserved  in  the 
Book  of  the  Pious.  Out  of  this  book  the  author 
of  the  Book  of  Joshua  inserted  here  the  passage 
which  commemorated  the  wonderful  work  of  Je- 
hovah toward  Israel  and  toward  his  enemies,  the 
Amorites,  for  the  glorification  of  his  own  rame. 
For,  that  we  have  in  vers.  12-15  a  poetical  extract 

from  the  ""^''H  "I CD  is  universally  acknowledged. 
This  insertion  and  the  reference  to  this  writing  is 
analogous  to  the  quotation  from  the  Book  of  the 
Wars  of  the  Lord  (Num.  xxi.  14),  and  the  lyrical 
strophes  woven  into  the  historical  narrative.  The 
object  is  not  to  confirm  the  historical  report  by 
reference  to  an  older  authority,  but  only  to  render 
more  vivid  to  future  generations  the  striking  im- 
pression which  those  wonders  of  the  Lord  had 
made  upon  the  congregation." 

Keil's  account  of  the  Book  of  the  Pious  is  the 
same  as  that  of  Fay  and  most  others.  He  dis- 
tinctly assumes,  however,  what  doubtless  should  be 
understood  by  all,  that  this  progressively  accumu- 
lated anthology  of  pious  hymns  in  praise  of  the 
covenant  God  was  interspersed  with  explanatory 
historical  notices.  Thus  there  is  no  difficulty  in 
supposing  ver.  1 5  also  to  have  been  copied  from 
this  poetical  book.  Keil  then  proceeds :  "  The 
citation  from  it  proves  itself  at  once  to  have  been 
taken  from  a  song,  by  the  poetical  form  of  the 
language  and  by  the  parallelism  of  the  members 

The  quotation  begins,  however,  not  with -,'5^sl, 

ver.  12  b,  but  with  i"l^l  OV?,  ver.  12  a,  and  to  it 
belong  also  vers.  13  and  14,  so  that  the  reference 
to  the  source  of  the  quotation  is  inserted  in  the 
middle  of  it.  Such  formulas  are  generally  met 
with,  indeed,  elsewhere  either  at  the  beginning  of 
the  passage  adduced,  as  Num.  xxi.  14,  27  ;  2  Sam. 
i.  18,  or  at  the  close  of  it,  as  generally  in  the  books 
of  Kings  and  Chronicles.  But  it  does  not  follow 
that  such  position  was  a  rule  without  exceptions, 
especially  since  the  reference  to  sources  in  the 
books  of"  Kings  has  a  quite  different  sense,  the  ci- 
tations being  not  documentary  proofs  of  the  occur- 
rences before  reported,  but  references  to  writings 
in  which  more  complete  accounts  might  be  found 
concerning  fragmentarily  communicated  facts. 
In  ver.  13  also  the  poetical  form  of  the  discourse 
leaves  no  doubt  that  vers.  13  and  14  still  contain 
words  of  the  ancient  poet,  not  a  prosaic  comment 
of  the  historian  on  the  poetic  expressions  which 
he  had  quoted.  Only  ver.  15  presents  a  pure  his- 
torical statement  which  is  repeated  (ver.  43)  at  the 
end  of  the  narrative  of  this  victory  and  war.  And 
this  literal  repetition  of  ver.  15  in  ver.  43,  and  still 
more  the  fact  that  the  statement  that  Joshua  re- 
turned with  all  the  people  into  the  camp  to  Gilgal 
anticipates  the  historical  order  of  events,  and  that 
in  a  very  striking  manner,  renders  it  highly  prob- 

highly  impassioned  and  hyperbolical  passage  of  poetry  ?  If 
so  how  could  he,  more  than  we,  go  on  to  interpret  It  as 
prosaic  history  ?  We  think  this  indicates  at  once  that  the 
interpretation  is  not  his,  is  nobody's  cool  interpretation,  but 
only  a  continuation  of  the  lyrical  strain.  Not  all  ths 
grammatical  objections  of  our  author  to  this  view  <  eir  bined 
can  stind  against  this  ODe  consideration.  — Ta.l 


CHAPTER   X.  1-27. 


99 


able,  if  not  altogether  certain,  that  ver.  15  also  is 
taken  from  the  Book  of  the  Pious."     .... 

Keil's  conception  of  the  circumstances  and  prog- 
ress of  the  battle,  and  of  the  position  of  the  parties  in 
reference  to  the  standing  still  of  the  sun  and  moon, 
agrees  in  every  important  point  with  that  of  Fay. 

"  How  then  shall  we  make  real  to  ourselves  this 
wonderful  occurrence  ?  An  actual  standing  still 
of  the  sun  at  some  place  in  the  heavens,  about  the 
zenith,  is  not  clearly  expressed.  If  one  were  disposed 

to  insist  on  the  T1S3J?*!,  "  the  sun  stood  (held 
his  position)  in  the  mid>t  of  the  heavens,"  which  is 

added  as  if  in  explanation  of  ^I^H  in  such  away 
that  it  must  express  a  miraculous  obstruction  of 
the  course  of  the  sun,  this  would  hardly  be  consis- 
tent with  the  phrase  fc^Q^  ^*S  S  .,  "it hastened 
not  to  go  down,"  for  this  strictly  taken,  means  only, 
as  several  of  the  Rabbins  long  ago  remarked,  a 
more  tardy  progress  of  the  sun.  Plainly  intimated 
in  vers.  12  and  13  is  so  much  only,  that  at  Joshua's 
word  the  sun  remained  standing  almost  a  day 
longer  in  the  heavens.  To  this  is  added  (ver.  14)", 
'•  That  there  was  no  such  day  before  and  afterward, 
that  Jehovah  hearkened  to  the  voice  of  a  man  ; 
for  Jehovah  fought  for  Israel."  This  expression, 
again,  should  not  be  too  hardly  pressed,  as  the  an- 
alogous utterances,  "  there  was  none  like  him,"  etc. 
2  K.  xviii.  5  ;  xxiii.  25,  show.  They  convey  only 
the  thought,  a  day  like  this  which  God  so  marvel- 
ously  lengthened  has  not  been  before  nor  since. 
So  much  therefore  lies  unambiguously  in  the  words, 
that  the  singer  of  the  ancient  song,  and  after  him 
also  the  author  of  our  Book  of  Joshua,  who  inserted 
these  words  into  his  narrative,  was  convinced  '  of 
a  wonderful  prolongation  of  that  day.  Here,  how- 
ever, it  is  carefully  to  be  observed  that  it  is  not 
said,  that  God  did  at  Joshua's  request  increase  the 
length  of  that  day  by  about  a  whole  day,  or  cause 
the  sun  to  stand  still  for  nearly  a  whole  day,  but 
only  that  God  hearkened  to  the  voice  of  Joshua,  i.  e. 
did  not  let  the  sun  go  down  until  Israel  had 
avenged  themselves  upon  their  enemies.  The  dif- 
ference is  not  unimportant.  For  a  marvelous 
prolongation  of  that  day  took  place  not  only  if, 
through  the  exertion  of  God's  Almighty  power,  the 
course  of  the  sun  or  his  going  down  was  delayed 
for  many  hours,  or  the  day  lengthened  from  say 
twelve  to  eighteen  or  twenty  hours,  but  also  on  the 
supposition  that  the  day  appeared  to  Joshua  and 
to  Israel  wonderfully  lengthened,  the  work  accom- 
plished on  that  day  being  so  great  that  it  would 
without  supernatural  help  have  required  two  days. 
To  decide  between  these  two  views  is  not  easy, 
nay,  if  we  go  to  the  bottom  of  the  matter,  is  im- 
possible. [And  no  more  necessary,  it  might  be 
added,  viewing  the  account  as  poetry,  than  to  try 
to  discover  the  exact  proportion  between  David's 
glorious  hyperboles  in  Psalm  xviii.  and  the  actual 
events  of  the  deliverance  which  he  there  celebrates. 
—  Tk.]  When  we  cannot  measure  the  length  of  the 
day  by  the  clock,  we  may,  especially  in  the  crowd 
of  business  or  work,  with  extraordinary   facility 

1  [Considering  what  is  afterward  truly  said  of  the  fervid 
poetical  character  of  this  whole  passage,  this  statement  ap- 
pears quite  unwarranted.  Unless  David  and  Deborah  and 
Habakkuk  were  convinced  of  the  actual  reality  of  what  they 
assert,  in  the  form  of  fact,  there  seems  no  reason  at  all  for 
assuming  that  either  the  original  composer  of  the  song  or 
he  who  inserted  it  in  the  Book  of  the  Upright  or  he  who 
copied  it  into  the  Book  of  Joshua,  believed  there  had  been 
In  actual  extension  of  that  day.  —  Te.] 

2  [Compare  Matt.  Henry's  (from  this  point  of  view)  more 
tttional  representation :  — 


he  deceived  in  regard  to  its  length.  But  the  Israel- 
ites had  neither  sun-dials  nor  any  clocks,  and  amic' 
the  tumult  of  the  conflict  hardly  would  Joshua,  oi 
any  other  one  engaged  in  the  strife,  have  repeatedly 
noticed  the  shadow  of  the  sun,  and  inquired  afte: 
its  changes  in  reference  to  a  tree,  for  example,  ot 
other  such  object,  so  as  to  perceive  from  its  possibly 
remaining  stationary  and  unaltered,  for  some  hours, 
that  the  sun  had  actually  stood  still.  Under  these 
circumstances  it  was  quite  impossible  for  the  Israel- 
ites to  decide  whether  that  day  was  really,  or  only 
in  their  conception,  longer  than  other  days. 

Besides  this  we  must  take  into  account  the 
poetical  character  of  our  passage.  When  David 
praises  the  wondrous  deliverance  which  he  had 
experienced  at  the  hand  of  the  Lord,  in  the  words  : 
"  In  my  distress  I  called  upon  the  Lord  .... 
and  he  heard  my  voice  out  of  his  heaven,  .... 
and  he  bowed  the  heaven  and  came  down,  .  .  . 
.  .  he  stretched  his  hand  out  of  the  height,  took 
me  and  drew  me  out  of  many  waters  "  (Ps.  xviii.  7- 
17),  who  imagines  that  these  words  are  to  be  un- 
derstood literally,  of  an  actual  descent  of  God  out 
of  heaven  and  stretching  out  of  his  hand  to  draw 
David  out  of  the  water  <  Or  who  will  take  the 
words  of  Deborah  :  "  Out  of  heaven  was  the  bat- 
tle waged,  the  stars  out  of  their  courses  fought 
against  Sisera,"  in  a  literal  sense  !  The  truth  of 
such  expressions  lies  in  the  subjective  field  of  the 
religious  intuition,  not  in  the  rigorous  interpreta- 
tion of  the  words.  In  a  similar  way  may  the  verses 
before  us  be  understood  without  prejudice  thereby 
to  their  real  import,  if  that  day  had  been  merely 
subjectively  prolonged  to  the  religious  apprehen- 
sion of  Israel. 

But  if  the  words  had  expressed  even  an  objec- 
tively real  and  miraculous  extension  of  that  day, 
we  should  still  have  had  no  valid  ground  for  doubt- 
ing the  truth  of  this  statement  of  facts.  All  objec- 
tion^ which  have  been  raised  against  the  fact  or  the 
possibility  of  such  a  miracle,  appear,  on  a  closer 
examination  of  the  matter,  nugatory.  Thus,  that 
the  annals  of  the  other  peoples  of  the  earth  give  no 
report  at  all  of  a  miracle  which  must  have  extended 
over  the  whole  earth,  loses  all  importance  when  we 
perceive  that  no  annals  at  all  of  other  nations  of  that 
period  are  extant,  and  that  it  is  extremely  doubtful 
whether  the  miracle  would  have  extended  far  be- 
yond the  bounds  of  Palestine  [!] 2  Again,  the  appeal 
to  the  unchangeableness  of  the  movement  of  the 
heavenly  bodies  fixed  by  eternally  unalterable  laws, 
is  not  suited  to  show  the  impossibility  of  such  a  mir 
acle.  The  eternal  laws  of  nature  are  nothing  more 
than  modes  of  manifestation ,  or  phenomena,  of  God's 
creative  power,  the  proper  nature  of  which  no  mor- 
tal has  yet  found  out.  May  not  then  the  Almighty 
Creator  and  Preserver  of  nature  and  all  her  powers, 
be  able  also  so  to  direct  and  control  the  powers  of 
nature  according  to  Iris  own  will  that  they  should 
contribute  to  the  realization  of  his  ends  in  salva- 
tion 2  Finally,  the  objection  also  that  the  sudden 
arrest  of  the  revolution  of  the  earth  upon  its  axis, 
must  have  demolished  all  the  work  of  human  hands 

11  And  he  (Joshua)  believed  God's  particular  favor  to  Is- 
rael above  all  people  under  the  sun  ;  else  he  could  not  have 
expected,  that,  to  favor  chem  upon  an  emergency  with  a 
double  day,  he  should  (which  must  follow  of  course)  amusa 
and  terrify  so  great  a  part  of  the  terrestrial  globe  with  a 
doable  night  at  the  same  time  ;  it  is  true  he  causeth  tktt  sun 
to  shine  upon  Ike  just  and  upon  the  unjust,  but  this  trace  tht 
unjust  shall  wait  for  it  beyond  the  usual  time,  while,  hi 
favor  to  righteous  Israel,  it  stands  still."  —  Ta.j 


10U 


THE   BOOK   OF   JOSHUA. 


upon  ils  surface,  and  hurled  from  its  orbit  the  earth 
itself  and  her  attendant  the  moon,  proves  nothing, 
since  it  is  forgotten  in  all  this,  that  the  almighty 
hand  of  God  which  not  only  created  the  stars  but 
also  lent  to  them  and  to  all  worlds  the  power  to  run 
their  course  witli  regularity,  so  long  as  this  world 
stands,  that  that  hand  which  bears,  upholds,  con- 
trols all  things  in  heaven  and  on  earth,  is  not  too 
short,  to  guard  against  such  ruinous  consequences. 
To  this  may  still  be  added  that  even  the  most 
rigorous  apprehension  of  the  words  does  not  com- 
pel us,  with  the  fathers  and  older  theologians,  to 
suppose  a  miraculous  obstruction  of  the  sun  in  his 
course,  but  only  an  optical  pause  of  the  sun,  i,  e. 
a  miraculous  arrest  of  the  revolution  of  the  earth 
on  its  axis,  which  would  have  appeared  to  the  ob- 
server as  a  standing  still  of  the  sun.  Knobel  is 
entirely  wrong  when  he  pronounces  this  view  of 
the  fact  contrary  to  the  text.  For  the  Scriptures 
speak  of  things  of  the  visible  world  according  to 
their  appearance,  as  we  also  still  speak  of  the  ris- 
ing and  setting  of  the  sun,  although  we  have  no 
doubt  of  the  revolution  of  the  earth  about  the  sun. 
Such  an  optical  stand-still  of  the  sun,  however,  or 
rather  merely  a  longer  standing  and  visibility  of 
the  sun  in  the  horizon,  might  be  effected  through 
God's  omnipotence  in  an  astronomical  phenome- 
non unknown  to  us  and  wholly  incomprehensible 
by  natural  philosophy,  without  interfering  with  the 
general  laws  of  the  rotation  of  the  heavenly  bodies. 
Only  we  must  not,  surely,  reduce  this  exertion  of 
the  divine  power  to  a  mere  unusual  refraction  of 
the  light,  or  a  storm  of  lightning  lasting  through 
the  whole  night,  as  has  been  variously  attempted." 
Bibl.  Com.  ii.  1,  p.  76-81.] 

Having  thus  treated  of  this  difficult  passage  in 
reference  to  the  criticism  of  the  text,  and  also  to  the 
purport  of  it,  it  remains  for  us  still  to  glance  at  the 
history  of  its  interpretation. 

Although  Jesus  Sirach  and  Josephus  had,  even 
in  their  day.  betrayed  a  disposition  in  the  passages 
above  cited,  to  change  the  phraseology  of  our  verse, 
in  the  sense  of  a  not  entirely  literal  conception  of  it, 
still  the  overwhelming  majority  of  ancient  Jewish 
and  Christian  interpreters  understand  here  an  ob- 
jective, astronomical  miracle,  an  actual  standing 
still  of  the  sun.  So  Justin  Martyr  in  Dial,  cum 
Tryph.;  Ephraem  Syr. ;  Tertullian,  Dejejimio,  i.  10 ; 
Jerome  c.  Jovin.  i.  11 ;  Chrysost.  Horn.  27  in  Epist. 
ad  Hfhr. ;  Augustine,  De  Civit.  Dei,  xvi.  8  ;  Theodo- 
ret.  the  Rabbins,  Serarius,  Masius,  C.  a  Lapide,  Cal- 
vin, Osiander,  et  mult.  al.  Exceptions  are  (the  Ev. 
Kirchen-Zeitung,  ubi  sup.  p.  555),  Maimonides  and 
Rabbi  Levi  ben  Gcrsom,  w'ho  advocate  the  non-lit- 
eral view.  "  The  wish  of  Joshua,"  explains  the  lat- 
ter, "  aims  only  at  this,  that  that  one  day  and  night 
might  be  long  enough  for  the  overthrow  of  the  so 
numerous  forces  of  the  enemy.  It  was  the  same  as 
if  he  had  said  :  Grant,  Almighty  Father,  that  be- 
fore sun  and  moon  go  down,  thy  people  may  take 
vengeance  on  this  multitude  of  thy  foes.  The  mira- 
cle of  that  day  was,  that  at  the  prayer  of  a  man  God 
effected  so  gnat  a  defeat  in  so  short  a  time."  How  te- 
naciously the  Roman  curia,  on  the  contrary,  in  their 
Jcsuitically  inspired  proceedings  against  Galileo 
(163.3),  held  fast  to  the  opposite  view,  is  well  known. 

1  [The  note  of  the  learned  Whiston,  translator  of  Jose- 
phus. is  curiously  accommodating  :  "  Whether  this  length- 
ening of  the  day,  by  the  standing  still  of  the  sun  and  moon, 
were  physical  and  real,  by  the  miraculous  stoppage  of  the 
diurnal  motion  of  the  earth  for  about  half  a  revolution,  or 
whether  only  apparent,  by  aerial  jihos/ihori  imitating  the  sun 
md  moou  :is  stationary  so  long,  while  clouds  and  the  night 


As  however  the  Copcrnican  system  nevcrthele't 
found  adherents,  and  indeed,  even  among  orth 
dox  Protestant  theologians  out  of  opposition  t. 
Rome,  these  thought  to  help  themselves  by  the  as- 
sumption of  an  optical  pause  of  the  sun  {static 
optica),  that  is,  they  assumed  that  the  earth  was 
hindered  by  God  in  its  revolution  ou  its  axis,  by 
which  a  lengthening  of  the  day  was  produced.  So 
Lilienthal,  Crute  Sadie,  v.  p.  167  ft'. ;  Mosheim  apud 
Calmet,  p.  45  ft'.  ;  Bastholm,  Judische  Geschichte, 
ii.  p. 31  ft'.;  Ziinmermann,  Scriptwa  Copirnizans,  i. 
1,  p.  228.  In  recent  times  this  view  is  maintained 
by  Baumgarten  (Herzog's  Realencyk,  vii.  40) 
According  to  this  writer,  Joshua,  in  the  full  confi- 
dence of  being  the  dispenser  of  divine  vengeance, 
against  the  corrupt  Canaanites,  called,  as  nigh- 
threatened  to  overtake  them,  to  the  heavenly 
luminaries,  and  the  day  was  by  nearly  its  full 
length,  "  prolonged  through  the  apparent  pause  of 
the  heavenly  bodies  which  govern  day  and  night, 
but  through  the  actual  pause  of  the  globe  in  its 
diurnal  revolution."  Such  an  exorbitant  miracle 
came  to  pass  because  "  the  destination  of  Israel 
was  something  infinitely  transcending,  in  its  dig- 
nity and  significance,  the  entire  natural  order  of 
things."  This  relation  between  Israel  and  the  "sys 
tem  of  the  universe  "  Joshua  apprehended  in  a  "  mo 
ment  of  daring  faith,"  "  assumed  the  immediate 
realization  of  the  same,"  and  Jehovah  "sealed  this 
venture  of  faith  by  his  work  and  word  ;  "  and  it  is 
for  us  "  simply  to  believe,  that  this  was  done." 

The  editor  of  the  Encyklopddle  has  made  on  this 
representation  the  very  apposite  remark,  "  That, 
however,  theologians  of  a  strictly  positive  tendency 
are  of  a  different  >  iew  in  this  respect  is  well  known." 

Grotius  and  Clcricus  are  to  be  regarded  as  pre- 
cursors of  the  rationalizing  interpretation,  They 
imagined  extraordinary  refractions  ot  the  light  of 
the  sun  already  set ;  for,  as  Grotius  supposes,  it 
was  not  impossible  for  God  soils  cursum  morari,  aid 
etlaui  post  solis  occasutn  ejus  specieut  in  nube  supra 
horlzontem  extautt  per  n  pt  rcussum  ostendere.  Spinoza, 
also  ( Tract.  Theul.  Pulit.  ii.  pp.  22  and  6,  p.  78  ed. 
Hamb.  1670),  adopted  substantially  this  opinion. 
J.  D.  Michaelis  and  Schultz  resort  to  the  supposi- 
tion of  lightning  that  lasted  through  the  whole 
night ;  Hess  combined  lightning  with  the  light 
of  the  sun  and  moon,  so  that  there  was  no  night, 
so  to  speak,  between  this  and  the  following  day 
(F.  F.  Hess,  Geschichte  Josua,  i.  p.  140  f.J.  Oth- 
ers otherwise ;  but  truly  laughable  is  the  at- 
tempt of  Ritter  (in  Henke's  Magazin,  vi.  1).  to 
make  the  expression  "  sun "  and  "moon"  repre- 
sent the  signals  or  standards  which  Joshua  had 
ordered  to  remain  there  where  they  chanced  to 
stand  in  Gibeon  and  Ajalon.  This  insipidity  re- 
minds one,  as  Zockler  has  rightly  observed,  of  the 
famous  Tavern  for  the  Whale,  and  similar  absurdi- 
ties of  a  spiritless,  jejune  exegesis.1 

In  recent  times  the  more  advanced  study  of  text- 
ual criticism  has  led  to  the  poetical  understanding 
of  the  passage— in  our  view  the  only  correct  one, 
which  is  favored  not  only  in  general  by  Maurer, 
Ewald  (  Gesrh.  ii.  p.  32ti),  Ilitzigand  von  Lengerke, 
but  also  as  has  been  shown  above  by  theologians 
of  quite  positive  principles,  the  two  Hengstenbergs, 
Keil,  Kurtz,  and  others.     Not  less  decidedly  have 

hid  the  real  ones,  and  this  parhelion,  or  mock  sun,  affording 
sufficient  light  for  Joshua's  pursuit  and  complete  victory 
(which  aerial  phosphori  in  other  shapes  have  been  unusually 
common  of  late  years),  cannot  now  be  determined  ;  pljloso* 
phers  and  astronomers  will  naturally  incline  to  thia  latto 
hypothesis,''  etc.     Ad-  Am.  v.  1,  16.] 


CHAPTER  X.  1- 


Ul 


L*nge  and  Zockler  adopted  this  view.  How  far 
we  differ  from  one  and  another  of  these,  specially 
in  regard  to  the  criticism  of  the  text,  will  appear 
from  the  foregoing  explanation.  But  that  men 
like  Knak.  Frantz,  and  Straube  have  again  brought 
prominently  forward  as  a  "  matter  of  faith,"  the 
assumption  of  an  f.ctual  standing  still  of  the  sun, 
which,  under  the  universal  prevalence  of  the 
Ptolemaic  astronomy  was  a  quite  natural  view, 
although  by  no  means  required  by  the  text  in  vers. 
12  and  13;  that  they  believe  themselves  called  to 
defend  this  against  the  "  pseudodoxy  of  the  natural 
sciences,"  we  regard  as  indicating  a  lamentable  con- 
fusion of  ideas,  resting  on  a  total  want  of  scientific 
tense,  and  under  the  injurious  injiuejice  of  which  the 
true  "  matter  of  faith  "  is  likely  to  sujfcr  much. 

xVs  a  curiosity  we  may  refer  in  conclusion  to  the 
notion  of  Jean  d'  Espagne,  a  French  theologian, 
mentioned  by  Starke,  who  makes  out  that  this 
miracle  took  place  in  the  year  2555  from  the  crea- 
tion of  the  world.  But  that  is  the  year  7X365, 
"  Now  a  year  has  365  davs,  and  the  number  seven 
has  in  God's  Word  much  mystery.  Thus  the 
number  of  the  year  2555  makes  365  week-years, 
[Wochenjahre,  years  each  of  which  contains  a 
week  of  years].  So  also  year-weeks  [Yahnvochen, 
weeks  whose  days  are  years]  are  to  be  understood 
(Dan.  i.\.  24).  Thus  the  sun  after  completing 
365  year-weeks  in  his  course  here  kept  miracu- 
lously a  day  of  rest.  This  time  of  365  days  when 
it  has  passed  365  times  gives  us  a  year  of  years  " 
etc. 

c.  Flight  and  Destruction  of  the  Five  Kings. 
(Vers.  16-27).  Vers.  16  ff.  contain  the  continuation 
of  vers.  1-11.  The  hail-storm  had  inflicted  terrible 
injury  on  the  Amorites.  Many  died  from  the  hail, 
more  than  were  slain  by  the  sword  of  the  Israelites. 
But  the  five  kings  sought  to  secure  their  own 
persons,  and  hid  themselves  in  the  cave  at  Mak- 
kedah.  When  Joshua  heard  of  this,  he  caused  a 
stone  to  be  rolled  before  the  mouth  of  the  cave  and 
set  a  guard  over  it,  but  he  himself  drives  forward 
to  effect  a  complete  discomfiture  of  the  enemy,  and 
in  this  succeeds.  Not  until  this  is  done  does  he 
have  the  five  kings  brought  forward,  and,  after  a 
ceremony  expressive  of  their  total  subjection,  hung 
on  trees,  and  their  corpses  thrown  into  the  cave. 

Ver.  16.  Hid  themselves  in  the  cave  at  Mak- 
kedah.  Many  such  caves  were  found  in  the  lime 
and  chalk  rocks  of  Palestine.  In  David's  his- 
tory the  cave  of  Adullam  is  often  mentioned  ( 1  Sam. 
xxii.  Iff.;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  13 ;  1  Chron.  xi.  15).  In 
the  history  of  the  crusades  also  ( W.  Ty rius,  De  Bella 
Sacro,  15,  6;  18, 19;  11,  et  seep.),  caves  are  men- 
tioned. Judg.  xx.  47,  the  cave  at  Rimmon  is  spoken 
of,  which  could  contain  600  men  in  its  spacious  re- 
cess. These  caves  are  large  and  dry,  and  branch 
out  also  into  chambers  (  Robinson  ii.  175,  352  ft"., 
395-398.  Von  Schubert,  Hi.  30).  They  were  thus 
admirably  fitted  for  places  of  refuge,  in  times  of 
dinger,  as  in  the  case  before  us.  [See  Diet,  of  the 
Bible,  art.  Caves]. 

Ver.  17.     ^37.5  for  ^>r'2n.?  from  a  sing. 

r*2n3  after  the  manner  of  verbs  ilv.  Gesen. 
§  75',  Rem.  21,  (a)  (Knobel). 

Ver.  19.     Smite  the  hindmost  of  them  (their 

rear).  t3^)33T  from  2ST  (Kal  33p,  prop,  "to 
hurt  the  tail,"  figuratively,  to  disturb  the  rear- 
guard of  the  enemy  (Deut.  xxv.  18).  In  Greek 
ilso  oopd,  ovpayia  is  =  rear-guard. 

Vers.  20,  21.  Most  of  the  enemy  were  left  on 
the   field ;  only  a  few  escaped  into    the   fortified 


towns,  where  the)  were  concealed  only  for  a  short 
time,  as  we  learn  from  vers.   27-43.      Those  tha' 

remained  ^"p'lti'rT,  elsewhere  t^V?  eh.  viii 
22;  Gen.  xiv.  13;  Jer.  xliv.  28;  Ezek.  vi.  8.  Thf 
apodosis  begins  not  with  D^T^THTTTl,  but  with 

:1D2.,!'T  ver.  21,  as  llaurer  correctly  shows.  Hi  w 
Keil  could  imagine  that  it  begins  not  until  ver.  2.'>, 
it  is  difficult  to  perceive.  For  the  rest  cf.  ch.  iii. 
15  and  16,  where  the  construction  is  altogether  the 

same,  and  ch.  ii.  5  where  it  is  similar. —  Cl^tl'S, 
LXX.  uyieis,  Vulg.  :  Sani  et  integronumero,  in  good 
condition. 

None  pointed  against  the  children  of  Israel, 
against  one  of  them  his  tongue.  The  whole 
proverbial  expression  we  read  Ex.  xi.  7  :  "  against 
any  of  the  children  of  Israel  shall  not  a  dog  move 
(point)  his  tongue,  against  man  or  beast,"  where 
dog  is  given  as  the  subject.     Here  the  subject  is 

wanting  unless  we  suppose  with  Maurer  that  the  v 
in  BJ'S?  is  an  error  in  copying,  from  the  preced- 
ing 7S~lli,',,  and  to  be  rejected,  which  would  then 

leave  K?,S  as  the  subject.  We  think  it  more  sim- 
ple to  supply  the  subject  in  an  indefinite,  euphe- 
mistic sense,  and  take  KTtO  as  a  more  precise 
limitation  of  s32  ',  which  is  favored  by  the  speci- 
fication in  Ex.  xi.  7,   nana   72)  nfttob. 

Whollv  false  is  the  LXX.    Kal  ovk  e*ypv|e  tSiv  viun/ 

I.  (!)  ouScis  ri}  y\(i)(rar}  outou,  while  the  Vulg. 
rightly  hits  the  sense  :  nullusque  contra  ftlios  Israel 
mutire  ausus  est.  The  meaning  is,  no  one  ventured 
tu  do  any  harm  to  any  of  the  children  of  Israel, 
conip.  Judith  xi.  13. 

Vers.  22,  23.  At  Joshua's  command  the  cave  is 
now  opened,  and  the  kings  brought  before  him. 

Ver.  24.  Come  near,  put  your  feet  on  the 
necks  of  these  kings.  This  demand  for  a  con- 
temptuous humiliation  of  the  conquered  leaders  of 
the  enemy  is  addressed  by  Joshua  to  the  leaders  of 
the  men  of  war,  to  his  field"  officers,  who  also  respond 
thereto.  The  ceremony  indicates  "  entire  subjuga- 
tion," and  was  practiced,  according  to  Knobel,  by 
the  Greek  emperors  also.  Constant.  Porphyrog. 
De  Ceremoniis  Aula!  Byzant.  2,  19  ;  Bynseus,  De  Cal- 
ceis  Hebr.  p.  318).     We  may  compare  Ps.  lx.  10. 

s^obnn  for  ^n-itrw,  COmp.  is.  xxviii.  12 

on  the  form  of  the  verb ; '  Ges.  §  109  ;  Ewald,  §  331 
b.  on  the  use  of  the  art.  for  pron.  rel. 

Ver.  25.  Here  Joshua  says  the  same  to  his  war- 
riors which  the  Lord  had  said  to  him  (ch.  i.  7,  9). 

Ver.  26.  Joshua  kills  the  kings,  doubtless  with 
the  sword,  and  then  hangs  up  their  bodies  in  con- 
tempt on  five  trees,  cf.  Deut.  xxi.  22  ;  Num.  xxv. 
4  ;  2  Sam.  iv.  12.  The  one  suspended,  was  as  is 
known,  considered  accursed,  and  might  not  re 
main  hanging  over  night,  Deut.  xxi.  23  ;  Gal.  iii. 
13;  John  xix.  31.  In  like  manner  Joshua  had 
done  to  the  king  of  Ai,  ch.  viii.  29.  "  The  hang- 
ing of  a  living  man  is  a  Persian  punishment  (Ezr. 
vi.  11).  Under  the  Herods  this  mode  of  execution 
occurs  among  the  Jews  also,  Josephus,  Ant.  xvi. 

II,  6  (unless  strangling  is  here  intender  as  well 
as  in  Egypt  during  the  Roman  age,  Philo  ii.  529. 
See  Winer,  ii.  lis.  v.  Lebensstrafen. 

DOGMATICAL  AND  ETHICAL. 
1.  The  Biblical  view  of  the  universe  is  like  tha 


102 


THE   BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


3(  all  antiquity,  the  geocentric ;  the  earth  stands 
still,  the  sun  moves.  So  it  appears  according  to 
natural,  unaided  observation,  and  we  have  only 
come  to  a  different  apprehension  as  the  result  of 
modern  scientific  researches.  This  result  we  cheer- 
fully accept  without  forfeiture  of  our  faith,  for  the 
only  dogmatical  question  is  whether  God  made  the 
world  or  not  (Heb.  xi.  3),  but  not  at  all  whether 
the  earth  revolves  about  the  sun  or  the  sun  about 
the  earth.  In  that  question,  whether  God  made  the 
world,  and  in  particular,  whether  He  created  it  out 
of  nothing,  a  religious  interest  is  involved,  that  the 
origin  of  the  cosmos  should  not  be  referred  to  blind 
chance  but  to  an  intelligent  Creator  of  heaven  and 
earth  (Gen.  i.  1).  But  how,  on  the  supposition 
that  G'oit  has  created  all  things,  the  universe  is 
constituted,  whether  so  that  the  earth  moves  about 
the  sun  or  the  sun  about  the  earth,  this  question  is 
of  no  religious  moment  to  us,  but  is  relegated 
rather  to  the  science  of  astronomy,  which  has 
finally  answered  it  in  the  sense  of  Copernicus  and  ' 
Galileo.  Comp.on  this  the  instructive  article  of  Dr. 
F.  Pfaff  on  the  Copernican  system  and  its  oppo- 
nents. Burets  d.  Glaube,  vol.  v.  pp.  278-287). 
[Whewell's  History  of  the  Inductive  Sciences,  book  v. 
ch.  3,  sect.  4  :  The  Copernican  Systein  opposed  on 
Theological  grounds.  —  Tr.  J . 

2.  With  this  foundation  principle  clear  in  mind, 
it  is  self-evident  that  those  render  poor  service  to 
the  "  cause  of  faith  "  who  feel  themselves  obliged  to 
uphold  as  a  matter  of  faith  what  has  nothing  to  do 
with  faith,  but  is  a  matter  of  science.  Conversely, 
however,  it  needs  to  be  said  also  that  the  Bible  as 
a  book  of  religion,  cannot  reasonably  be  thought  less 
of  because  it  favors  the  geocentric  scheme.  So 
does  Homer  also,  e-  g.  whom,  nevertheless,  in  his 
ooetic  worth  no  one  has  ever  thought  of  disparag- 
ing on  that  account,  while  it  has  always  belonged 
to  the  tactics  of  those  who  opposed  the  Bible  to 
assail  it  first  on  the  side  of  the  natural  sciences, 
that  they  might  next  impugn  its  religious  authority. 

3.  On  the  very  recent  strife  in  the  Berlin  Church, 
in  the  course  of  which  our  passage  ch.  x.  12-15 
has  been  much  ventilated,  it  belongs  not  to  our  de- 
sign to  speak. 


H0MILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

Joshua's  fidelity  to  his  covenant  with  the  op- 
pressed Gibeonites  crowned  with  a  glorious  vic- 
tory :  (1)  Picture  of  the  oppression  of  Gibeon  by 
the  five  Canaanite  kings.  (2)  How  Joshua  goes 
up  at  the  call  of  the  Gibeonites  and  smites  the 
enemy.  (3)  How  he  pursues  them  and  holds  judg- 
ment  upon  them.  —  Gibeon's  need,  Joshua's  faith- 
fulness, God's  help.  —  If  men  come  to  us  for  help 
in  time  of  need  God  gives  the  courage  to  render 
aid.  —  True  courage  comes  alone  from  God.  —  As 
God  once  fought  for  Israel  so  He  still  fights  for  his 


own.  "  Sun,  stand  still  on  Gibeon,  and  moon  ir 
the  valley  of  Ajalon ! "  A  believing  word  of 
Joshua,  God's  contending  hero:  (1)  Spoken  un 
der  what  circumstances  1  (2)  How  intended  1  (3) 
How  answered  j  — The  Lord  hears  when  we  call 
upon  Him  in  faith.  —  The  great  day  at  Gibeon.  — 
It  was  great,  (1)  through  the  mighty  strife  of  the 
combatants;  (2)  through  the  courageous  faith  of 
the  general;  (3)  through  the  victory  which  God 
gave.  —  How  the  memory  of  Joshua  lived  still  in 
song,  and  through  song  was  glorified.  —  The  cow- 
ardice of  the  Canaanite  kings  contrasted  with  the 
boldness  of  Joshua.  —  He  that  has  no  good  con- 
science hides  himself.  —  The  judgment  of  Joshua 
upon  the  five  kings  (1)  destructive  to  them;  (2) 
encouraging  to  Israel. 

Starke  :  Whoever,  in  spiritual  conflicts,  will 
have  the  true  Joshua  for  a  helper,  must  not  trust 
to  his  own  powers  but  to  the  power  of  Christ, 
ami  freely  come  before  him,  Phil.  iv.  13.  —  He  who 
would  do  his  neighbor  a  favor,  should  not  delay  it 
long,  but  act  quickly,  for  the  speediness  of  a  gift 
doubles  its  value  [bis  dnt  qui  cito  dat],  while  a 
benefit  delayed  loses  its  thanks  and  becomes  use- 
less, 2  Cor.  ix.  7.  —  On  the  successful  progress  of  a 
cause,  one  ought  not  to  give  glory  to  himself  but 
to  God,  for  He  is  the  workman,  we  only  the  tools. 
—  From  God's  power  no  man  can  either  climb  too 
high  or  creep  too  low ;  He  knows  easily  how  to 
find  us,  Amos  ix.  2,  Ps.  exxxix.  7.  —  Pious  Chris- 
tian, God  will  one  day  for  thee  also  lay  thy  enemies 
at  thy  feet ;  therefore,  up,  contend,  conquer !  Rev. 
ii.  26,  27  ;  iii.  9,  12  ;  Rom.  xvi.  20. 

Cramer  :  It  is  strange  to  the  world  that  we 
will  not  keep  with  them  :  therefore  those  who  turn 
to  God  must  be  attacked  and  suffer  persecution. 
1  Pet.  iv.  4  ;  Matt.  x.  36  ;  2  Tim.  iii.  12.  —  God  has 
various  artillery  with  which  He  contends  for  his 
people  against  their  enemies,  Judg.  v.  20.  Let  no 
one  taint,  therefore,  with  God's  help.  .  .  .  The 
tyrants  who  were  so  wild,  fierce,  and  unrestraina- 
ble,  God  can  presently  tame. 

Hedinger  :  The  iniquity  of  the  ungodly  of  it- 
self hastens  to  its  punishment,  and  there  is  no  rod 
so  good  for  a  wicked  man  as  his  own.  —  It  is  well 
to  be  concerned  lest  one  make  God  angry,  but 
when  one  has  made  Him  angry  it  is  useless  care  to 
try  to  escape  his  judgment.  Even  if  we  should 
run  out  of  the  world  we  should  only  find  his  wrath 
so  much  the  greater. 

Lange  :  If  a  man  has  once  gained  a  real  vic- 
tory over  his  spiritual  foes  he  must  boldly  follow  it 
up  without  indolent  delay,  and  faithfully  reap  the 
fruits  of  the  success  given  him. 

Gerlach  :  Holy  Scripture  speaks,  in  regard  to 
things  of  the  visible  world,  and  which  concern  not 
the  affairs  of  God's  kingdom,  according  to  natural 
appearances,  precisely  as  we  speak  of  the  sun  ris- 
ing and  setting,  although  we  have  no  doubt  of  the 
revolution  of  the  earth. 


4  The  Conquest  of  Southern  Palestine. 
Chapter  X.   28-43. 


28       And  that  day  Joshua  took  Makkedah,  and  smote  it  with  the  edge  of  the  eword, 
and  the  king  thereof  he  utterly  destroyed  [devoted],  them  and  all   the  sou'ib   that 


CHAPTER   X.   28-43. 


102 


were  therein  ;  he  let  none  remain  [left  none  remaining,  as  in  vers.  33,  37,  39,  ch.  xi 
H,  etc.]  :  and  he  did  to  the  king  of  Makkedah  as  he  did  [had  done]  unto  the  kin£ 
of  Jericho. 

29  Then  [And]  Joshua  passed  from  Makkedah,  and  all  Israel  with  him,  unto  Libnah, 

30  and  fought  against  Libnah :  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  delivered  it  aho,  and  the 
king  thereof,  into  the  hand  of  Israel ;  and  he  smote  it  with  the  edge  of  the  sword, 
and  all  the  souls  that  were  therein  ;  he  let  [left]  none  remain  [remaining]  in  it ; 
but  [and,  comp.  ver.  2t>]  did  unto  the  king  thereof  as  he  did  [had  done]  unto  the 
king  of  Jericho. 

31  And  Joshua  passed  from  Libnah,  and  all  Israel  with  him,  unto  Lachish,  and  en- 

32  camped  against  it,  and  fought  against  it :  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  delivered  Lach- 
ish into  the  hand  of  Israel,  which  [who]  took  it  on  the  second  day,  and  smote  it 
with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  and  all  the  souls  that  were  therein,  according  to  all  that 
he  had  done  to  Libnah. 

33  Then  [At  that  time]  Horam  king  of  Gezer  came  up  to  help  Lachish ;  and  Joshua 
smote  him   and  his  people,  until  he   had  [omit :  had]  left   him  none  remaining. 

34  And  from  Lachish  Joshua  passed  unto  Eglon,  and  all  Israel  with  him  :  and  they 

35  encamped  against  it,  and  fought  against  it.  And  they  took  it  on  that  day,  and  smote  it 
with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  and  all  the  souls  that  were  therein  he  utterly  destroyed 
[devoted]  that  day,  according  to  all  that  he  had  done  to  Lachish. 

36  And  Joshua  went  up  from  Eglon,  and  all  Israel  with   him,  unto  Hebron  ;  and 

37  they  fought  against  it :  And  they  took  it,  and  smote  it  with  the  edge  of  the  sword, 
and  the  king  thereof,  and  all  the  cities  thereof,  and  all  the  souls  that  were  therein  ; 
he  left  none  remaining,  according  to  all  that  he  had  done  to  Eglon,  but  [and]  de- 
stroyed it  utterly  [devoted  it],  and  all  the  souls  that  were  therein. 

38  Ami  Joshua  returned,  and  all   Israel  with  him,  to  Debir  ;  and  fought  against  it: 

39  And  he  took  it  and  the  king  thereof,  and  all  the  cities  thereof,  and  they  smote  them 
with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  and  utterly  destroyed  [devoted]  all  the  souls  that  were 
therein  :  he  left  none  remaining :  as  he  had  done  to  Hebron  so  he  did  to  Debir, 
and  to  the  king  thereof,  [and]  as  he  had  done  also  [omit :  also]  to  Libnah,  and  to 
her  king. 

40  So  [And]  Joshua  smote  all  the  country  of  the  hills,  and  of  the  south,  and  of  the 
vale,  and  of  the  springs,1  and  all  their  kings  :  he  left  none  remaining,  but  [and] 
utterly  destroyed  [devoted]  all  that  breathed,  as  the  Lord  [Jehovah]   God  of  Israel 

41  commanded.    And  Joshua  smote  them  from  Kadesh-barnea  even  unto  Gaza,  and  all 

42  the  country  of  Goshen,  even  unto  Gibeon.     And  all  these  kings  and  their  land  did 

43  Joshua  take  at  one  time  ;  because  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel  fought  for  Is 
rael.     And  Joshua  returned,  and  all  Israel  with  him,  unto  the  camp  to  Gilgal. 

TEXTUAL    AND    GRAMMATICAL. 

l  [Ver.  40.  —  The  geographical  definiteness  of  this  statement  might  be  indicated  thus  :  And  Joshua  smote  all  the 
land :  the  mountain,  and  the  south-country  (the  Negeb),  and  the  low-land  (the  Shepkelak),  and  the  foot-hills,  etc.  See 
Exegetical  oote.  —  Tr.] 


EXEGET1CAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

After  the  brilliant  victory  at  Gibeon,  Joshua, 
without  special  difficulty,  conquered  the  whole  of 
southern  Palestine  west  of  the  Jordan.  Partic- 
ularly named  are  the  cities  Makkedah  (ver.  28), 
Libnah  (ver.  29),  Lachish  (ver.  31),  Eglon  (ver. 
34),  Hebron  (ver.  36),  and  Debir  (vers.  38,39). 
With  ver.  40  the  special  enumeration  of  conquered 
cities  ceases.  We  are  then  summarily  informed 
that  Joshua  smote  the  whole  land,  the  mountains, 
the  south-land,  the  lowlands,  and  the  foot-hills, 
from  Kadesh-barnea  to  Gaza,  and  the  whole  land 
of  Goshen  unto  Gibeon  (vers.  40,  41).  This  suc- 
cess attended  him  because  God  fought  for  Israel 
ver.  42).  After  completing  the  campaign  Joshua 
returned  to  the  camp  at  Gilgal  on  the  Jordan 
i(ver  43).  At  this  point,  perhaps,  we  may  most 
"onveniently  remark  that  when  Hitzig  (ubi  sup.  p. 


103)  holds  all  Joshua's  professed  activity,  after 
Gibeon,  to  be  mere  romance  and  no  history,  we, 
for  reasons  developed  in  the  Introd.  §  3,  must  de- 
cidedly differ  with  him. 

Ver.  28.  Capture  of  Makkedah  (vers.  10,  16, 
21 ;  ch.  xv.  41).  Instead  of  —  rHN,  according  tc 
many  Codd.  and  various  editions,  as  well  as  the 

analogy  of  ver.  37,  HHIS   should  be  read. 

He  smote  them  with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  as 
previously  Ai  (ch.  viii.24),  as  afterwards  the  other 
cities.  This  phrase  occurs  in  the  present  section 
four  times  (vers.  28,  30,  32,  35). 

He  left  none  remaining,  likewise  used  foui 
times  (vers.  28,  30,  33,  40).  A  complete  destruc- 
tion was  effected,  for  Joshua  devoted  all  that  had 
breath  (ver.  40). 

Vers-  29-32.     Joshua  turned  from  Makkeda'u 


104 


THE  BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


(which  is  possibly  to  be  sought  for  in  the  region  of  I 
Che  present  Terkumia  (Tricomias)),  westward 
toward  Libnah,  and  then  from  there  southeast- 
wardly  toward  Laehish,  both  which  places  are 
found,  though  with  the  mark  of  interrogation,  on 
Kiepert's  map,  but  not  on  that  of  Van  de  Velde. 
[On  Menke's  Map  (III.)  Laehish  is  placed  slightly 
N.  of  VV.  from  Libna.  —  Tr.] 

Ver.  33.  According  to  the  previous  agreement 
(oh.  ix.  2)  the  king  of  Gezer,  later  Tufapa  (2  Mace. 
x.  32,  Joseph.  Ant.  viii.  6,  I,)  and  TdSapa  (Joseph. 
Ant.  v.  1,  22;  xii.  7,4)  and  Tabapis  (Strabo, 
16,  p.  759),  now  goes  up  to  help  Laehish.  The 
city  has  not  yet  been  discovered.  Kiepert  suspects 
that  it  lay  northwest  of  Beth-horon,  and  so  like- 
wise Knobel  on  ch.  xvi.  3  ;  Van  de  Velde  has  no 
statement.     This  king  too  is  destroyed. 

Ver.  34.  Joshua  now  marches  westward  [east- 
ward i]  from  Laehish  to  Eglon  ("AyAa),  now  Adj- 
lan,  on  the  road  from  Jerusalem  to  Gaza  ;  invests, 
takes,  and  destroys  Eglon  with  all  its  inhabitants, 
like  Laehish,  Libnah,  and  Makkedah. 

Vers.  36-39.  Eglon  [Laehish  <]  was  the  west- 
ernmost point  of  which  the  bold  leader  of  Israel 
obtained  possession.  In  a  tolerably  direct  line  he 
marched  next  upon  Hebron,  the  seat  of  the  patri- 
archs, familiar  in  the  history  of  Abraham,  and 
which  still  lies  in  a  charming  region.  This  city 
also  he  captures  like  the  rest.  The  fate  of  Hebron 
is  the  same  as  that  of  the  other  Canaanite  cities. 

Ver.  38.  3tB',1  Joshua  now  turned,  as  Ex. 
v.  22 ;  Num.  xviii.  9.  He  turns  towards  Debir 
(ch.  xv.  15,  49).  This  Debir,  earlier  called 
Kirjath-sepher  (ch.  xv.  15;  Judg.  i.  11)  or  Kir- 
jath-sanno  (ch.  xv.  49),  is  either,  as  Rosen  sup- 
poses [Zeitschrifl  der  D.  M.  G.  xi.  p.  50  ff.),  fol- 
lowed by  von  Raumer  (p.  184),  the  same  as  Idwir- 
ban,  or  Oewirban,  three  fourths  of  an  hour  west  of 
Hebron,  or,  according  to  the  view  of  Knobel  (p.  435), 
Thaharijeh,  or  Dhoherijeh,  as  Kiepert  and  Van  de 
Velde  write  it,  an  important  place,  inhabited  down 
even  to  the  present  time,  the  first  on  the  mountain  of 
Judah  as  one  goes  toward  Hebron  from  the  south, 
and  distant  from  the  latter  about  live  hours,  —  or, 
according  to  Van  de  Velde  (Mem.  p.  307),  with 
whom  Keil  agrees  =  Dilbeh,  on  the  top  of  a  hill 
north  of  the  YVady  Dilbeh,  about  two  hours  south- 
west of  Hebron.  It  is  in  favor  of  one  of  the  two 
last  conjectures  that  all  the  cities  mentioned  ch. 
xv.  48,  49,  among  which  Debir  also  stands,  lie  en- 
tirely in  the  south,  while  Idwirban  or  Dewirban  is 
west  of  Hebron  and  quite  too  far  north  for  that 
group  of  cities  to  which  it  belongs.     If  we  follow 

Rosen's  opinion  as  Bunsen  has  done,  2tP*T.  must 
be  translated  "  returned,"  as  it  is  by  Bunsen.  On 
the  position  of  Thaharijeh.  particularly,  cf.  Rob.  i. 
311,  12  (edh  Dhoherijeh),  Ritter,  Erdkunde,  xvi. 
[Gage's  Trans,  iii.  193,288,  289,  202,  and  eh  xv. 
15.]  To  this  we  shall  recur  in  connection  with  the 
conquests  which  are  referred  to  Caleb,  ch.  xiv.  6  ff. ; 
xv.  14  ff.  According  to  Judg.  i.  10  ff.  the  city  of  He- 
bron and  even  Debir  was  captured  not  until  a  later 
period. 

Vers.  40-43  No  further  statement  of  special  con- 
quests is  made  ;  there  follows  rather  a  comprehensive 
survey  of  Joshua's  successes  at  that  time.  Joshua 
smote    the  whole  land.  This  is  then  more  definitely 

specialized  :  (1 )  -'7'7'  ^'e  mountain,  i.  e.  the  moun- 
tain of  Judah,  which  extends  southward  from  Jeru- 
salem. It  consists  of  calcareous  limestone,  and 
'onus  the  watershed  between  the  Mediterranean  and 
Dead  Seas,  rising  to  the  height  of  three  thousand 


feet ;  in  general  an  uneven  and  rocky  district,  espe 
cially  in  the  southern  portion,  yet  not  without  fruit 
ful  and  inviting  spots.  (2.)  32371,    the  land  of  tli> 

south,  prop.,  from  2322,  which  in  the  Syr.,  Chald.,  and 
Sam.  signifies  to  be  dry,  the  dry,  parched  land,  where 
the  mountain  brooks  fail  in  the  summer,  so  that  in 
Ps.  cxx\  i.  4,  God  is  invoked  to  let  them  return  again 
(vide  Hitzig  on  this  passage).  It  is  the  steppe  which 
forms  the  southern  portion  of  Judaea,  a  land  "  in- 
termediate between  wilderness  and  cultivated  land," 
precisely  as  the  steppes  of  southern  Russia,  or  the 
heath-land  of  North  Germany.  Because  this  steppe, 
this  parched  and  sun-burnt  land,  lay  in  the  south 

of  Palestine   (cf.   ch.   xv.   2-4,   21),    2.22    comes 

to  mean  generally,  south,  and  H222  southward, 
Num.  xxxv.  5;  Ex.  xl.  24  ;  Josh.  xvii.  9,  10.  (3.) 
The  low-lands    il^Wtl    (xi.   16  ;   xv.  33)  from 

/2K7  to  be  low,  the  strip  of  land  in  southern  Pal- 
estine accurately  indicated  on  Kiepert's  map  as 
stretching  along  the  sea  from  Joppa  to  Gaza  (Jer. 
xxxii.  44;  xxxiii.  13).  Much  more  populous, 
fertile,  and  beautiful   than   the  Negeb.     (4.)  The 

declivities  7" H  ItTSn,  0ut  of  which  the  LXX.  and 
Vulg.  make  a  proper  name :  'Aa-nScid,  Asedoth. 
Luther  translates,  "on  the  brooks,"  [Eng.  vers. 
"  the  springs  "],  in  accordance  with  Num.  xxi.  15, 

where  he  renders  ^'Onsn'ttTt^    "source  of  the 

brooks."     The  explanation  is   this:     "TE't<    like 

i~'7?',.7?  is  to  be  derived  from  "IK'S,  according  to 
the  Syriae,  to  pour,  to  rush  down,  =  (I.)  out- 
pouring; (2.)  place  upon  which  something  pours 

out,  e.  </.  7120271  rTHtrN  (Deut.  iii.  17  ;  iv.49). 
the  place  whither  the  brooks  of  Mount  Pisgah  is- 
sue, the  declivities  of  Pisgah.1  In  our  passage  the 
declivities  or  "  foot-hills  "  are  those  of  the  moun- 
tain of  Judah,  which  slopes  off  gradually  to  the 
low-land:  —  the  land  of  Goshen  (ver.  41).  This 
is  to  be  carefully  distinguished  from  Goshen  in 
the  land  of  Egypt  (Gen.  xlv.  10  ;  xlvi.  28  and 
often).  Again  ch.  xi.  16;  xv.  51,  a  city  of  the 
same  name  is  mentioned,  perhaps  the  chief  city  of 
this  region.  Knobel  derives  the  name  from  the 
Arabic,  making  it  =  pectus,  torica.  Calmet  main- 
tains that  the  land  of  Goshen  here  mentioned  is  the 
same  as  the  Egyptian.  This  needs  no  refutation. 

Ver.  41.  From  Kadesh-barnea  unto  Gaza,  i. 
e.  from  the  wilderness  in  which  Kadesh-barnea  lay 
(Num.  xiii.  3,  26,  xx.  1,  xxvii.  14,  and  often)  to 
Gaza  in  the  Shephelah,  which  is  only  about  one 
hour  from  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  —  and  the  whole 
land  of  Goshen  unto  Gibeon,  i.  e.  all  the  country 
between  Gaza  and  Gibeon  which  lay  on  a  line  di- 
rectly northeast  from  Gaza.  Thus  Joshua  had  be- 
come master  of  all  southern  Palestine  between  the 
Jordan  valley  and  the  Mediterranean  Sea  in  one 
direction,  and  between  the  heights  of  Gibeon  and 
the  wilderness  in  the  other.  Jericho,  Ai,  Makkedah, 
Libnah,  Laehish,  Eglon,  Hebron,  Debir,  had  one 
after  the  other  fallen  and  been  destroyed,  i  nd 
whole  districts,  like  Goshen,  had  submitted  them- 
selves. With  the  ruins  of  broken  cities,  and  the 
bodies  of  their  inhabitants,  the  land  was  covered 

1  [We  have  proposed  in  the  amended  translation  of  thii 
verse  to  render  jTnE.,K,  by  ''foot-hills  "  which,  although 
not  suggested  by  the  etymology  of  the  Hebrew  word,  se-iinl 
to  convey  nearly  the  intended  signification.  —  Tr.] 


CHAPTER   XI.  10i 


:>n  the  mountains,  as  well  as  on  the  slopes,  in  the 
lowland,  in  the  desert,  on  the  border  of  the  wilder- 
ness as  well  as  on  the  banks  of  the  Jordan.  A  di- 
vine judgment  had  fallen  on  the  Canaanites.  Je- 
hovah, God  of  Israel,  had  Himself  fought  for  his 
chosen  people  {vers.  42,  14).  And  Joshua  marches 
back,  to  find  rest  after  such  mighty  exploits,  in  the 
camp  at  Gilgal  (ver.  43). 


DOCTRINAL  AND    ETHICAL. 


already  treated,  and  do  not,  therefore  here  entei 
again  on  the  subject.  Cf.  the  Exegetic-vl  and  Crit 
ical  on  ch.  ii.  11,  and  vi.  17 ;  also  the  Doctrinal  and 
Ethical  on  ch.  vi.  15-27  [Introd.  §  5,  p.  21]. 


H05HLETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL 


The  section  before  us  being  no  more  than  several 

of  the  following  (chaps,  xii.,  xiii.,  xv.,  etc.),  suited 

for  texts  of  sermons,  while  for  Bible-classes  the 

exegetical  notes  will  furnish  the  necessary  explana- 

,,    tions,  we  remark  here  once  for  all,  that  on  this 

Of  the  extermination  of  the  Canaanites,  as  well  i  description  of  passages  in  our  Book,  the  Homiletf- 


as  of  the  idea  of  the  devotement  (Din),  we  have  |  cal  and  Practical  comments  will  be  omitted 


5.   The    Victory  over  the  Northern  Canaanites.      Capture  of  their  Land.      General 
Retrospect  of  the  Conquest  of  the  Country  West  of  the  Jordan. 

Chapter  XI. 

a.  The  Second  League  of  Canaanite  Kings. 
Chapter  XI.  1-6. 

1  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Jabin  king  of  Hazor  had  [omit :  had]  heard  those 
things,  that  he  sent  to  Jobab  king   of  Madon,  and  to  the  king  of  Shimron,  and 

2  to  the  king  of  Achshapb.  And  to  the  kings  that  xoere  on  [in]  the  north  of  [on]  the 
mountains,  and  of  the  plains  [and  in  the  Jordan  valley]  south  of  Cinneroth,  and 

3  in  the  valley  [the  low-land],  and  in  the  borders  [heights]  of  Dor  on  the  west.  And 
to  the  Canaanite  on  the  east  and  on  the  west,  and  to  the  Amorite.  and  the  Hittite,  and 
the  Perizzite,  and  the  Jebusite  in  the  mountains,  and  to  the  Hivite  under  Hermon  in 

4  the  land  of  Mizpeh.  And  they  went  out,  they  and  all  their  hosts  [camps]  with  them, 
much  people,  even  [omit :  even]  as  the  sand  that  is  upon  the  sea-shore  in  multitude, 

5  with  [and]  horses  and  chariots  very  many.  And  when  all  these  kings  were  met 
together,  they  came  and  pitched  [encamped]  together  at  the  waters  of  Merom,  to 

6  fight  against  Israel.  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto  Joshua,  Be  not  afraid  be- 
cause of  them :  for  to-morrow  about  this  time  will  I  deliver  them  all  up  [give 
them  all]  slain  before  Israel :  thou  shalt  hough  their  horses,  and  burn  their  chariots 
with  fire. 

6.  The  great  Victory  at  the  Waters  of  Merom. 
Chapter  XL  7-9. 

7  So  |_AndJ  Joshua  came,  and  all  the  people  of  war  with  him,  against  them  by  the 

8  waters  of  Merom  suddenly,  and  they  fell  upon  them.  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
delivered  them  into  the  hand  of  Israel,  who  smote  them,  and  chased  them  unto 
great  Zidon,  and  unto  Misrephoth-maim,  and  unto  the  valley  of  Mizpeh  eastward  ; 

9  and  they  smote  them,  until  they  left  them  none  remaining.  And  Joshua  did  unto 
them  as  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  bade  [had  said  unto]  him :  he  houghed  their  hor?es, 
and  burnt  their  chariots  with  fire. 

c.  The  Capture  of  the  remaining  Portions  of  Northern  Palestine. 
Chapter  XI.  10-25. 

10  And  Joshua  at  that  time  turned  back,  and  took  Hazor,  and  smote  the  king 
thereof  with  the  sword :  for  Hazor  beforetime  was  the  head  of  all  those  kingdoms. 

11  And  they  smote  all  the  souls  that  xoere  therein  with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  utterly 
destroying   [devoting]   them  :  there  was   not   any  left  to  breathe  :  and  he  burnt 


106  THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


12  Hazor  with  fire.  And  all  the  cities  of  those  kings,  and  all  the  kings  of  them,  did 
Joshua  take,  and  smote  them  with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  and  [omit :  and]  he 
utterly  destroyed  [devoted]   them,  as   Moses  the  servant  of  the  Lord  commanded 

13  But  as  for  '  the  cities  that  stood  still  in  their  strength  [on  their  hill],  Israel  burned 

14  none  of  them,  save  Hazor  only;  that  did  Joshua  burn.  And  all  the  spoil  of  these 
cities,  and  the  cattle,  the  children  of  Israel  took  for  a  prey  unto  themselves  :  but 
every  man  they  smote  with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  until  they  had  destroyed  them, 

15  neither  left  they  any  to  breathe.  As  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  commanded  Moses  his 
servant,  so  did  Moses  command  Joshua,  and  so  did  Joshua :  he  left  nothing  undone 
of  all  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  commanded  Moses. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.  13.  Literally  :  "  Only  all  the  cities  which  stood  on  their  hill  (  V^*l)  Israel  did  not  burn  them."  In  Kngusn 
phrase :  "  Only  [or,  yet]  Israel  burned  none  of  the  cities  which  stood  on  their  hill ;  except  that  Hazor  alone  Joshua 
burned.1'  \""1  /^T  seems  quite  as  truly  to  stand  for  "  except  that1'  here  as  in  the  one  instance  mentioned  by  Gesenius 
•.  T.,  in  1  K.  iii.  18.  —  Te.] 

d.  General  Retrospect  of  the  Conquest  of  West  Palestine. 
Chaptbb  XI.  16-23. 

16  So  [And]  Joshua  took  all  that  land,  the  hills  [mountain],  and  all  the  south 
country,  and  all  the  land  of  Goshen,  and  the  valley  [the  low-land],  and  the  plain 
[the  Arabah  or  Jordan-valley],  and   the   mountain  of  Israel,  and   the  valley  [low- 

17  land]  of  the  same  ;  Even  from  the  mount  Halak  [the  bald  mountain],  that  goeth  up 
to  Seir,  even  unto  Baal-gad,  in  the  valley  of  Lebanon,  under  mount  Hermon  :  and 

18  all  their  kings  he  took,  and  smote  them,  and  slew  them.     Joshua  made  war  a 

19  long  time  [Fay,  exactly  :  many  days]  with  all  those  kings.  There  was  not  a  city 
which  made  peace  with  [Fay,  De  Wette :  peacefully  submitted  to]  the  children 
[sons]   of  Israel,  save  the  Hivites  the  inhabitants  of  Gibeon :  all  other  [omit : 

20  other]  they  took  in  battle.  For  it  was  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  to  harden  [prop, 
strengthen,  LXX. :  Karto-^iio-ai]  their  hearts,  that  they  should  come  against  Israel 
in  battle  [LXX. :  amavTav  eis  7roA£/*oi'],  that  he  might  destroy  them  utterly 
[devote  them],  and  that  they  might  have  no  favour,  but  that  he  might  destroy  them, 
as  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  commanded  Moses. 

21  And  at  that  time  came  Joshua  and  cut  off  the  Anakims  from  the  mountains, 
from  Hebron,  from  Debir,  from  Anab,  and  from  all  the  mountains  of  Judah, 
and  from  all  the  mountains  of  Israel :  Joshua  destroyed  them  utterly    [devoted 

22  them]  with  their  cities.  There  was  none  of  the  Anakims  left  in  the  land  of  the 
children  [sons]  of  Israel :  only  in  Gaza,  in  Gath,  and   in  Ashdod,  there  remained. 

23  So  [And]  Joshua  took  the  whole  land,  according  to  all  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
said  unto  Moses,  and  Joshua  gave  it  for  an  inheritance  [possession]  unto  Israel, 
according  to  their  divisions  by  their  tribes.     And  the  land  rested  from  war. 


exegetical  and  critical. 

With  this  chapter  we  enter  upon  a  new  theatre 
of  the  conquests  of  Joshua,  the  northern  part  of 
West  Palestine.  Just  as  before  Adoni-Zedek,  the 
king  of  Jerusalem  (ch.  x.  1  ff.),  had  summoned 
the  five  kings  of  the  south  to  resist  Joshua,  so  now 
Jaliin,  the  king  of  Hazor.  who  occupied  a  promi- 
nent position,  since  his  city  is  designated  as  the 
chief  city  of  all  the  northern  kingdoms  (ch.  xi.  10) 


the  more  vividly  impressive.  Next  follows  a  his- 
tory of  the  capture  of  the  remaining  parts  of  west- 
ern Palestine,  in  the  style  of  the  chronicler,  as  in 
ch.  x.  28-43.  To  all  this  is  appended,  finally,  a 
general  review  of  the  conquest  of  all  Palestine, 
with  a  special  notice  of  the  extirpation  of  the  Ana- 
kim. 

a.  The  Second  League  of  Canaanite  Kings,  vers. 
1-6.  —  Jabin  king  of  Hazor.  Hazor  (ch.  xii.  19; 
xix.  36)  was  an   important  royal  seat  of  the  Oa- 


collects  the  military  forces  of  this  portion  of  the  naanites,  which  Joshua  destroyed,  according  to  the 
country  against  the  conqueror  at  Gibeon.  But  statement  in  this  chapter  (ver.  13),  but  which  was 
the  Lord  encourages  his  servant,  and  now  again,    afterwards  rebuilt,  and  became  again  a  kingly  cap- 


as  before,  exhorts  him  not  to  fear  them,  although 
they  had  encamped  by  the  water  of  Merom,  like 
the  sand  of  the  sea  for  multitude  (vers.  1-6),  Joshua 
falls  upon  them  suddenly,  before  they  had  fully 
got  together,  smites  them  utterly,  pursues  them  to 
the  seacoast,  in  the  region  of  Sidon,  lames  their 
horses,  and  burns  their  chariots  with  fire.  The 
account  which  we  have  in  vers.  7-9  is  brief  but  a.l 


ital  (Judg.  iv.  2,  17  ;  1  Sam.  xii.  9).  Here  dwelt, 
in  the  time  of  the  Judges,  another  Jabin  whose 
general  was  Sisera.  Solomon  fortified  the  place 
(I  K.  ix.  IS),  the  population  of  which  was  carried 
away  by  the  Assyrians  under  Tiglath-pileser  (2  K. 
xv.  29).  According  to  Josepbus  (Antiq.  v.  5,  1), 
uirtpKtirai  rrjs  Se^ex^fiTiSos  \ifxvT)s),  Hazor  lay  on 
the  range  of  hills  which  stretches  itself  on  the  wesl 


CHAPTER  XI. 


107 


jf  the  sea  of  Merora,  now  the  Jebel  Safed.  Porter 
(i.  304)  found  here  a  place  Hafur;  Robinson,  on 
'he  same  ridge  an  hour  south  of  Kedesh,  with 
which  Hazor  is  mentioned  both  iu  our  Book  ch. 
xix.  36,  and  in  2  K.  xv.  29,  found  a  hill  Tel- 
Khureibeh,  which  he  would  identity  with  Hazor. 
Knobel  seek-  for  it  on  a  hill  north  of  Ramah,  south- 
wot  of  Safed,  where  a  collection  of  ruins,  Huzzur 
or  Hazirch,  occurs.  This  suits  his  view  of  the 
"  water  of  Merom  ;  "  see  below.  But  as  we  can- 
not share  in  this,  for  reasons  to  be  given,  we  accept 
the  statement  of  Josephus,  which  seems  to  us  suffi- 
ciently supported  by  the  researches  of  Porter  and 
lioliiiiMin.  Such  a  point  was  well  adapted  to  the 
residence  of  a  prominent  monarch. 

Madon,  eh.  xii.  19.  A  city  not  yet  discovered, 
perhaps  t<>  be  sought  in  southern  Galilee,  more 
probably,  however,  like  the  other  cities  west  of  the 
sea  of  Merom  (Knob.). 

Shimron  is  called,  ch.  xii.  20,  Shimron-Mcrun. 
therefore  Shjmron  iu  the  vicinity  of  Meron  =  Ma- 
ron,  southwest  of  Kedesh. 

Achshaph  (ch.  xii.  20)  a  border  city  of  Asher 
(ch.  xix.  25).  According  to  Robinson  (Later  Bibl. 
Res.  p.  55),  perhaps  the  present  Kesaf.  about  mid- 
way between  Tyre  and  Banias ;  almost  certainly 
not  Akko,  as  Knobel  on  ch.  xix.  25  conjectures. 

Vcr.  2.  On  the  mountain.  The  mountain  of 
Naphthali  (ch.  xix.  32)  is  meant. 

In  the  plain,  south  of  Cinneroth,  i.  e.,  the 
Ghor  of  the  Jordan,  south  of  the  sea  of  Gennes- 
aret. 

In  the  lowland ;  here  probably  the  strip  bor- 
dering the  sea  between  Akko  and  Sidon,  to  which 
the  following,  Naphoth-Dor  on  the  sea,  directs 
us  (ch.  xii.  23).  This  Dor  (ch.  xvii.  11,  Joseph. 
Ant.  v.  1,  22)  belonged  later  to  Manasseh  (ch. 
xvii.  11),  by  which  tribe  its  Canaanite  inhabitants 
were  not  driven  out  (Judg.  i.  27).  Prom  1  Chron. 
viii.  29,  we  learn  that  children  of  Joseph  dwelt  in 
it.  The  population  was  accordingly  a  mixed  one. 
Under  Solomon  it  was  the  chief  place  of  a  revenue 
district  (1  K.  iv.  U);  now  called  Tortura,  also 
Tantura,  with  forty  or  fifty  dwellings,  rive  hundred 
Mohammedan   inhabitants,  and   ruins  of  a  Frank 

castle  (von  Raumer).  "01  ,1123  or  ~m  j~IS3 
(ch.  xii.  23  ;  1  K.  iv.  1 1 )  =  heights  of  Dor.  The 
place  was  so  called  because  it  lay  on  an  elevation, 
where  Van  de  Velde  found  the  ruins  (Mem.  p. 
307),  nine  miles  north  of  Csesarea  towards  Tyre. 

Vcr.  3.  Jabin  sent,  accordingly,  to  the  Canaan- 
ites  in  the  east  and  west,  and  to  the  other  tribes, 
s.  if.  to  the  llivites  dwelling  in  the  land  of  Mizpeh. 
This  region  lay,  according  to  the  present  passage, 
under  Hermon,  am.  was,  from  ver.  8,  a  plain,  per- 
haps the  level  strip  south  of  Hasbeiya,  and  to  the 
west  of  Tel  el-Kadi.  There,  on  a  hill,  from  which 
one  has  a  glorious  view  of  the  great  basin  of  Hule, 
lies  the  place  Mutelleh  or  Metelleh  (Robinson,  iii. 
347,  and  Later  Bibl.  Res.  372  f,  Van  cle  Velde,  Nar- 
rative, ii.  p.  428).     The  name  signifies  "  outlook," 

and  corresponds  to  the  Heb-  !"l2VO  (Knobel). 
The  name  Mizpeh  occurs  in  two  other  places,  in 
Judah  (von  Raumer,  p.  213),  and  probably  twice 
also  in  Gilead  (von  Raumer,  p.  265),  as  a  designa- 
tion of  localities ;  very  naturally,  since  the  country 
abounded  in  positions  affording  beautiful  and  ex- 
tensive prospects.  Compare  the  similar  names  to 
he  met  with  in  our  mountain  regions  :  Lookout, 
Fairview,  etc. 

Ver.  4.  The  Canaanite  princes  and  their  tribes 
Doey  and  march  out,  much  people  even  as  the 
«nud    that   is    on    the  sea-shore    in   multitude. 


with  horses  and  chariots  very  many.  The  com 
parison  with  the  sand  by  the  sea  is  very  often  met 
with  in  the  Book  of  Genesis,  xxx  i.  13,  31  ;  xii. 
49,  as  an  emblem  of  muttitudt  ;  as  an  emblem  of 
weight  again,  Job  vi.  3 :  1'rov.  xxvii.  3.  The 
horses  were  particularly  formidable  to  the  Israel- 
ites, who  had  none.  The  chariots  likewise,  of 
which  it  is  said,  ch.  xvii.  18,  that  they  were  iron 
chariots,  ('.  e.  had  wheels  with  iron  tires.  Comp 
Bertheau  [and  Cassel]  on  Judg.  i.  19:  "  Tim 
scythe-chariots  were  first  introduced  by  Cyrus," 
(Xen.  Ct/rop.  iv.  1,  27,  30),  Keil. 

Ver.  5.  And  when  all  these  kings  were  met 
together  they  came  and  pitched  together  at  the 
waters  of  Merom,  to  fight  against  Israel.     This 

water  of  Merom,  D1HJ2  ^Q  =  highest,  upper,  water 
is,  according  to  the  traditional  explanation,  the 
Klfivt]  2e^exu"/<T1s  of  Josephus  (Ant.  v.  5,  1  ;  Bell. 
■In, I.  iii.  9,  7;  iv.  1,  1);  now  called  by  the  Arabs 
Bahr  el-Huleh,  or  el-Khait.  "  The  sea  is  two  and 
a  half  hours  long,  one  hour  wide  [about  three 
miles  in  each  direction,  Grove,  Diet,  of  Bibl.  p, 
1898],  muddy,  abounding  in  fish,  its  surface  forty 
feet  [Van  de"  Velde:  140]  above  the  level  of  the 
sea ;  in  summer  mostly  dried  up,  full  of  reeds,  in 
which  wild  boars  and  serpents  dwell,  only  its  east- 
ern shore  is  inhabited  "  (von  Raumer).  It  is  men 
tioned  nowhere  else  in  the  Bible.  The  allied  kings, 
judging  from  ver.  7,  had,  probably,  pitched  their 
camp  in  a  strong  position,  covered  by  Hazor  and 
other  cities  as,  e.  g.  Kedesh,  on  the  Jebel  Safed. 
From  thence  they  might  launch  forth  with  their 
horses  and  chariots  against  Joshua,  who  would  be 
likely  to  come  up  through  the  Jordan  valley.  But 
if  this  were  their  plan  it  was  frustrated  by  the  truly 
strategic  promptness  of  the  Hebrew  commander. 
Knobel,  followed  lately  by  Keil  (Bill.  Com.  ii.  1, 
in  h.  1.)  seeks  this  water  of  Merom  in  a  little  brook 
flowing  in  the  valley  below  Safed,  and  which  has 
its  source  in  the  mountain  lying  two  hours  north- 
west of  Safed.  There  lies  a  place  called  Meiruni 
or  Merun  (Rob.  iii.  333  f).  A  glance  at  the  map 
shows  that  this  valley  was  ill  suited  to  be  the 
camp  of  the  multitudinous  Canaanites.  And  when 
Knobel,  to  support  his  peculiar  opinion,  brings  up 
the  circumstance,  that  "  there  is  no  proof  that  the 
Bahr  el-Huleh  was  ever  called  by  the  ancients  the 
"water  of  Merom,"  we  reply,  that  the  Bahr  el- 
Huleh  is  mentioned  at  all  only  in  this  single  pas- 
sage,  so  that  the  only  question  is.  How  did  the  an- 
cients understand  this  passage  ?     What  did  they 

think  of  the  2"n^3  ""D  ?  Answer  :  According  to 
Josephus  they  thought  it  to  be  the  Sea  Seinechon- 
itis,  or  Samochonitis,  the  present  Bahr  el-Huleh, 
near  which  the  battle  was  fought.  To  this  tra- 
ditional view,  Hitzig  also  holds.  He  briefly  re- 
marks (Hist,  of  People  of  Isr.  i.  p.  103):  "He 
(Joshua)  conquered,  it  is  said,  at  the  water  of 
Merom  (;'.  e.  El  Huleh)  King  Jabin." 

Ver.  6.  Encouraging  appeal  of  God  to  Joshua, 
as  eh  x.  8  and  often.  We  have  to  conceive  of 
Joshua  as  already  on  the  march,  when  this  wore 
was  addressed  to  him,  since  the  distance  from  Gil- 
gal  to  the  sea  of  Merom  was  too  great  for  him  to 
reach  the  latter  between  one  day  and  the  next  ("  to- 
morrow about  this  time"). 

Thou  shalt  hough  their  horses  and  burn  theil  4 
chariots  with  fire.  So  David  does  with  the  horses 
■  if   lladad-ezer,  king  of  Zoba  (2  Sam.  viii.  4;   1 

Chron.  xviii.  4.  "'o.V  =  veuponoireiv).  The  tendons 
of" the  hind  legs  were  severed  (they  were  hamstrung), 
and  thus  thev  were  rendered  coni[  etely  useless. — 


108 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


The  burning  of  the  chariots  is  mentioned  also,  Ps. 
tlvi.  10  ;  they  were  therefore  certainly  of  wood. 

b.  The  great  Victory  at  the  Sea  of  Merom,   vers. 

7-9.  —  Ver.  7.  Suddenly,  EN/^5  from  3H?2, 
with  the  adverbial  ending  0',  as  in  DIP  ;E7,  and 
metathesis  of  N  and  27.  They  said  also  CSHQ?, 
2  Chr.  xxix.  36,  or    CSHp  37HQ?,  Num.  vi.  9, 

or  afena  2ns1?,  is.  xxix.  5,  or  inp^  nVvps, 

Is.  xxx.  1.3.  Joshua  proves  himself  by  his  rapidity 
a  true  general,  as  ch.  x.  9. 

Ver.  8.  Pursued  them  unto  great  Zidon  and 
unto  Misrephoth-maim,  and  unto  the  valley 
of  Mizpeh  eastward.  Joshua  followed  the  enemy 
partly  in  a  northwestern  direction  (toward  Sidonj, 
and  westward  (Misrephoth-m.),  partly  towards  the 
northeast  (valley  of  Mizpeh).      Sidon  is  here  as 

ch.  xix.  28,  the  great   (rt3~l),  i.  e.  the  populous 

(■"IS"]  not  i"17"T2)  and  thus  is  designated  as  the 
capital  of  the  land  of  the  Sidonians  (Phoenicians). 
It  was  older  than  Tyre,  and  allotted  to  the  tribe  of 
Asher  (ch.  xix.  28),  but  not  conquered  by  it  (Judg. 
i.  31 ).  Sidon  is  repeatedly  mentioned  bv  Homer 
(II.  vi.  289;  xxiii.  743;  Od.  xv.  425).  The  city, 
once  so  powerful,  has  now  not  more  than  5,000  in- 
habitants ( Rob.  iii.  41 7  ff.).  In  his  prophecy  against 
Tyrus,  Isaiah  remembers  Sidon  also  (Is.  xxiii.  2,4, 
12).  Jeremiah  comprehends  Sidon  with  Tyre 
(Jer.  xlvii.  4,  compared  with  ch.  xxvii.  3),  which 
is  very  often  done  in  the  N.  T.  (Matt.  xi.  21,  22  ; 
Mark  vii.  24-31  ;  Matt.  xv.  21  ;  Luke  x.  13  ; 
Mark  iii.  8).  A  charming  description  of  Sidon  is 
given  by  Fttrrer,  Wanderungen  d.  Palest,  p.  351. — 
Misrephoth-maim.  Luther :  "  warm  water  "  ; 
Gesen. :  "  perhaps  lime-kilns  or  smelting-furnaces 

(from  Hj^)  situated  near  water;"  Knobel,  from 
the  Arab.:  "water-heights,"  among  which  should 
be  understood  the  promontories  Has  en-Nakura  and 
Ras  el-Aibab  (Scala  Tyriorum).  Not  both  prom- 
ontories, however,  but  only  one,  and  not  the  sea 
but  a  spring,  is  meant,  we  believe,  namely,  the 
southern  Ras  en-Nakura,  which,  from  a  spring 
lying  at  the  southern  foot  of  the  mountain,  and  a 
place  called  Muschairifeh  (plainly,  as  even  Knobel 
admits,  the  same  name  as  Misrephoth),  is  called 
also  Ras  el-Muschairifeh  (Hitter,  xvi.  807).  Here 
once  stood  perhaps  furnaces  (glass  furnaces  >)  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  spring,  and  from  these  it  received 
its  name.  This  view  suits  excellently  with  ch. 
xiii.  6,  where  Misrephoth-maim  is  mentioned  as  a 
known  boundary  point.  Joshua,  therefore,  cast  the 
Canaanites  over  the  mountain,  here  precipitously 
steep,  down  into  the  plain  by  the  sea,  by  which,  cer- 
tainly,  thousands  were  destroyed.  But  while  two 
divisions  of  the  army  thus  followed  the  enemy 
toward  the  southwest  [N.  W.  ?]  and  west,  another 
moves  at  tlie  same  time  toward  the  northeast,  and 
chases  them  into  the  valley  of  Mizpeh,  called  above 
in  ver.  3,  Mizpah. 

Ver.  9.  Finally,  Joshua  does  as  Jehovah  had 
bidden,  houghs  the  horses,  and  burns  the  chariots. 

c.  The  Capture  of  ivhat  remained  of  Northern 
Palestine  (vers.  10-15).  Vers.  10,  11  First, 
Hazor,  the  chief  city  of  these  petty  northern  king- 
doms is  taken,  and,  because  of  its  prominence, 
more  hardly  dealt  with  than  the  rest.  For  Joshua 
turned  Hazor  with  tire  (vers.  11, 13).  —  On  the  inf. 

2^77.  comp.  Dent.  iii.  6,  and  17^    ch.  iii.  17. 
Ver*.   12,  13.     Fate  of  the  other  cities.      The 


|  sense  of  the  two  verses  is  that  the  cities  in  the 
plain  were  totally  burned  and  devoted,  while  those, 
on  the  contrary,  which  stood  on  their  lull,  i.  e.  the 
fortified  mountain  cities,  with  the  sole  exception  of 
Hazor,  were  not  burned.  The  Israelites  were  con- 
tent to  sack  them  (ver.  12). 

Ver-  14.  The  spoils  were  not  devoted  but  di- 
vided, as  at  Ai,  ch.  viii.  2,  27.  The  men,  all  that 
had  breath  (comp.  ver.  11),  were  destroyed. 

Ver.  15.  This  command  of  God  to  Moses  is 
found  before  in  Ex.  xxxiv.  11-16;  and  again  Num. 
xxxiii.  51-56,  strengthened  by  threatenings  ;  finally, 
also,  Deut.  xx.  16,  where  it  is  said,  "  Thou  shalt  save 
alive  nothing  that  breathes,"  as  Joshua  here  actually 
does.  For  the  transfer  of  this  command  to  Joshua, 
compare  in  general  the  often-cited  passage,  Num. 
xxvii.  18-23,  and  particularly  Deut.  iii.  21.  The 
author  states  emphatically,  to  show  the  conscien- 
tiousness of  Joshua  :  he  left  nothing  undone  of 
all  that  Jehovah  had  commanded  Moses,  comp. 
vers.  12.  as  well  as  ch.  i.  7,  8. 

d.  General  Retrospect  of  the  Conquest  of  Western 
Palestine  (ver.  16-23). —  "Joshua  captured  the 
whole  land  of  Canaan,  namely,  in  the  south,  the 
portions  mentioned  ch.  x.  40  if.,  together  with  the 
Arabah  (ver.  2),  the  mountain  of  Israel,  ;'.  e. 
Ephraim  (ch  xvii.  15),  and  its  lowland  on  the  west 
(ch.  xvi.  1),  and  so  the  land  from  the  Bald  Moun- 
tain in  the  south  to  Baal-gad  in  the  north  ;  the 
kings  he  took  captive,  smote  and  slew"  (Knobel). 

Ver.  17.  From  the  Mount  Halak  (smooth,  or 
bald  mountain),  that  goes  up  to  Seir  (ch.  xii.  7). 
This  smooth  mountain  can  hardly  be  Mount  Mad- 
urah,  as  Knobel   thinks  (he  writes  Madara),  and 

hence  translates  p  1"!  ^n  by  "smooth  moun- 
tain" (mentioned  by  Robinson,  ii.  589);  because 
this  mountain  does  not  go  up  to  Mount  Seir,  but 
rather  lies  on  the  west  side  of  the  Wady  el-Fikreh. 
It  is  more  probably  identical  with  the  "  ascent  of 
Akrabbim,"  mentioned  ch.  xv.  3,  and  Num.  xxxiv. 
4.  which  Robinson  believes  he  has  discovered  in 
the  remarkable  line  of  cliffs  that  run  across  the  en- 
tire Ghor,  a  few  miles  south  of  the  Dead  Sea(ii. 
489,  490).  This  divides  the  great  valley  into  two 
parts,  both  physically  aud  in  respect  to  its  names 
down  even  to  the  present  day,  the  northern  portion 
from  hence  to  the  sea  of  Tiberias  being  called  el- 
Ghor  [formerly,  the  Arabah],  the  southern,  even  to 
Akabah,  being  called  el-Araba  (Rob.  /.  c.)  This 
ridge,  consisting  of  whitish  cliffs  (Rob./  c. )  goes 
up  in  fact  to  Seir,  i.  e.  towards  the  mountains  of 
Edom  which  constitute  the  eastern  boundary  of  the 
Arabah,  now  Jebal  (Gebalene),  and  lies  exactly 
opposite  to  Baal-gad  which  is  named  as  the  north- 
ern limit.  So  Keil  in  I.  accepts  it.  On  the  map 
accompanying  the  last  edition  of  von  Raumers 
Palastina,  from  Stieler's  Hand  Atlas  (No.  42  b), 
the  points  in  question  are  very  clearly  marked. 

Even  unto  Baal-gad  in  the  valley  of  Lebanon 
under  Mount  Hermon.  Not  Baalbec  (Knobel), 
which  lies  much  too  far  north,  but  the  later  Cffisarea- 
Philippi,  earlier  Panias,  nowBaneas,  comp.  ch.  xii. 
7,  xiii.  5  ;  Judg.  iii.  3  ;  von  Raumer,  Palast.  p.  245, 
Gesen.  Lexicon.  Thecity  was  called  Baal-gad,  be- 
cause Baal,  according  to  Is.  lxv.  1 1 ,  was  worshipped 

as  Baal-Gad  ("12,  fortune)  =  the  God  of  fortune 
In  Judg.  iii.  3  it  is  called  Baal-hermon.  Accord- 
ing to  Jerome  (Onom.  s.  v.  Aermon),  a  temple  of 
Baal  must  have  stood  on  Mount  Hermon. 

Ver.  18.  Joshua  made  war  with  those  kings 
along  time.  From  ch.  xiv.  7,  10,  at  least  five 
years.     For  Caleb  wa«  forty  years  old  when  Mose» 


CHAPTER  XI. 


109 


sent  him  out  of  Kadesh-barnea  as  a  spy ;  eighty- 
five  years  old  was  lie  when,  immediately  after  the 
conquest  of  the  land,  he  received  his  possession  from 
Joshua.  Since  the  former  date,  accordingly,  forty- 
five  years  have  past,  as  Caleb  also  himself  says, 
forty  of  which  belong  to  the  pilgrimage  in  the 
Arabah,  leaving  live  for  the  subjugation  of  the 
land ;  not  too  long  certainly,  and  yet  long  enough 
to  be  called  a  long  time.  Heb.  :  "  many  d:ty» ." 
So  also  Joseph.  Ant,  v.  1,  19.  Comp.  Introd.  §  4. 

Ver.  19.  Gibeon's  peaceful  surrender  is  men- 
tioned again,  ch.  ix.  7,  15;  x.  1,  6.  The  others 
had  all  to  be  taken  in  battle. 

Ver.  20.  For  it  was  of  Jehovah  to  harden  their 
hearts,  that  they  should  come  against  Israel 
in  battle,  that  he  might  devote  them,  and  that 
they  might  have  no  favor,  but  that  he  might 
destroy  them,  as  Jehovah  had  commanded  Mo- 
ses. God  dealt  with  them  as  He  had  done  with 
Pharaoh,  Ex.  iv.  21  ;  vii.  3  j  xiv.  4;  Rom.  ix.  17; 
Calvin  :  In  hunc  jinem  illos  Deus  obdurat,  ut  a  se 
misericordiam  avertant ;  wide  etdurities  ista  vocatur 
ejus  opus,  quia  effectum  consilii  ejus  stabilit."  See 
Doctrinal  and  Ethical  below. 

Verses  21-23  contain  in  part  a  supplementary 
notice  of  the  extirpation  of  the  Anakim,  in  the 
cities  of  Hebron  and  Debir,  the  destruction  of  which 
has  already  (ch.  x.  36  ff.)  been  reported,  and  in 
part  a  general  conclusion  substantially  as  given 
before  in  ver.  16.  We  may  observe,  however,  that 
here,  (1)  the  division  of  the  land  is  expressly  men- 
tioned, and  (2)  it  is  added  that  the  land  had  rest 
from  war. 

Ver.  21.  Cut  off  the  Anakim.  See  the  Introd. 
p.  30.  Hebron  and  Debir  were  mentioned  in  ch. 
x.  36  ff.  but  not  Anab  which,  and  also  Eshtemo, 
is  joined  with  Debir  inch.  xv.  50.  Robinson  found 
both  as  neighboring  places  south  of  Hebron  (ii. 
94,  195).  Anab  wears  its  ancient  name  even  to 
the  present  day  ;  Eshtemo  is  now  called  Semua. 

Ver.  22.  Gaza,  ch.  x  41  ;  xiii.  3  ;  xv.  47,  the  well- 
known  city  of  the  Philistines,  first  mentioned  Gen. 
x.  19,  familiar  from  the  history  of  Samson,  Judg. 
xvi.,  the  utterances  of  the  prophets  ( Jer.  xxv.  20  ; 
xlvii.  5;  Amos  i.  6,  7  ;  Zeph.  ii.  4;  Zech.  ix.  5), 
the  eunuch  from  Ethiopia  (Acts  viii.  26).  It  Btands 
in  a  fertile  region,  and  is  even  now  an  important 
town  with  fifteen  thousand  inhabitants.  These 
derive  great  profit  from  the  caravans. 

Gath,  now  lost  without  a  trace  discoverable, 
another  city  of  the  Philistines,  the  home  of  Goliath 
and  other  giants  ( 1  Sum.  xvii.  4  ;  1  Chr.  xxi.  5-8  ; 
2  Sam.  xxi.  19-22)  who  were  not  exterminated 
here  ;  familiar  from  the  history  of  David  (1  Sam. 
xxi.  10;  xxvii.  2-4;  Ps.  lvi. ;  2  Sam.  i.  20,  and 
often).  Already  in  the  time  of  the  prophet  Amos, 
the  greatness  of  Gath  had  shrunk  (Amos  vi.  2). 
Robinson  (ii.  420  ff.)  sought  in  vain  for  its  site. 

Ashdod,  now  Esdud,  between  two  and  three 
hours  from  Ashkelon,  with  100  or  150  miserable 
hovels,  mentioned  in  our  book  ch.  xiii.  3  ;  xv.  46, 
47  ;  the  city  of  Dagon,  1  Sam.  v.  1-7,  against 
which,  as  against  Gaza,  the  prophets  often  direct 
their  denunciations  (Jer.  xxv.  20  ;  Amos  i.  8  ; 
iii.  9  ;  Zeph.  ii.  4  ;  Zech.  ix.  6).  To  this  place  was 
Philip  the  Evangelist  snatched  away.  Acts  viii.  40. 
The  city  is  said  to  have  been  very  "strong  ( Herod. 
ii.  157). 

Ver.    23.       According    to     their     divisions, 

Q\'P7T'^?'  elsewhere  used  principally  of  the  di- 
risions  of  the  priests  and  Levites  into  twenty-four 
classes  (cf^juifp/ai,  K\i)poi)  1  Chr.  xxvii.  1  ff. ;  2 
Chr.  t  iii .  14;  xxxi.   2  ;  xxxv.  4;  here,  as  in  ch. 


xii.  7  ;  xviii.  10,  of  the  division  of  the  people  into 
tribes. 

And  the  land  had  rest  from  war,  i.  e.  "  there 
were  no  more  warlike  disturbances  in  it  (ch.  xiv. 
15;  Judg.  iii.  11,  30  ;  v.  31  ;  viii.  28),"  Knobel. 


DOCTRINAL  AND  ETHICAL. 

1.  Conscientiousness  in  carrying  out  the  di- 
vine commands  and  in  fulfilling  God's  will,  is  a 
prominent  characteristic  of  the  holy  men  in  both 
the  old  and  the  new  Testaments.  Thus  Moses  is 
praised  because  he  in  all  his  house  was  faithful  to 
him  that  made  him  (Heb.  iii.  2,  5).  Faithfulness, 
however,  exists  only  where  conscientiousness  ex- 
i-r.-.  for  the  faithless  man  is  always  void  of  con- 
science also.  And  so  Joshua  was  faithful,  as  is  in- 
timated in  ver.  15  of  the  chapter  before  us,  since 
he  left  nothing  undone  of  all  which  God  had  com- 
manded Moses.  The  highest  conscientiousness, 
which  is  at  the  same  time  perfect  fidelity,  is  found 
in  Jesus  Christ,  whose  meat  and  drink  "it  is  to  do 
the  will  of  Him  that  sent  him,  and  to  finish  his 
work  (John  iv.  34)  ;  who  seeks  to  do  not  his  own 
will  but  the  Father's  will  (John  v.  30)  ;  who  there- 
fore loses  nothing  of  all  which  the  father  has  given 
him  (John  vi.  387  39) ;  and  who  could,  on  the  cross, 
exclaim  with  satisfaction,  "  It  is  finished  "  (John 
xix.  30). 

2.  When  the  hostility  of  the  Canaanites  is  as- 
cribed to  the  hardening  of  their  hearts  by  God 
(ver.  20),  here,  as  everywhere  in  Scripture,"  when 
such  hardening  is  spoken  of,  it  is  carefully  to  be 
borne  in  mind,  that  this  is  always  inflicted  as  a 
judgment  on  those  who  have  previously,  somehow, 
acted  contrary  to  his  will.  This  i-  true  of  Pharaoh 
(Ex.  iv.  21  :  vii.  13  ;  x.  20;  xi.  10;  xiv.  4  ;  Rom. 
ix.  17),  of  the  people  of  Israel  (Is.  vi.  10;  Matt, 
xiii.  12-14),  and  here  of  the  Canaanites.  They 
have  all  transgressed  grievously  in  some  way 
against  God :  Pharaoh  through  the  oppression  of 
Israel:  Israel  through  impiety;  the  Canaanites, 
through  idolatry :  and  are  therefore  now  hardened 
by  God,  i.  e.  their  understanding  is  infatuated, 
their  will  audacious,  so  that  they  blindly  run  into 
destruction.  That  this  ruin  on  their  part,  again, 
serves  to  glorify  God's  power  (Rom.  ix.  17),  is  self- 
evident;  only  the  matter  should  not  be  so  under 
stood  as  it  is  by  Calvin,  who,  while  not  denying 

ind 1  the  guilt  of  the   Canaanites,  still  leaves  in 

the  background  the  judicial  providence  of  God  re- 
vealing itself  in  their  hardness  of  heart,  and  speaks 
only  of  God's  having  made  a  way  for  his  decree  by 
hardening  the  ungodly  (ubi  r'eprobos  obduravit). 
The  absolute  divine  decree  stands  here  also,  with 
Calvin,  high  above  all  else.  He  does  not  indeed, 
here  or  ever,  deny  the  guilt  of  men,  but  this  guilt 
itself  is  not  a  free  act  of  men,  but  is  rather  jointly 
included  in  the  decree  of  God,  as  follows  from  the 
close  of  his  explanation  of  vers.  19,  20  :  "Nunc  si 
rem  adeo  dilucidam  suis  nebulis  obscurare  conentur, 
qui  Deum  e  ccelo  speculari  Jingunt,  quid  hominibus 
libeat,  nee  hominum  corda  arcano  ejus  inslinctu  fre- 
nari  sustinent:  quid  aiiud  quant  snam  impudent/am 
prodent  ?  Deo  tantum  concedunt  ut  permittat :  hoc  au- 
tein  modo  suspendunt  ejus  consilium  ah  hominum  placito. 
Quid  autem  Spiritut  ?  a  Deo  esse  obdurationem 
ut  prcecipitet  quos  vult  perdere."  The  final  words 
in  particular  are  intelligible  enough,  and  remind 
of  the  verses  of  an  anonymous  Greek  Tragic  Poet, 
quoted  in  a  scholium  on  Sophocles'  "Antigone" 
ver.  6,  20  :  — 


110 


THE   BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


"Otolv  5'  b  Satfiiwi/  avSpl  iropffvvr}  Katia 
Thy  vovv  tfflaipe  wpwrof,  (5  j8ou\tu€Ta( ; 
or  of  the  Latin  maxim,  probably  originating  in  what 
has  just  been  quoted,  Quos  Dens  perderc  vult  de- 
meniat  prius  (eomp.  Biichmann,  p.  117,   Geffugelce 
Worte). 

HOMILET1CAL    AND    PRACTICAL 

Although  the  Lord's  enemies  may  be  like  sand 
by  the  sea,  yet  we  need  not  be  disheartened,  for  He 
gives  us  confidence,  courage,  and  victory,  as  He 
did  once  to  Joshua.  As  Joshua  always  followed 
up  his  victory,  so  must  we  follow  up  every  suc- 
cess on  the  Held  of  our  inner  life,  to  its  full  re- 
sults, that  we  be  not  cheated  of  the  fruits.  —  The 
extirpation  of  the  Canaanites,  (1)  due  to  their  idol- 
atry and  immorality;  (2)  executed  through  a  di- 
vine command  ;  (3)  set  as  a  warning  example  for 
all  times.  —  They  left  nothing  remaining  which 
had  breath  !  So  when  a  whole  people  have  sinned, 
the  less  guilty  and  the  guilty  fall  together. — 
Joshua's  conscientiousness.  —  Moses  and  Joshua, 
God's  faithful  servants.  —  Men  of  God  act  not  ac- 
cording to  their  own  pleasure,  but  to  the  command 
of  God.  —  A  glance  at  Canaan.  —  A  long  time 
fought  Joshua  with  the  kings  of  the  Canaanites, 
ever  must  we  fight  with  sin,  the  flesh,  the  world. — 
The  obduracy  of  the  Canaanites  regarded  as  a  di- 
Tine  judgment  upon  them.  —  All  obduracy  is  God's 
judgment  on  men,  who  are  sunk  in  sin  and  have 
forfeited  their  freedom.  —  Ah,  if  grace  no  more 
"  prevented  "  men,  how  terrible !  —  The  land  ceased 
from  war  (sermon  on  the  celebration  of  peace). 

Starke  :  When  it  goes  against  the  children  of 
God,  the  ungodly  blow  the  horn,  join  forces,  and 
use  all  their  might,  Ps.  ii.  2  ;  iii.  1.  —  Whom  God 
deserts  with  his  grace  that  man  runs  into  his  own 
misfortune  and  destruction,  Rom.  ii.  5  ;  Ex.  xiv. 
27;  Is.  vi.  11. 

Cramer  :  The  perverseness  of  the  ungodly  ! 
when  they  hear  of  God's  wonderful  deeds,  and 
should  justly  be  led  to  repentance  thereby,  they 
take  the  course  of  crabs,  and  become  only  the  more 
obdurate  and  wicked,  until  they  bring  upon  them- 
selves utter  ruin,  Ps.  lxxviii.  31,  32.  —  If  not  to- 
day, it  may  be  better  to-morrow,  only  wait  the  lit- 
tle while  (ver.  6).  —  When  enemies  study  and  con- 
trive how  they  may  destroy  the  people  of  God,  then 
God  studies  and  contrives  how  they  may  be  re- 
strained and  even  entirely   rooted  out.  —  God's 


word  and  promise  cannot  delay,  and  they  remain 
unbound.  —  God's  hand  has  a  twofold  operative, 
by  one  He  strikes  his  foes,  and  by  the  other  He  gives 
his  people  victory,  power,  and  strength ;  and  this 
hand  is  not  yet  shortened.  Is.  lix.  1.  —  When  men 
become  hardened  through  the  instigation  of  the 
devil,  God  draws  back  his  hand  and  smites  them 
with  the  most  serious  penalty  of  obduracy,  appoints 
this  as  a  punishment  of  sin  and  a  warning  to  his 
elect,  and  yet  becomes  not  a  cause  of  sin,  Ps.  v.  5. 
—  Against  God  no  giant  even  has  any  strength ; 
Ps.  xxxiii.  16;  Is.  xlix.  25. 

Bibl.  Tub.  :  In  war  all  depends  not  on  the 
strength  and  multitude  of  the  people,  but  on  God, 
who  gives  the  victory,  Ps.  xlvi.  10. 

Osiander  :  Those  who  continue  ever  in  their 
ungodly  life,  and  think  not  at  all  with  earnestness 
of  true  heart-conversion,  those  become  finally  so 
blinded  by  God,  and  are  so  entirely  given  up  to  a 
perverse  heart  that,  like  madmen,  they  run  to 
meet  their  own  destruction,  until  they  are  plunged 
at  length  into  everlasting  hell-fire.  —  God  gives 
sometimes  even  to  his  Church  on  earth  temporal 
peace,  but  they  must  not  abuse  this  to  temporal 
security. 

Gerlach  :  Obduracy  of  the  heart  happens  here 
also  as  a  punishment,  after  grace  has  been  pre- 
viously offered,  Ex.  iv.  21.  This  offer  of  grace  lay 
in  the  Lord's  great  miracles  in  Egypt,  which  these 
people  had  heard  of  with  astonishment  before  the 
coming  of  the  Israelites. 

[Matt.  Henry  :  Several  nations  joined  in  this 
confederacy  ....  of  different  constitutions, 
and  divided  interests  among  themselves,  and  yet 
they  here  unite  against  Israel  as  against  a  com- 
mon enemy.  Thus  are  the  children  of  this  world 
more  unanimous,  and  therein  wiser  than  the  children 
of  light.  The  oneness  of  the  Church's  enemies 
should  shame  the  Church's  friends  out  of  their  dis- 
cords and  divisions,  and  engage  them  to  be  one-  — 
Never  let  the  sons  of  Anak  be  a  terror  to  the  Israel 
of  God,  for  even  their  day  will  come,  to  fall. — 
Note  :  God  sometimes  reserves  the  sharpest  trials 
of  his  people  by  affliction  and  temptation  for  the 
latter  end  of  their  days.  Therefore  U-t  not  him  thai 
qirds  on  the  harness  boast,  as  he  that  puts  it  off. 
Death,  that  tremendous  son  of  Anak,  is  the  last 
enemy  that  is  to  be  encountered,  but  it  is  to  be  de- 
stroyed, 1  Cor.  xv.  28.  Thanks  be  to  God  whe 
will  give  us  the  victory.  —  Tr.] 


SECTION   THIRD. 

catalogue  op  all  the    klngs  conquered  under  the  command  op  moses  and  joshua.  ib 

East  and  West  Palestine. 

Chapter  XII. 

1.    Catalogue  of  the  Kings  Conquered  in  East  Palestine. 
Chapter  XII.     1-6. 


1  Now '  these  are  the  kings  of  the  land,  which  the  children  of  Israel  smote,  and  pos- 
sessed their  land  on  the  other  side  [of  the]  Jordan  toward  the  rising  of  the  sun.from 

2  the  river2  Anion,  unto  Mount  Hermon,  and  all  the  plain   on  the  east:    Sihon,  king 
of  the  Amorites,  who  dwelt  !n  Heshbon,  and  ruled   from  Aroer,  which  it  upon  the 


CHAPTER  5H.  1 1 1 


bank  of  the  river  Arnon  and  from  the  middle  of  the  river,  and  from  half  Gilead. 

3  even  unto  the  river  Jabbok  which  is  the  border  of  the  children  of  Ammon,  and  from 
the  plain  to  the  Sea  of  Cinneroth  on  the  east,  and  unto  the  sea  of  the  plain,  even  the 
Salt  Sea  on  the  east,  the  way  to  Beth-jeshimoth  [LXX :  dSiv  tV  Kara  'Ao-fi/xole  ;  Vulg. : 
per    viam    qua    ducit   Bethsimoth~\ ;  and  from    the   south,    under  Ashdoth-pisgah. 

4  And  the  coast  [border]  of  Og,  king  of  Bashan,  which  [who]  ivas  of  the  remnant  of 

5  the  giants,  that  dwelt  at  Ashtaroth  and  at  Edrei,  And  reigned  in  Mount  Hermon, 
and  in  Salcah,  and  in  all  Bashan,  unto  the  border  of  the  Geshurites,  and  the  Maacha- 
thites,  and  half  Gilead,  [where]  the  border  [was]  of  Sihon  king  of  Heshbon. 

6  Them  did  [omit :  them  did]  Moses  the  servant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  the 
children  [sons]  of  Israel  smite  [smote  them]  :  and  Moses  the  servant  of  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  gave  it  for  a  possession  unto  the  Reubenites,  and  [to]  the  Gadites,  am1 
Tto]  the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh. 

2.   Catalogue  of  the  Kings  Conquered  in  West  Palestine. 

Chapter  XII.  7-24. 

7  And  these  are  the  kings  of  the  country  [land]  which  [whom]  Joshua  and  the 
children  of  Israel  smote  on  this  [the  other]  side  of  [the]  Jordan  on  the  west,  from 
Baal-Gad  in  the  valley  of  Lebanon,  even  unto  the  Mount  Halak  [Bald-mountain] 
that  goeth  up  to    Seir  ;  which  Joshua  gave  [Fay,  correctly  :  and  Joshua  gave  it] 

I  unto  the  tribes  of  Israel  for  a  possession  according  to  their  divisions  :  In  the  moun- 
tains [on  the  mountain],  and  in  the  valleys,  and  in  the  plains  [the  lowland],  and  uj 
the  springs  [on  the  foot-hills],  and  in  the  wilderness,  and  in  the  south-country  ; 
the  Hittites,  the  Amorites,  and  the  Canaanites,  the  Perizzites,  the  Hivites,  and  the 
Jebusites  : 

9  The  king  of  Jericho,  one  ; 

The  king  of  Ai,  which  is  beside  Beth-el,  one ; 

10  The  king  of  Jerusalem,  one  ; 
The  king  of  Hebron,  one  ; 

II  The  king  of  Jarmuth,  one ; 
The  king  of  Lachish,  one  ; 

12  The  king  of  Eglon,  one  ; 
The  king  of  Gezer,  one  ; 

13  The  king  of  Debir,  one  ; 
The  king  of  Geder,  one ; 

14  The  king  of  Hormah,  one  ; 
The  king  of  Arad,  one  ; 

15  The  king  of  Libnah,  one  ; 
The  king  of  Adullam,  one  ; 

16  The  king  of  Makkedah,  onej 
The  king  of  Beth-el,  one  ; 

17  The  king  of  Tappuah,  one  ; 
The  king  of  Hepher,  one ; 

18  The  king  of  Aphek,  one  ; 
The  king  of  Lasharon,  one  ; 

19  The  king  of  Madon,  one  ; 
The  king  of  Hazor,  one  ; 

20  The  king  of  Shimron-meron,  one ; 
The  king  of  Achshaph,  one  ; 

21  The  king  of  Taanach,  one ; 
The  king  of  Megiddo,  one  ; 

22  The  king  of  Kedesh,  one  ; 

The  king  of  Jokneam  of  Carmel,  one  ; 

23  The  king  of  Dor  in  the  coasts  of  [Naphoth]  Dor,  one  -. 
The  king  of  the  nations  of  Gilgal,  one  ; 

21  The  king  of  Tirzah.  one  ; 

All  the  kings  thirty  and  one. 


112 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [1  Ver.  1  —  Instead  of  interpolating  the  numerous  corrections  required  in  the  common  version  in  the  first  thna 
verses  here,  we  recast  separately,  in  much  the  same  way  as  De  Wette  and  Fay  :  And  these  are  the  kings  of  th« 
land,  whom  the  sous  of  Israel  smote,  and  possessed  their  land,  on  the   other  side  of  the  Jordan,  toward  the  rising  of 

2  the  sun,  from  ihe  water-course  of  Aroon  unto  Mount  Hermon,  and  all  the  Arabah  on  the  east:  Sihon  king  of  the 
Amorites,  who  dwelt  in  Heshbon,  ruling  from  Aroer  which  is  on  the  bank  of  the  water-course  of  Arnon  and  in  the 
middle  of  the  water-course,  and  [over]  half  of  Gilead  even  to  Jabbok  the  water-course  [which  is]  the  border  of  the  sons 

3  of  Amnion,  and  [over]  the  Arabah  unto  the  sea  of  Cinnerotu,  on  the  east,  and  unto  the  sea  of  the  Arabah,  the  Salt- 
Sea,  on  the  east,  the  way  to  Beth-jeshimoth  ;  and  in  the  south  under  the  foot-hills  of  Pisgah. 

[2  Ver.  1.  A  word  that  should  denote   indifferently  our  conception  of  a  rapid  brook  and  of  the  bed  in  which   it  flow*, 
with  the  whole  inclusive  valley,  and  of  the  latter  equally  when  the  water  is  absent,  is  wanting  in   English  to   represent 

adequately  the  lieb.   vHj.      Stanley's  account  of  this  word  well  presents  the  case  (5m.  and  Pat.  App.  p.  496):  "Nachal, 

VP13  a  '  torrent-bed,"  or  water-course  :  from  7 /PT,  to  perforate  [so  Fiirst,  cf.  Gesen.].The  word  corresponds  with  the 
Arabic  Wady,  the  Greek  ^eijiippous,  the  Indian  Nullah,  the  Italian  '  fiumara  '  [in  some  of  its  applications  approaching 
the  Spanish-American  canon)  and  signifies  the  hollow,  or  valley,  of  a  mountain  torrent,  which,  while  in  rainy  seasons 
it  may  fill  the  whole  width  of  the  depression,  in  summer  is  reduced  to  a  mere  brook,  or  thread  of  water,  and  is  often  en- 
tirely dry.  [In  the  greater  number,  perhaps,  of  the  Wadies,  the  running  water  is  quite  au  exceptional  phenomenon.) 
Such  streams  are  graphically  described  in  Job  xi.  16,  17.  Nachal,  therefore,  is  sometimes  used  for  the  valley  (Num. 
xxi.  12;  Judg.  xvi.  4  [and  in  the  second  instance  in  ver.  2  of  our  passage]),  and  sometimes  for  the  torrent  which  flows 
through  the  valley.  The  double  application  of  the  word  is  well  seen  in  1  K.  xvii.  3,  where  Elijah  is  commanded  to 
hide  himself  Mq'  not  :  by  '  the  e  Wady  Uherith,'  and  to  '  drink  of  the  brook' — Nachal  being  used  in  both  cases.  No 
English  word  is  exactly  equivalent,  but  perhaps  '  torrent-bed  '  most  nearly  expresses  it.''  —  This  last  opinion  is  probably 
coirect  in  refereuce  to  many  readers,  but  for  the  purposes  of  a  translation  we  have  ventured  to  adopt  the  other  term 
proposed  by  him,  "water-course." — Tr.) 


EXEGET1CAL    AND  CRITICAL. 

This  twelfth  chapter  forms  a  separate  section, 
the  third  of  the  first  part  of  our  book,  and  contains 
a  list  of  all  the  kings  conquered  by  Moses  and 
joshua  in  East  and  West  Palestine.  It  falls  into 
two  subdivisions  :  ( 1 )  a  catalogue  of  the  kings  con- 
quered east  of  the  Jordan  (vers.  1-6);  (2)  a  cata- 
logue of  the  kings  conquered  in  Palestine  proper 
(vers.  7-24). 

1.  Catalogue  of those  Conquered  East  of  the  Jordan 
(vers.  1-6).  From  the  water-course  of  Arnon 
unto  Mount  Hermon,  and  all  the  plain  [Arabah 
or  Jordan  valley]  on  the  East.  The  Arnon 
(1'13'IK  for  XO~i  the  rushing),  Num.  ii.  13; 
Deut'.  iii.  8.  12,  16  ;'  iv.  48  ;  Is.  xvi.  2  ;  Jer.  xlviii. 
20,  now  the  Wady  Modscheh,  formed  the  southern 
boundary  of  the  territory  governed  by  Sihon  the 
king  of  the  Amorites,  "afterwards  the  southern 
boundary  of  Reuben,  as  of  all  Eastern  Palestine, 
against  Moab.  It  flows,  in  part,  through  a  deep 
rocky  bed,  into  the  Dead  Sea.  Its  source,  at  least 
that  of  the  main  branch  of  the  Arnon,  the  Wady 
el-Safijeh,  lies  near  Kutraneh  (Katrane)  on  the 
route  of  the  pilgrims  from  Mecca  to  Damascus. 

To  Mount  Hermon.     According  to  the  Arab. 

flT2~in  means  a  prominent  mountain  ridge,  "per- 
haps'prop,  nose"  (Gesen.).  According  to  Deut. 
iii.  9,  it  was  called  by  the  Amorites  ""MtPi  by  the 
Sidonians,  ]^~^  (butcomp.  1  Chron. v. 23), and 
according  to  Deut.  iv.  48,  it  was  also  the  same  as 
■j'S^tr.  Plur.  D^IP.  Ps.  xlii.  7,  because  it  con- 
sists of  several  mountains.  In  the  Psalm  referred 
to,  we  have  a  vivid  description  of  the  mountain 
landscape  on  Hermon  ;  but  "  the  land  of  splendor, 
of  heaven-towering  mountains,  and  of  glorious 
streams,  offers  no  compensation  to  the  heart  of  the 
Psalmist,  for  the  humbler  hills  of  Zion  where  his 
God  abides  (Hitzig,  Ps.  lxviii.  17).  At  the  present 
time  the  mountain  is  called  Jebel  es-Scheikh.  Its 
height  readies  over  9,000  feet.  The  summit  is 
1  [Tristram's  account  of  Hermon,  its  scenery,  its  natural 
history,  and  the  magnificent  view  which  it  offers  of  all  Pal- 
estine, is  particularly  interesting,  p.  607  ff.  —  Ta.l 


covered  with  eternal  snow  (von  Raumer  p.  33 ; 
Robinson,  iii.  344,  357),1  carefully  to  be  distin- 
guished  from  this  Hermon  proper,  is  the  "  little 
Hermon,"  so  called,  which  is  not  mentioned  in  the 
Bible.      The   name  originated  with  Jerome,  who 

misunderstood  the  plural  O^D"1!"!,  in  Ps.  xlii.  7. 
He  gave  that  name  to  the  Jebel  ed-Duhy  (Rob 
inson  u.  s.  171,  172). 

All  the  plain  (n3~l5Jn)  on  the  East.  By  the 
Arabah  (Deut.  i.  1  ;  ii.  8  ;  2  Sam.  iv.  7  ;  2  K.  xxv. 
4,)  where  it  has  the  article,  as  in  these  passages,  is 
meant  not,  in  general,  a  dry  steppe,  a  wilderness, 
as  in  Is.  xxxiii.  9  ;  Jer.  1.  12  ;  li.  43,  but,  as  Robin- 
son (ii.  599,  600)  has  shown,  the  whole  of  the  great 
valley  from  the  sea  of  Galilee  to  the  iElanitic  Gulf. 
It  is  now  (see  above  on  ch.  xi.  17)  called  the  Ghor, 
northward  from  the  "  bald  mountain,"  and  el- 
Arabah  only  from  that  mountain  to  its  southern 
extremity.     This  great  valley  has  again  different 

parts  which  are  designated  as  ni3"^5>  e.g.  in  our 

book,  ch.  v.  10  the  niS"]?   of  Jericho  ;  2  K.  xxv. 

5,  the  ni2"!3?  of  Moab.  Here  also  we  have  to 
do  with  a  portion  of  the  Arabah,  the  portion 
namely  "  on  the  east,"  that  is  on  the  eastern  bank 
of  the  Jordan.  In  general,  this  valley  is  a  "  soli- 
tary desert "  (Rob.  ii.  265),  particularly  horrid, 
south  of  the  Dead  Sea.  The  only  exceptions  are 
the  small  places  in  the  northern  part,  "  over  which 
the  Jordan  and  occasional  springs  spread  an  ex- 
traordinary fertility"  (Rob.  ii.  265,  266). 

Ver.  2.  Sihon,  king  of  the  Amorites,  stands  first 
on  the  list  of  Canaanite  princes  subjugated  by  Moses 
and  Joshua  (see  above  ch.  ii.  10).  He  dwelt  at 
Heshbon,  ch.  xiii.  26  ;  xxi.  39 ;  Num.  xxi.  26  ff., 
which  name  properly  signifies  prudence  (Eecl.  xii. 
25,  27 ;  ix.  10) ;  now  Hesban  or  Hiisban.  The 
ruins  of  the  old  city  lie  on  a  hill  having  a  magnifi- 
cent prospect,  towards  the  Dead  Sea,  and  over 
toward  Bethlehem ; a  toward  the  south  and  east 
with  no  limit  but  the  horizon.  Heshbon  belonged 
originally  to  the  Moabites  (Num.  xxi.  26),  then  to 


2  [Tristram   visited   the   spot. 
543.  —  Ta.J 


See   his    iescription     ft 


CHAPTER   XII. 


US 


the  Amorites,  as  is  evident  from  our  book,  and 
other  places,  and  was  allotted  to  the  trans-Jor- 
danic  tribes  (see  below  on  ch.  xiii.  1 7  ;  xxi.  39 
comp.  w.  1  Chr.  vii.  81).  In  the  days  of  Isaiah  and 
Jeremiah,  Heshbon  belonged  again  to  the  Moabites 
(Is.  xv.  4  ;  xvi.  9  ;  Jer.  xlviii.  2,  45-49).  At  a  later 
period,  according  to  Josephus  (Ant.  xiii.  1 3,  4),  the 
Jews  oace  more  possessed  it.  Heshbon  appears 
to  have  had  a  very  strong  position,  to  which  the 
expressions  Jer.  xlviii.  45-49  refer.  The  ruins 
have  a  compass,  according  to  von  Raumer's  au- 
thority, of  more  than  a  mile. 

Ver.  2.  The  territory  of  Sihon  is  now  de- 
scribed in  full  accordance  with  Num.  xxi.  24,  as 
extending  from  the  Arnon  to  the  Jabbok.  Here 
again  Aroer  is  particularly  mentioned,  which 
[lies]  upon  the  bank  of  the  brook  Arnon,  and 

in  the  middle  of  the  brook,   "13741?  and  "I37V"I57> 

from  ~l~^y  (to  be  bare,  naked),  lies  on  the  north  side 
of  the  Arnon,  and  like  Heshbon  is  indicated  by  Jere- 
miah (xlviii.  19)  as  a  Moahite  city.  It  was  allotted  to 
Reuben,  ch.  xiii.  9,16.  The  city  lay,  as  our  passage 
shows,  partly  on  and  partly  in  the  Arnon,  i.  e.  on  an 
island,  now  Araayr.  Carefully  to  be  distinguished 
from  another  city  Aroer,  ch.  xiii.  25,  and  from  a 
third  city  Aroer  (1  Sam,  xxx.  26,  28),  in  the  tribe  of 
JudahfRob.  ii.  618),  to  which  David  sent  presents 
after  the  recovery  of  the  booty  taken  at  Ziklag. 

Half  Gilead.      "T3?  V?  according  to  Gen.  xxxi. 

48  =  "t?72,  hill  of  testimony,  perhaps  rather  an 
appellative  for  hard,  rough  region,  as  Gesenius 
thinks,  which  however  does  not  suit  with  Num. 
xxxii.  1  ;  Jer.  viii.  22  ;  xlvi.  11  ;  1.  19 ;  Cant.  iv. 
1  ;  vi.  4.  Properly  the  word  denotes  a  mountain 
on  the  south  bank  of  the  Jabbok  (Gen.  xxxi.  21- 
48;  Cant.  iv.  1),  with  a  city  of  the  same  name, 
now  Jebel  Dschelaad,  then  the  immediate  vicinity 
of  this  mountain  (Num.  xxxii.  1  ;  Dent.  ii.  37), 
and  finally,  the  whole  mountain  region  between 
the  Arnon  and  the  Jabbok,  now  called  Belka.  It 
was  bounded  on  the  north  by  Bashan,  on  the  south 
by  Moab.  The  designation  "  land  of  Gilead  "  is 
used  inexactly,  Deut.  xxxiv.  1,  where  it  includes 
also  Bashan,  likewise  in  2  K.  x.  33 ;  1  K.  iv.  1 9, 
and  often.  In  such  cases,  by  Gilead  is  meant  the 
whole  land  east  of  the  Jordan,  so  far  as  it  was  pos- 
sessed by  the  Israelites,  ch.  xxii.  9,  13,  15;Judg. 
v.  17  (von  Raumer,  p.  229  ft".).  See  Inlrod.  p.  25. 
Even  unto  the  brook  Jabbok,  now  Wady  Lerka, 

then  p2 1,  from  P71^,  to  pour  out,  gush  forth,  = 
gushing-brook.  The  word  is,  according  to  Si- 
monis,  to  whom  Geseniug  assents,  the  Chald.  form 

for  P^t"     ^n  Gen.  xxxii.  2  there  is  a  play  upon 

the  word  P?^>  to  wrestle.  The  Jabbok  is  here  to 
be  viewed  as  a  twofold  boundary,  (1)  in  its  lower 
course,  a  boundary  toward  the  north,  (2|  in  its  up- 
per course  (Nahr  Amnion)  as  a  boundary  toward 
the  east  against  the  children  of  Amnion.  A  glance 
at  the  map  will  at  once  show  the  actual  relations. 

Ver.  3.  Over  the  plain  (the  Arabah)  to  the 
sea  of  Cinneroth  on  the  east,  i.  e.  over  the  east- 
ern part  of  the  Jordan  valley,  as  far  as  the  sea  of 

Cinneroth.     Here  fTPSB,  elsewhere  also  rfPJQ, 

or  n"?23  (perhaps  equivalent  to  ^123,  cithera), 
eo  called  after  the  city  of  this  name  (ch.  xi.  2  ;  xix. 
35) ;  in  theN.T.,  the  sea  of  Galilee  (Matt.  iv.  18;  xv. 
29;  Mark  i.  16;  vii.  31),  sea  of  Gennesareth  (Lu. 
t.  1,  derived  from  Kinnereth  or  Kinnaroth) ;  in 
John,  sea  of  Tiberias  (vi.  1 ,  xxi.  1 ),  from  the  city  of 
8 


Tiberias  ;  now  Bahr  Taberieh.  The  sea  is  "  about 
thirteen  geographical  miles  long  and  six  broad." 
The  climate  is  tropical,  since  the  level  is  from  six 
hundred  and  twenty-five  to  seven  hundred  [Robin- 
son, seven  hundred]  feet  below  that  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean (Rusegger.  iii.  213 ;  Robinson,  iii.  264,  313 
If).  Its  beauty  is  well  known  ( Seetzen,  p.  348),  and 
has  been  described  by  Renan,  in  his  "  Life  of  Jesus," 
in  the  most  glowing  colors.  Robinson  expresses 
himself  more  moderately  (iii.  255):  "The  lake 
presents,  indeed,  a  beautiful  sheet  of  limpid  water, 

in  a  deep,   depressed  basin The   hills  are 

rounded  and  tame,  with  little  of  the  picturesque  in 

their  form Whoever   looks   here   for   the 

magnificence  of  the  Swiss  lakes,  or  the  softer 
beauty  of  those  of  England  and  the  United  States 
will  be  disappointed."  In  the  0.  T.  it  is  men 
tioned,  besides  this  passage,  only  Num.  xxxiv.  11 ; 
Deut.  iii.  17.  [Add  Smith's  Bible  Diet.,  art.  "  Gen- 
nesaret,  Lake  of."] 

And  unto  the  sea  of  the  plain  (Arabah),  the 
salt  sea  on  the  east,  the  way  to  Beth-jeshi- 
moth.  While  this  eastern  part  of  the  Jordan  val- 
ley is  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  lake  of  Gennes- 
aret,  it  is  in  like  manner  bounded  on  the  south  by 
the  Salt  Sea,  i.  e.  the  Dead  Sea,  near  which  (Num 
xxxiii.  48)  Beth  -  jeshimoth  lay.  To  that  poin 
the  Israelite  camp  reached  from  Shittim.  It  bt 
longed  to  Reuben  (eh.  xiii.  20),  later  to  Moal 
again,  Ezek.  xxv.  9. 

And   in  the   south   under   the   foot  -  hills  of 

Pisgah.  On  Q  HntjJS  comp.  ch.  x.  40.  Mount 
Pisgah,  "  a  part  of  the  mountain  of  Abarim,"  lies 
to  one  looking  from  Jericho,  beyond  Beth-jeshi- 
moth,  in  a  southeasterly  direction,  at  the  northern 
end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  Its  highest  point  is  Nebo, 
which  is  sometimes  called  "  Mount  Abarim " 
(Deut.  xxxii.  49),  as  though  its  summit,  and 
again,  "the  top  of  Pisgah"  (Deut.  iii.  27,  34), 
comp.  Knobel  on  Num.  xxi.  11.  The  relation  be- 
tween Abarim,  Pisgah,  and  Nebo  is,  with  Knobel, 
to  be  conceived  of  as  if  Abarim  were  the  whole 
mountain  range  lying  east  of  the  Dead  Sea,  Pis- 
gah a  part  of  it,  namely,  the  northeastern,  and 
Nebo  the  highest  point  of  Pisgah.  This  seems  to 
me  more  simple  than  with  von  Raumer  (p.  72),  to 
separate  Abarim  and  Pisgah,  and  then  assume  that 
Nebo  belonged  to  Abarim  as  its  (north)  western 
portion,  and  to  Mount  Pisgah  as  its  eastern  high- 
est extremity.1  The  region  which  sloped  along 
the  foot  of  Mount  Pisgah  formed  the  southern 
boundary  of  the  kingdom  of  Sihon. 

Vers.  4-6,  follow  the  borders  of  the  kingdom  of 
Og,  king  of  Bashan.    Ashtaroth,  and  Ashtaroth 

karnaim  (D^3"?p.)i  Gen.  xiv.  5,  where  were  giants ; 
according  to  ch.  be.  10,  the  residence  of  Og  ;  now 
Tel  Ashtareh.  The  hill  (Tel)  rises,  according  to 
von  Raumer  (p.  24.3),  to  a  height  of  from  fifty  to  a 
hundred  feet  above  the  plain,  in  which  ruins  lie 
scattered.  At  the  foot  of  the  hill  are  ancient  wall- 
foundations  and  copious  springs. 

Eclrei.  Here  Og  was  slain,  Num.  xxi.  33-35; 
Deut.  iii.  1-3-  By  the  Greeks  it  was  called  Adraa  ; 
by  the  Crusaders,  Adratum,  also  Civitas  Bernard] 
de  Stampis;  by  Abulfeda,  Adsraat;  now  Draa,  a 
desert  basalt  city  without  inhabitants,  on  a  height 
(von  Raumer,  p.  247). 

Ver.  5.  Salcah,  conquered  by  the  Israelites, 
Deut.  iii.  10.     Now  Szalthat,  with  eight  hundred 

1  [Tristram's  glowing  account  of  the  magnificent,  almost 
boundless  view  from  one  of  the  heights  of  Abarim,  whict 
may  have  been  the  ancient  Nebo,  is  excellent,  p.  640  ff.] 


\L4 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


houses  and  a  castle  on  basalt  rocks,  on  the  south- 
am  border  of  Hauran  ;  uninhabited,  like  Edrei. 
?orter  saw  from  the  castle  of  Salcha  fourteen 
["  upwards  of  thirty,"  Ginnt  Cit.  of  Bask.  p.  76] 
villages,  in  part  appearing  to  be  newly  built,  but 
entirely  deserted  (ii.  183,  ap.  von  Raumer). 

Over  all  Bashan  unto  the  border  of  the  Gesh- 
urites  and  the  Maaohathites.  The  Maacha- 
thites  dwelt  on  the  southwest  slope  of  Hermon,  at 
the  sources  of  the  Jordan.  "  Maachati  urbs  Amor- 
,'haunrum  super  Jordanem  [irepl  rbvlopdavrnv,  Euseb. ) 
juxla  montem  Hermon."  The  Geshurites  also  are 
to  be  sought  on  Mount  Hermon,  near  the  present 
Jedur,  on  the  eastern  fall  of  the  mountain.  See 
von  Raumer,  p.  227,  and  Menke's  Bibelatlas, 
plate  3.  Here  was  the  north  boundary  of  Bashan. 
The  east  border  is  denoted  (see  above)  by  Salcah, 
the  south  by  the  half  Gilead,  where)  the  border 
(was)  of  Sihon  king  of  Heshbon,  i.  e.  by  the 
Jabbok  (ver.  2).  Toward  the  west  it  extended  to 
the  sea  of  Tiberias ;  see  von  Raumer,  p.  226  ft'. 
Bashan  and  Batansea  are  by  no  means  identical,  as 
ron  Raumer  has  shown  (ubi  sup.).  Bashan  was 
famous  for  its  oak  forests  (Is.  ii.  13  ;  Ezek.  xxvii. 
6),  and  fat  cattle  ;  hence  the  bullocks,  the  rams  of 
Bashan  (Deut.  xxxii.  14;  Am.  iv.  1;  Ps.  xxii. 
13).  The  waters  descending  from  the  Hauran 
fertilize  the  level  land  in  its  northeastern  part, 
which  was  afterwards  inhabited  by  the  tribe  of 
Manasseh. 

Ver.  6.  Comp.  Num.  xxxii. 

2.  Catalogue  of  the  Kings  vanquished  in  the  Country 
West  of  the  Jordan  (vers.  7-24).  Verses  7  and  8, 
coinciding  with  ch.  xi.  16  and  x.  40-42,  introduce 

the  narrative.  The  Plain  (H2137)  is  the  western 
part  of  the  Ghor  (Gen.  xiii.  10) ;  the  wilderness 
("I2TJD)  lies  in  the  province  of  Judah,  and  Benja- 
min (ch.  xv.  61  ;  xviii.  11  ;  Matt.  iii.  3 ;  iv.  1 ;  xi. 
7;  Mark  i.  3;  Lu.  iii.  4.) 

Ver.  9.  The  kings  are  enumerated  generally  in 
the  order  in  which  they  were  conquered.  First, 
accordingly,  the  kings  of  Jericho,  Ai,  Jerusalem, 
Hebron,  Jarmuth,  Lachish,  Eglon,  and  Gezer,  in 
regard  to  which  ch.  vi.  2  ff. ;  viii.  29;  x.  1-5, 
33  may  be  compared.  Then  follows  ver.  13,  the 
king  of  Debir,  ch.  x.  39,  after  him  still  in  the  same 

verse  the  king  of  Geder.  ^?  is  called  also 
n"112,  and  belonged  to  the  lowland  of  Judah. 
Not  hitherto  recognized. 

Ver.  14.  Hormah,  earlier  Zephat  (Judg.  i.  17). 
Robinson  (ii.  616,  N.)  seeks  the  city  near  the  pass 
es-Sufeh,  W.  S.  W.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  where  the 
Israelites  were  defeated  by  the  Canaanites  (Num. 
xiv.  44,  45  ;  Deut.  i.  44)",  and  subsequently  the 
Canaanites  bv  the  Israelites  (Num.  xxi.  1-3 ;  Judg. 
i.  17).  Perhaps  it  stood,  as  von  Raumer  suspects, 
on  the  adjacent  Mount  Madurah,  of  which  the  say- 
ing goes,  that  a  city  stood  upon  it  at  which  God 
became  angrv  so  that  He  destroyed  it.  To  this  it 
suits  that  the  city  of  Zephath"  was  later  called 
Hormah  (n^2~in,  ;'.  e.  devoted  to  destruction,  cog- 
nate with  E"!?n). 

Arad,  ni.med  also  Num.  xxi.  1-3,  and  Judg.  i. 
16,  17,  near  the  wilderness  of  Kadesh,  twenty  Ro- 
man miles  south  of  Hebron.  Robinson  (ii.  473) 
saw  from  a  distance  the  hill  Arad.  He  also  rightly 
refers  ch.  x.  41  to  the  subjugation  of  Arad,  whose 
inhabitants  had  previously  (Num.  xxi.  1-3),  like 
those  of  Hormah.  driven  back  the  Israelites. 

Ver.  1 5.  Libnah.  ch.  x.  29, 30  ;  xv.  42.  Adullam, 


ch.  xv.  35,  fortified  by  Rehoboam  (2  Ch.  xi.  7) ;  fa 
mous  for  its  cave,  David's  refuge  (1  Sam.  xxii.  1 
2  Sam.  xxiii.  13;  1  Chr.  xii.  15).  In  a.d.  1138,  the 
inhabitants  of  Tekoah  took  refuge  there  from  the 
Saracens,  Will.  Tyr.  xv    6  (vou    Raumer  n.  '  6QJ 

Ver.  16.  Makkedah,  ch.  x.  10, 16, 17,  21.  Bethei, 
earlier  Luz  (W7),  sufficiently  known  ;  to  the  right 
of  the  road  from  Jerusalem  to  Shechem  ;  the  place 
where  Jacob  saw  in  his  dream  the  ladder  from 
earth  to  heaven  (Gen.  xxviii.  11-19;  xxxi.  13; 
Hos.  xii.  5) ;  rendered  infamous  subsequently  bj 
the  worship  of  the  calves  (1  K.  xii.  28,  33  ;  xiii.  1), 
hence  called  Beth-aven  (different  from  Beth-aven 
in  ch.  vii.  2;  xviii.  12),  by  the  prophets  (Am.  v. 
5;  Hos.  iv.  15,  and  often).  The  missionary  Nico 
layson  discovered  Bethel,  1836.  According  to  Rob- 
inson (ii.  127)  it  is  now  called  Beitin,  three  and 
three-quarter  hours  from  Jerusalem.  See  more  in 
Robinson  ubi  sup.,  von  Kauiner,  pp.  178, 179  [Tris- 
tram, Stanley]. 

Ver.  17.  Tappuah,  comp.  ch.  xv.  34,  53  ;  xvii.  7 
Hepher,  in  the  plain  of  Jezrcel  in  Issachar,  xix. 
19  (Knobel). 

Ver.  18.  Aphek,  ch.  xiii.  4.  Lassaron,  men- 
tioned only  in  this  place.  The  site  has  not  been 
discovered. 

Ver.  19.  Madon,  ch.  xi.  1.  Hazor,  ch.  xi.  1-10; 
xix.  37. 

Ver.  20.  Shimron-meron,  ch.  xi.  1 ;  xix.  37. 
Achshaph,  ch.  xi.  1  ;   xix.  25. 

Ver.  21.  Taanach  in  Samaria,  within  the  circuit 
of  Issachar,  but  belonging  to  Manasseh  (ch.  xvii. 
11),  although  not  conquered  by  him  (Judg.  i.  27). 
A  city  of  the  Levites,  eh.  xxi.  25.  Here  Barak  con 
quered  (Judg.  v.  19).  Robinson  (ii.  156.  157),  and 
Schubert  (iii.  164),  saw  Taanach  (now  Ta'annuk) 
from  the  neighborhood  of  Jennin  (Ginnaa),  von 
Raumer,  p.  165. 

Megiddo,  likewise  in  Samaria,  belonging  to 
Manasseh  but  beyond  his  border  (ch.  xvii.  11), 
and  likewise  unconquered  by  that  tribe  (Judg.  i. 
27).  Here  Ahaziah  died  in  "his  flight  from  Jehu 
(2  K.  ix.  27),  and  here  Josiah  was  fatally  wounded 
in  the  battle  against  Xecho  king  of  Egypt  (2 
Chron.  xxxv.  20,  25  ;  xxiii.  29,  30). 

Ver.  22.  Kedesh  on  the  mountain  of  Naphtali 
(Jebel  el-Safed),  ch.  xix.  37,  in  Galilee.  A  city  of 
refuge,  ch.  xx.  7,  of  the  Levites,  ch.  xxi.  32.  Birth- 
place of  Barak  (Judg.  iv.  6),  discovered  by  Smith 
on  a  hill,  in  a  well-watered  region  (Xotes  on  Bibl. 
Geog.  in  Biblioth.  Sac.  May,  1849,  p.  374,  ap.  von. 
Raum.  p.  132) ;  by  Robinson  on  his  second  journey, 
not  "  visited  "  indeed,  as  von  Kaumer  states,  but 
vet  seen  from  a  short  distance  and  described  (Later 
Bibl.  Res.  p.  366  ff.). 

Jokneam  on  Carmel.  Belonging  to  Zebu- 
lun,  ch.  xix.  11.  A  city  of  the  Levites,  ch  xxi. 
34.  Perhaps,  Tel  Kaimon  (Robinson,  Later  Bibl 
Res.\>.   115).     The  place  is  called,  in  1   K.  iv.  12, 

□SOP'1,  out  of  which  Kaimon  appears  to  have 
sprang  (comp.  Robinson,  ubi  sap.]  Carmel  ap- 
pears elsewhere  in  our  book  only  ch.  xix.  26,  to 
mark  the  south  border  of  the  tribe  of  Asher. 
Rightly  does  the  mountain  bear  its  name  "  orchard  " 
(comp"  Is.  x.  8;  xvi.  10  and  often),  being  covered 
below  with  laurels  and  olive-trees,  above  with  pines 
and  oaks  (hence  the  comparison  Cant.  vii.  6),  and 
full  of  the  most  beautiful  flowers.  These  are  the 
glory  of  Carmel  which  shall  be  given  to  the  wilder- 
ness (Is.  xxxv.  2).  The  view  over  the  sea  as  well 
as  of  the  coast  is  magnificent.  Compare  the  dif- 
ferent  descriptions  of  travellers,  von  Rturoer,  p 


CHAPTER  Xm.  Hi 


*3  ff.1  Since  1180  there  has  stood  on  Carmel,  al- 
though only  at  a  height  of  578  feet,  and  therefore 
far  below  the  summit,  a  cloister  to  commemorate 
Elijah  (1  Iv.  xviii.  17-39  ;  42-45)  and  bearing  his 
name;  rebuilt  in  1833.  The  mountain  reaches  an 
altitude  of  1700  feet. 

Vers.  23.  Naphoth-dor,  ch.  xi.  2  ;  xvii   11.  The 
king  of  the  nations  of  Gilgal,  as  Gen.  xiv.  1,  Tidal 

king  of  the  nations.     Similarly,  Gen.  x.  5,   Vs  ?3 

C '."13n.  Gilgal,  not  on  the  Jordan,  but,  according 
to  Robinson  hi.  47,  in  the  plain  along  the  Mediter- 
ranean sea,  now  Jiljuleh,  corresponding  to  the  old 

1  [In  particular  also,  Stanley,  S.  tf  P.  p.  344  ff.,  Tristram, 
p  99  ff.] 


Galgala,  which  Eusebius  and  Jerome  place  six 
Roman  miles  north  of  Antipatris.  Probably  the 
Gilgal  of  Neh.  xii.  29  and  1  Mace.  ix.  2  was,  as  he 
supposes,  the  same.  With  this  tails  in  the  prox 
imity  of  Naphoth-dor. 

Ver,  24.  Tirzah  in  Samaria,  three  miles  from 
the  city  of  Samaria,  on  the  east.  Here  at  a  latei 
period  the  kings  of  Israel  dwelt ;  Jeroboam  I., 
Baasha,  Elah,  and  Shimri,  and  here  the  last-named 
burned  himself  in  his  palace,  1  K.  xiv.  17;  xv 
33;  xvi.  8-18.  Robinson  (Later  Bibl.  Res.  p.  302 
ff.)  takes  Tulluzah  for  Tirzah,  being  beautifully  sit 
uated  like  the  ancient  city  (Cant.  vi.  4).  The  nam? 

signifies  delight,  from  <"I^T. 


PART  SECOND. 

The  Division  of  the  Land  of  Canaan. 
Chapters    XIII.-XXIV. 


SECTION  FIRST. 

Qod  »  Command  to  Joshua  to  distribute  the  Land  in  West  Palestine.    Retrospectiti 

Glance  at  the  Territory  already  assigned  to  the  Two  and  a  Half  Tribes 

East  op  the  Jordan.     Beginning  op  the  Division.      Caleb's  Portion. 

Chapters  XIII,  XIV. 


1.    God's  Command  to  Joshua  to  distribute  the  Land. 
Chapter  XIII.     1-7. 

1  Now  [And]  Joshua  was  old  and  stricken  in  years  [far  gone  in  years  ;  Fay  • 
come  into  the  days  ;  De  Wette :  come  into  the  years]  ;  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
said  unto  him,  Thou  art  old   and  stricken   [far-gone]  in   years,  and  there  remaineth 

2  yet  very  much  land  to  he  possessed.     This  is  the  land  that  yet  remaineth :  all  the 

3  borders  [circles]  of  the  Pliilistines,  and  all  Geshuri,  From  Sihor,  which  is  before 
Egypt,  even  unto  the  borders  of  Ekron.  northward,  which  is  [shall  it  be]  counted  to 
the  Canaanite  :  five  lords  of  the  Philistines,  the  Gazathites,1  and  the  Ashdothites,  the 
Eshkalonites,  the  Gittites    [Gathite],  and  the  Ekronites  ;  [,]  also  [and]  the  Avites  ; 

4  [,]  From  [in]  the  south  [:]  all  the  land  of  the  Canaanites,  and  Mearah  that  is  beside 

which  belongs  to]  the  Sidonians.  unto  Aphek,  to  the  borders  [border]  of  the  Anio- 

5  rites ;  And  the  land  of  the  Giblites,  and  all  Lebanon,  toward  the   sunrising,  from 

6  Baal-gad  under  mount  Herrnon  unto  the  entering  into  Hamath.  All  the  inhabitants 
of  the  hill  country  [the  mountain]  from  Lebanon  unto  Misrephoth-maim.  and  all  the 
Sidonians.  them  will  I  drive  out  from  before  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel :  only  di- 
vide thou  it  by  lot  unto  the  Israelites  for  an  inheritance  [for  a  possession],  as  I  have 

7  commanded  thee.  Now  therefore  [And  now]  divide  this  land  for  an  inheritance 
[a  possession]  unto  the  nine  tribes,  and  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh. 

textual  and  grammatical. 

[  1  Ver.  3.     This  and  the  following  Gentile  nouns  in  the  verse  are  all  singular  in  the  Hebrew  and  might  better  be  n 
inderstood  for  the  English.  —  Tb.1 


116  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


2.   The  Territory  of  the    Two  and  a  Half  Tribes  East  of  the  Jordan,  at  already 

granted  to  them  by  Moses. 

Chapter  XIII.    8-33. 

(i.  Its  Boundaries.     The  Tribe  of  Levi. 
Chapter  XIII.     8-14. 

S  "With  whom  [him]  the  Reubenites  and  the  Gadites  have  received  their  inheri- 
tance [possession],  which  Moses  gave  them,  beyond  [the]   Jordan  eastward,  even 

'•*  as  Moses  the  servant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  gave  them  ;  From  Aroer  that  is  upon  the 
bank  of  the  river  [water-course]  Arnon,  and  the  city  that  is  in  the  midst  of  the  river 

10  [water-course],  and  all  the  plain  [table-land]  of  Medeba  unto  Dibon  ;  And  all  the 
cities  of  Sihon  king  of  the  Amorites,  which  [who]    reigned   in  Heshbon,  unto  the 

11  border  of  the  children  of  Amnion ;  and  Gilead,  and  the  border  of  the  Geshurites 

12  and  Maachathites,  and  all  mount  Hermon,  and  all  Bashan  unto  Salcah ;  All l  the 
kingdom  of  Og  in  Bashan,  which  [who]  reigned  in  Ashtaroth  and  Edrei,  which 
remained  of  the  remnant  of  the  giants.     For  these  did  Moses  smite  and  cast  them 

13  out.  Nevertheless  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  expelled  not  the  Geshurites,  nor 
the  Maachathites;  but  the  Geshurites  and  the  Maachathites  dwell  among  the 
Israelites  until  this  day. 

14  Only  unto  the  tribe  of  Levi  he  gave  none  inheritance  [no  possession]  ;  the  sacri- 
fices of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel  made  by  fire  [Fay  and  De  Wette  :  offer- 
ing of  Jehovah ;  Bunsen,  after  the  Berleburg  Bibel :  fire-offerings]  are  their 
inheritance,  as  he  said  unto  them. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

[  1  In  vers.  12,  13,  read :  All  the  kingdom  of  Og  in  Bashan,  who  ruled  in  Ashtaroth,  and  in  Edrei :  he  was  left  of  th» 
11  mnnant  of  the  giants,  and  Moses  smote  them,  and  drove  them  out.     And  the  sons  of  Israel  drove  not  out  the  Gesh- 
nrite,  and  the  Maachathite  ;  and  Geshur  and  Maachath  dwelt  in  the  midst  of  Israel  to  this  day.] 

b.  The  Possession  of  the  Tribe  of  Reuben. 
Chapter  XIII.    15-23. 

15  And  Moses  gave  unto  the  tribe  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Reuben  inheritance 

16  [omit:  inheritance]  according  to  their  families.  And  their  coast  [border]  was  from 
Aroer  that  is  on  the  bank  of  the  river  [water-course  of]  Arnon,  and  the  city  that 
is  in  the  midst  of  the  river  [water-course]  and  all  the  plain  [table-land]  by  Medeba  ; 

17  [:]  Heshbon,  and  all  her  cities  that  are  in  the  plain  [table-land],  Dibon,  and  Bamoth- 

18  19  baal,  and  Beth-baal-meou,  And  Jahaza,  and  Kedemoth,  and  Mephaath,  And 

20  Kirjathaim,  and  Sibmah,  and  Zareth-shahar  in  the  mount  of  the  valley,  And  Beth- 

21  peor,  and  Ashdoth-pisgah  [the  foot-hills  of  Pisgah],  and  Beth-jeshimoth,  And  all  the 
cities  of  the  plain  [table-land],  and  all  the  kingdom  of  Sihon  king  of  the  Amorites 
which  [who]  reigned  in  Heshbon,  whom  Moses  smote  with  the  princes  of  Midian, 
Evi,  and  Rekem,  and  Zur,  and  Hur,  and  Reba,  which  were  dukes  [Fay  :  the  anointed"! 

22  of  Sihon,  dwelling  in  the  country.  Balaam  also  [and  Balaam]  the  son  of  Beor,  the 
soothsayer,  did  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  slay  with  the  sword,  amonfe  them  that 

23  were  slain  by  them  [in  addition  to  their  slain].  And  the  border  of  the  children 
[sons]  of  Reuben  was  [the]  Jordan,  and  the  border  thereof  [De  Wette,  Fay  :  and 
that  which  bordered  it ;  Bunsen  :  that  is,  its  margin].  This  was  the  inheritance 
[possession]  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Reuben,  after  their  families,  the  cities  and 
the  villages '  thereof. 

I  Some  Co.lrt.  read  here  ar  in  ver.  20,   Drp"^?!,    doubtless  to  make  ver.  28  conformable  with  ver.  28.     We  abldi 
»T  the  reading    ]lT,!??U' 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


in 


c.  The  Possession  of  the  Tribe  of  Gad. 
Chapter  XIII.   24-2S. 

24  And    Moses   gave   inheritance  [omit :  inheritance]    unto   the  tribe  of  Gail,  even 

25  [omit :  even]  unto  the  children  [sons]  of  Gad  according  to  their  families.  And 
their  coast  [border]  was  Jazer.  and  all  the  cities  of  Gilead.  and  half  the  land  of  the 

26  children  of  Amnion,  unto  Aroer  that  is  before  Rabbah  ;  and  from  Heshbon  unto 
Ramath-Mizpeh,  and    Betonim  ;  and   from    Mahanaim  unto  the  border  of  Debir  ; 

27  And  in  the  valley,  Beth-aram,  ami  Beth-nimrah,  and  Succoth,  and  Zaphon,  the  rest 
of  the  kingdom  of  Sihon  king  of  Heshbon,  [the]  Jordan  and  his  [its]  border,  even 
unto  the  edge  of  the  sea  of  Cinnereth,  on  the  other  side  [of  the]  Jordan  eastward. 

28  This  is  the  inheritance  [possession]  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Gad  after  their  fami- 
lies, the  cities,  and  their  villages. 

d    The  Possession  of  the  Half  Tribe  of  Manasseh.     A  Word  concerning  the  Tribe  of  Levi. 

Chapter  XIII.     29-33. 

2'.l  And  Moses  gave  inheritance  [omit :  inheritance]  unto  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh  : 
and   this  was  the  possession  of  the   half-tribe  [properly  :  and  it  was  for  the  half- 

30  tribe]  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Manasseh  by  their  families.  And  their  coast 
[border]  was  from  Mahanaim.  all  Bashan,  all  the  kingdom  of  Og  king  of  Bashan, 

31  and  all  the  towns  [villages]  of  Jair.  which  are  in  Bashan.  threescore  cities.  And 
half  Gilead.  and  Ashtaroth,  and  Edrei.  cities  [De  Wette,  Fay:  the  cities]  of  the 
kingdom  of  Og  in  Bashan,  were  pertaining  unto  the  children  of  Machir  the  son  of 

32  Manasseh,  even  to  the  one  half  of  the  children  of  Machir  by  their  families.  These 
are  the  countries  which  [are  what]  Moses  did  distribute  for  inheritance  [possession] 
in  the  plains  of  Moab,  on  the  other  side  [of  the]  Jordan  by  Jericho  eastward. 

33  But  unto  the  tribe  of  Levi  Moses  gave  not  any  inheritance  [possession]  :  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel  was  [is]  their  inheritance,  as  he  said  unto  them. 


EXEUET1CAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

With  the  thirteenth  chapter  begins  Part  Second 
of  the  book.  This  describes  the  division  of  the 
land,  and  rests  no  doubt  on  definite  records  which 
lay  before  the  author.  Such  records  must  have 
been  prepared  on  taking  possession  of  the  land, 
and  such  are  in  fact  referred  to,  eh.  xviii.  8,  9. 
"  Without  them  a  single  Hebrew  writer  would 
hardly  have  had  so  accurate  a  knowledge  of  the 
land  as  this  author  displays,  especially  in  regard 
to  the  boundaries"  (Knobel).  When  these  regis- 
ters were  established,  whether  already  in  Joshua's 
time,1  or,  as  Knobel,  from  certain  circumstances 
feels  obliged  to  infer-  "  at  a  somewhat  later  period." 
cannot  be  made  out  with  certainty.  We  have,  at 
all  events,  to  deal  here,  for  the  most  part,  with 
very  ancient  writings,  reminding  us  of  Ex.  xx., 
Num.  xxxiii. 

1.  Jehovah's  Command  to  Joshua  to  divide  the  Land, 
ch.  xiii.  1-7.  Joshua  has  become  old,  much  land 
is  yet  to  be  conquered,  and  no  prospect  of  his  com- 
pleting the  conquest  of  it;  therefore  God  gives 
him  tiie  command  to  wait  no  longer,  but  to  under- 
take the  division.  What  yet  remains  is  accurately 
mentioned,  vers.  2-6,  and  in  ver.  7  it  is  said,  that  it 
shi'l  I  be  given  to  the  nine  and  a  half  tribes. 

Ver.  1.  Well-stricken  [far  gone]  in  years,  as 
•h.  xxiii.    1,   2;   Lien.   xxiv.  1  ;  xviii.  11. 

Ver.  2-6.  The  land  that  remains  to  be  occupied. 

1  [The  clear  and  positive  statements  made  in  ch.  xviii.  4- 
a  wou'd  seem  to  leave  little  room  for  doubt  on  this  point, 


It  lies  part  in   the  south  (ver.  3,  4),  and  part  in 
the  north  (ver.  5,  6). 

Ver.  2.  All  the  circles  of  the  Philistines,  and 
all  Geshuri.  niVbjrVs,  LXX.  rightly  :  Spia, 
Vulg. :  Galilsa,  and  hence  Luther :  Galilee  of  the 
Philistines.  Geshuri  is  not  to  be  confounded  with 
the  country  of  the  Geshurites  on  Lebanon,  men- 
tioned ch.  xii.  5  ;  xiii.  13,  but  is  to  be  looked  for 
in  the  south  of  Palestine  near  Philistia. 

Ver.  3.  From  Sihor.  TirTt£?  from  "^Hti',  to 
be  black,  properly,  black  stream  ;  but  not  here,  as 
in  Is.  xxiii.  3  ;  Jer.  ii.  18,  the  Nile,  which  De 
Wette  judges  it  to  be,  but,  according  to  the  con- 
vincing analogy  of  1  Cbron.  xiii.  5,  the  '112 
D,'1?D,  the   brook    of    Egypt,   Rhinokolura,   or 

Rhinokorura,  which  actually  flows  before,  i.  e. 
eastwardly  (more  accurately  northeastwardly)  from 
Egypt,  while  the  Nile  takes  its  course  through  the 
middle  of  that  country.  Von  Raumer  well  re- 
marks in  his  excursus  on  this  Dassage  (p.  53): 
"  That  under  the  name  Shihor  Iwe  Nile  was  by  no 
means  alone  intended,  is  evident  from  the  single 
fact  that  Josh,  xix.  26  refers  to  a  border  stream  of 
Asher  of  the  same  name.  If  the  Nile  was  called' 
Shihor,  niger,  quia  nit/rum  lutnm  devehit,  why  should 
not  other  streams  receive  the  same  name  for  the 
same   reason.     Have   we    not    in    Germany   and 

to  one  who  admits  the  histories    credibility  of  the  book 
Te.] 


118 


THE  BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


America  streams  which  are  called  Sehwartzbaeh, 
Black  Creek,  Black  River,  Green  River,  etc.?"  It 
may  be  added  that  many  names  of  streams  and 
streamlets  may  be  met  with  bearing  the  same  or 
dosely  related  names,  from  the  repetition  of  the 
same  features  in  different  places. 

Even  unto  the  border  of  Ekron.  Ekron,  'Axa- 
oaif,  'AKKafitcy  in  the  LXX.,  between  Ashdod  and 
Janmia,  one  of  the  five  cities  of  the  Philistines, 
mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  Book  of  Joshua  sev- 
eral times,  ch.  xv.  11,  45,  46;  xix.  43;  accord- 
ing to  Judg.  i.  18  conquered  by  Judah,  afterward 
lost  again,  then  again  conquered,  under  Samuel 
(1  Sam.  vii.  14).  It  was  the  city  of  the  fly- 
Baal,  Baal-zebub,  whose  proteges  are  still  to  be 
found  there  in  great  numbers.  At  least  Van  de 
Velde  complains  (ii.  173  apud  von  Raumer,  p. 
185)  very  bitterly  of  them.  Jeremiah  (xxv.  20)  ; 
Amos  (i.  8) ;  Zephaniah  (ii.  4)  ;  Zecharia  (ix.  5,  7) 
prophesied  against  Ekron.  Robinson  (iii.  23-25) 
thinks  he  discovered  it  in  Ahir,  pronounced  Agh- 
rum,  according  to  Furrer,  p.  135,  a  small  village 
built  of  unburnt  bricks  or  clay.  "  The  radical 
letters  of  the.  Arabic  name  are  the  same  as  those 
of  the  Hebrew,  and  the  position  too  corresponds 
with  all  we  know  of  Ekron,"  that  is,  with  the  state- 
ment of  Eusebius  aud  Jerome,  that  it  should  be 
between  Ashdod  and  Jamnia ;  for  "  such  is  the 
actual  position  of  Akir  relative  to  Esdud  and 
Gebna  at  the  present  day." 

Shall  it  be  counted  to  the  Canaanites.  This 
land  shall  be  regarded  as  Canaanitish,  and  so  sub- 
ject to  conquest,  although  the  Philistines  were  not 
Canaanites,  but  according  to  Gen.  x.  13  sprang 
from  Mizraim.  So  also  Knobel :  "  The  country 
from  the  brook  of  Egypt,  northward,  is  reckoned 
to  the  Canaanite,  i.  e.  to  Canaan,  and  was  there- 
fore to  be  taken  into  account  also,  since  Israel  was 
to  receive  the  whole  of  Canaan." 

Five  lords  of  the  Philistines :  the  Gazathite 
(Gazite),  the  Ashdothite,  the  Ashkelonite,  the 
Gittite  (Gathite)  and  the  Ekronite.  The  lords 
or  chiefs  are   named   instead  of  the  cities.     The 

Gazite,  ruler  of  Gaza,  i"f-T3?,  rata,  first  mentioned, 
Gen.  x.  19,  as  a  border  town  of  the  Canaanite 
peoples;  in  our  book,  x.  41  ;  xi.  22;  xv.  47,  con- 
[uered  by  Judah,  Judg.  i.  18,  afterward  lost  again, 
Judg.  iii.  3.  Samson  carried  the  gates  of  Gaza 
to  a  hill  (Judg.  xvi.  21-30)  which  is  now  shown 
one  half  hour  from  the  city.  As  against  Ekron, 
the  prophets  prophesied  also  against  Gaza ,  Jere- 
miah (xxv.  20;  xlvii.  5),  Amos  (i.  6,  7)  Zeph- 
aniah (ii.  4).  Zechariah  (ix.  5).  On  the  road  from 
Jerusalem  to  Gaza.  Philip  baptized  the  eunuch 
(Acts  viii.  30).  It  lies  in  a  fruitful  region,  rich  in 
palms  and  olive-trees,  on  a  small  hill  about  an 
hour  from  the  sea;  is  at  present  larger  than  Jeru- 
salem (Robinson,  ii.  372),  a  chief  emporium  be- 
tween Egypt  and  Syria,  lying  on  the  great  cara- 
van route,  and  distinguished  by  good  springs. 
The  population  may  lie  about  fifteen  or  sixteen 
thousand.  Robinson  [uhi  sup.)  gives  a  very  in- 
structive sketch  of  the  history  of  the  city,  which 
Ii  i-  suffered  much  in  the  military  campaigns  of 
th  msands  of  years.  A  very  pleasant  description 
is  found  in  Furrer  (p.   119-122).     The  Ashdothite. 

Ashdod,  THtTN.  "A<>ror,  ch.  xi.  22;  xv.  46,47. 
Here  Dagon  fell  before  the  ark  of  God  (1  Sam.  v. 
1-7  ;  vi.  17)  ;  and  this  city  also  shared  in  the  male- 
dictions of  the  prophets  mentioned  above,  in  the 
same  passages  which  were  there  quoted.  It  like- 
wise is  nuned  in  the  account  of  the  eunuch  from 
Ethiopia  (Acts  viii.  40).     It  is  now  called  Esdud, 


a  village  of  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  fifty  mis 
erable  hovels,  lying  on  a  "  low  round  eminence, 
and  surrounded  by  an  extensive  grove  of  olive 
trees  (Furrer,  p.  133,  Robinson,  ii.  368).  Of  an 
tiquities  Furrer  found  in  the  village,  not  a  single 
one.  "  Of  the  ancient  city  of  the  Philistines  which 
once  stood  here,"  he  says,  "  that  Ashdod  about 
which  the  Assyrian  (Is.  xx.  1)  and  Egyptian 
armies  often  encamped,  everything  but  the  name 
has  utterly  vanished."     The  Ashkelonite.  Ashkelon 

(and  Askelon),  Ti^ptTS,  mentioned  nowhere  else 
in  our  book,  conquered  by  Judah  (Judg.  i.  18),  but 
not  named  among  the  cities  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv. 
45-47).  — a  circumstance  which  favors  the  opinion 
that  the  list  was  composed  in  the  time  of  Joshua, 
and  not  later  —  was,  next  to  Gaza,  probably  the 
most  important  city  of  the  Philistines,  at  whose 
gates  David  would  not  have  the  tidings  of  the 
death  of  Saul  and  Jonathan  proclaimed  (2  Sam.  i 
20),  lest  the  daughters  of  the  Philistines  should 
rejoice.  Like  the  other  Philistine  cities,  Ashkelon 
was  threatened  by  the  prophets  with  divine  punish- 
ment. Samson  slew  here  thirty  Philistines.  Jona- 
than the  Maccabajan  conquered  the  city  twice  ( 1 
Mac.  x.  86 ;  xi.  60).  Herod  the  Great  was  born 
here,  according  to  Eusebius  (Hist.  Eccl.  i.  6),  was 
called  Ascalonita,  and  adorned  the  place  with 
baths  and  fountains.  It  was  distinguished  origin 
ally  for  hatred  against  the  Jews,  later  for  enmity 
toward  the  Christians.  During  the  Crusades  many 
conflicts  took  place  here.  Its  destruction  by  Sala- 
din  (1191)  terminated  its  splendor  forever;  and 
Lady  Hester  Stanhope,  as  Ritter  relates  at  large, 
(xvi.  70  ff.  [Gage's  Transl.  iii.  213  ff.]),  caused  its 
ruins  to  be  explored  without  finding  silver  or  gold. 
The  ruins  are  of  vast  proportions  The  village  of 
New  Ashkelon  lying  near  the  sea  is  surrounded 
with  green.  "  Thus  Ashkelon,  with  the  adjacent 
village,  formed  an  extremely  fertile  oasis  in  the 
midst  of  a  perfectly  desert  region ;  although, 
through  the  numerous  gaps  and  rents  in  the  gi- 
gantic stone  wall,  the  wind  has  at  certain  points 
swept  the  sand  of  the  desert  into  the  veri  site  of 
the  city"  (Furrer,  p.  128).     F/ie  Gittite  (Gathite) 

Gath,  mentioned  already,  ch.   xi.  22 ;  iT3,  Titto, 

(Joseph.),  Tefl  (LXX.),  was  the  home  of  Goliath 
(1  Sam.  xvii.  4);  connected  with  Ashkelon  in 
David's  lamentation  (2  Sam.  i.  20),  conquered  by 
David  (1  Chron.  xix.  1).  Michafi.  10)  and  Amos 
('-i.  2)  make  mention  of  this  city,  whose  ruins 
Robinson  (ii.  220)  sought  for  in  vain.  On  Menke's 
atlas,  map  iii.,  its  name  is  brought  in  without  the 
sign  of  a  town,  on  the  border  of  the  second  group 
of  low  land  cities  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Judah. 
Knobel  (p  433),  after  the  example  of  Hitzig  (  Urge- 
schichte  der  Phi/ister,  p.  154),  conjectures  that  Bair- 
oya$pa  in  Ptolem.  5,  16,  6,  Betogabri  in  Tab. 
Peuting.  ix.  6,  Eleutheropolis  of  the  Fathers,  the 
present  Beit  Jibrin,  is  the  same  as  Gath.  —  The 
Ekronite,  see  above  ver.  3.  —  The  Aviles,  "  south  of 
Gaza,"  Deut.  ii.  23. 

Ver.  4.  In  the  South.  The  Maso  etic  division 
of  the  verse  we  must  here  give  up,  as  Haverniek. 
Keil,  and  Knobel  have  done,  since  the  specilicaiiou 

—  ]!3TI!3,  standing   unquestionably   in   contrast 

with  ^ V1^?  (ver.  3),  suits  very  well  with  the 
preceding,  but  not  at  all  with  what  follows.  Rather 
the  author  turns  here,  ver.  4,  to  an  enumeration 
of  the  portions  of  the  country  lying  in  the  north 
which  require  yet  to  be  fully  subjugated. 

All  the  land  of  the  Canaanites.     Phcer  cia  is 


CHAPTER  Xm. 


119 


Intended,  and  in  particular,  the  low-land  there  as 
well  as  the  "mountain  country  from  Mearah  even 
to  the border  of  the  A  mo  rites  '  (Knobel). 

Mearah.  Since  iTISJO  properly  signified  a 
cave,  the  conjecture  proposed  by  Rosenmuller  ( Bill. 
Geog.  ii.  1,  pp.  39, 40),  although  Robinson  (iii.  412) 
regards  it  "  as  of  very  questionable  value,"  may 
safely  be  approved,  with  Ritter  (xvii.  99)  and  Kno- 
bel, namely,  that  we  here  have  a  reference  to  the 
caoea  de  Tyro  mentioned  by  Will.  Tyr.  (xix.  11), 
which  he  describes  as  a  spelunca  inexputpiabilis,  an 
old  burial-place  of  the  Sidonians ;  at  present,  Mnghr 
Jezzin,  i.  e.  Cave  of  Jezzin,  on  Lebanon,  east  of  Si- 
don.    Ritter,  ubi  sup. 

Aphek.  now  Afka  (Robinson,  Later  Bibl.  Res.  p. 
603  ft'.),  northeast  of  Beirut;  not  to  be  confounded 
with  the  better  known  Aphek,  in  the  tribe  of 
Issachar,  where  the  camp  of  the  Philistines  was 
pitched  before  their  victory  over  Saul  (1  Sam. 
xxix.  1— 31 ),  and  where  Benhadad  was  subsequently 
captured  ( 1  K.  xx.  26-30).  The  Aphek  before  us, 
called  by  the  Greeks  "h<paxa,  noted  for  the  temple 
of  Venus,  destroyed  by  Constantine  the  Great,  be- 
longed, as  we  see  "from  ch.  xix.  30,  to  Asher.  A  third 
Aphek  (von  Raum.  p.  242),  now  Feik,  a  village  of 
200  families,  lies  on  the  east  side  of  the  sea  of  Ti- 
berias, on  the  road  from  Hauran  to  the  Jordan. 
This  place  is  indicated  in  the  Onom.  as  a  castettum 
grande.  There  was  also  a  fourth  place  of  the  name 
(ch.  xv.  53)  on  the  mountain  of  Judah. 

To  the  borders  of  the  Amorites,  i.  e.  to  the 
land  once  inhabited  by  the  Amorites,  which  be- 
longed to  Og,  king  of  Bashan  (Mich.,  Dereser, 
Rosenmiiller,  Keil). 

Ver.  5.  The  land  of  the  Giblites.  The  land 
of  Gibli,  i.  e.  of  the  race  of  Gebal  ( 1  K.  v.  32  (18) ; 
Ez.  xxvii.  9),  a  district  north  of  Berytus,  on  the 
sea,  still  called  Jobail,  by  the  Arabs,  but  in  the 
classics  "  Byblus  "  (Knobel).  Byblus  itself  lay  on  the 
sea  (Ez.  xxvii.  9),  was  a  seat  of  the  Adonis-wor- 
ship (Winer,  i.  206),  "  home  of  the  Phoenician  arti- 
sans called  by  Solomon  to  the  building  of  the  tem- 
ple (1  K.  v.  32  (18).  The  country  belonging  to  it 
probably  lay  eastof  the  city  "  (von  Raum.  p.  26,  28). 

All  Lebanon  towards  the  sun-rising,  i.  e.  the 
Anti-Lebanon. 

Baal-Gad,  not  Baalbec,  as  Knobel  here  again 
maintains,  hut,  as  was  shown  on  ch.  xi.  17,  Cses- 
araea  Philippi.  So  also  Menke  on  Map  iii.,  who 
strangely  writes  Baal-Gath  instead  of  Baal-Gad  — 
perhaps  a  mere  oversight. 

Hamath.  A  northern  boundary  point  of  Pales- 
tine, ii  entioned  Num.  xxxiv.  8,  in  our  book  here 
and  in  ch.  xix.  33,  and  many  times  throughout  the 
O.  T.,  particularly  during  the  period  of  greatest 
renown  of  the  Jewish  dominion  under  David  and 
Solomon.  Then  the  kingdom  actually  extended 
to  that  point  (see  the  side-map  to  Map  iii.  in 
Menke's  Atlas),  2  Sam.  viii.  3-12  ;  1  Chron.  xviii. 
3-11  ;  1  Chron.  xiii.  5  ;  1  K.  viii.  65  ;  2  Chron. 
vii.  8  ;  '&  K.  xiv.  25-28.  So  far  had  the  spies 
originally  penetrated  (Num.  xiii,  21).  According 
to  the  Onom.  Hamath  =  Epiphania  on  the  Orontes, 
at  the  present  time,  Hamah,  seat  of  a  Greek  bishop 
(Robinson,  iii.  456  [see  also  Later  Bibl.  Re*,  p. 
568] ).  Yet  Jacobites  also  dwell  there  subject  to  the 
Jacobite  patriarch  who  resides  in  Mesopotamia 
(Robinson,  iii.  461).  The  city  is  very  large, 
and  numbers  100,000  inhabitants  (Winer,  i. 
158). 

Ver.  6.  There  remain  besides,  and  are  to  be  con- 
quered, all  the  inhabitants  of  the  mountains 
from  Lebanon  unto  Misrephoth-maim,  all  the 


Sidonians,  i.  e.  all  the  heathen  tribes  dwelling 
south  of  the  Lebanon  as  far  as  to  the  present  prom- 
ontory Ras  en-Nakura  (see  on  ch.  xi.  8).  Knobel 
here  explains  Misrephoth-maim  simply  as  "  prom 
ontory  of  Nakura,"  while,  according  to  the  com- 
ments on  ch.  xi.  8,  his  opinion,  there  controverted  by 
us,  appears  to  include  under  the  name  the  othci 
promontory  also,  Ras  el-Abiad. 

Only  divide  thou  it  by  lot  unto  Israel  for  a  pos- 
session. These  words  connect  themselves  with 
ver.  1,  and  particularly  the  conclusion  of  tha* 
verse,  as  Keil  has  well  observed.  As  I  have  com- 
manded thee,  comp.  ch.  i.  6. 

Ver.  7.  More  definite  statement  as  to  whom 
the  land  should  be  divided  among.  According  to 
ch.  xiv.  1 ,  Joshua  did  not  perform  this  service  alone, 
but  in  connection  with  the  high-priest  Eleazer,  and 
the  elders  of  the  people. 

2.  The  Territory  of  the  Two  and  a  Half  Tribes 
East  of  the  Jordan,  as  Moses  had  already  bestowed 
it  upon  them,  vers.  8-33. — a.  Its  Borders,  vers. 
8-1.3.  To  that  is  added  a  notice  of  the  failure  of 
the  tribe  of  Levi  to  receive  a  possession,  vers.  14. 

Ver.  8.  With  him,  i.  e.  Manasseh,  but  the 
other  half  of  Manasseh. 

Vers.  9-12.  These  statements  are,  with  slight 
variation,  the  same  as  ch.  xii.  1-6.  Thus  instead 
of  the  half  Gilead  in  xii.  2,  we  have  here  All  the 
table-land  of  Medeba  unto  Dibon.  Of  Medeba 
we  shall  speak  on  ver.  16,  of  Dibon,  on  ver.  17. 

In  ver.  13  it  is  significantly  stated  that  the  Gesh- 
urites  and  Maachathites  were  not  driven  out. 
Similar  remarks  occur  ch.  xv.  63  ;  xvi.  10;  xvii. 
12  ff. 

Ver.  14  is  repeated  in  ver.  33,  yet  not  in  pre- 
cisely the  same  expression.     Thus,  while  it  is  said 

here  that  Vl  "'^■"'i  «.  c.  the  offerings  of  Jehovah, 
should  be  the  portion  of  the  tribe  of  Levi,  Jeho- 
vah Himself  is  there  called  their  possession.  It  is 
the  same  in  sense;  without  earthly  inheritance 
Jehovah  and  his  worship  should  be  the  only  pos- 
session of  the  tribe  of  Levi.  The  directions  of  the 
law  Num.  xviii.,  may  be  compared  with  this,  from 
which  it  appears  in  what  manner,  through  the  di- 
vine worship  itself,  the  bodily  subsistence  of  the 
priests  and  their  attendants  was  provided  for. 

b.  The  Possession  of  the  Tribe  of  Reuben,  vers. 
15-23.  There  follow,  now  evidently  on  the  ground 
of  old  registers,  the  several  boundaries  of  the  tribes 
east  of  the  Jordan  ;  of  which  Reuben  comes  first. 
They  are  found  in  shorter  compass,  Num.  xxxii. 
34-42. 

Ver.  16.  Medeba,  now  Medaba,  mentioned  in 
a  song  of  triumph,  Num.  xxi.  30 ;  according  to  ver. 
9,  and  this  passage,  belonging  to  Reuben  ;  later  to 
Moab,  Is.  xv.  2.  The  ruins,  on  a  hill,  have  a  compass 
of  half  an  hour,  about  two  hours  from  Heshbon. 

The  plain  (~iWs12r})  by  Medeba.  The  plateau 
east  of  Abarim  or  mount  Pisgah  is  meant  (comp. 
ch.  xii.  3),  comp.  also  Knobel  on  Num.  xxi.  10,  ll.1 
Ver.  17.  Heshbon,  also,  lies,  like  Medeba,  on 
this  table-land,  comp.  xii.  2.  —  Dibon,  mentioned 
Num.  xxi.  30,  like  Medeba  ;  now  Diban  [the  site 
of  the  recently  discovered  monumental  stone 
(Moabite  stone)  containing  a  valuable  inscription 
of  great  antiquity. —  Tr.],  an  hour  north  of  tha 
Arnon.  There  were  not  two  Dibons,  as  the  Onom. 
assumes,  but  the  one  Dibon  is  ascribed,  Num.  xxxii. 
3,  34,  to  Gad,  here  to  Reuben,  comp.  also,  ver.  9. 

1  [Among  recent  travellers,  the  account  given  by  Tris- 
tram in  his  Lawl  of  Israel,  will  be  found  graphic  and  in- 
structive. —  Tr.1 


!20 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


Bamoth-Baal,  Num.  xxiv.  20,  a  stopping-place 
Df  the  Israelites. 

Beth-baal-meon,  call  .'d  also,  briefly  Baal-meon 
(Num.  xxxii.  38),  now  Maein,  at  the  foot  of  the 
Attains,  which  raises  itself  "  to  the  east  of  the 
northern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  "  (von  Haum.  p.  71, 
72). 

Ver.  18.  Jahaza.  Here  Sihon  was  slain,  Num. 
xxi.  23  ;  Dent.  ii.  32  ;  Judg.  xi.  20.  According  to 
ch.  xxi.  36,  a  Levitieal  city,  cf.  also  1  Chron.  vii.  28. 
It  was  later  retaken  by  Moab,  Is.  xv.  4 ;  Jer.  xlviii. 
21.  Not  given  on  Menke's  map,  on  von  Rau- 
mer's  accompanied  with  an  interrogation  point. 

Kedemoth.  another  city  of  the  Levites,  ch.  xxi. 
37  ;   1  Chron.  vi.  79. 

Mephaath,  also  a  Levite  city,  ch.  xxi.  37 ;  1 
Chron.  vi.  79,  later  of  the  Moabites.  In  Jerome's 
time  here  was  a  Roman  garrison  for  a  protection 
against  the  dwellers  in  the  wilderness  (von  Raum. 
p.  265). 

Ver.  19.  Kirjathaim.  It  is  related,  Gen.  xiv.  5, 
that  Chedorlaomer  here  smote  the  Emim.  From 
the  present  passage,  and  Num.  xxxii.  37,  it  be- 
longed to  Reuben ;  later  to  Moab,  Jer.  xlviii.  1, 
23 ;  Ez.  xxv.  9.  In  the  time  of  Jerome  very  many 
Christians  lived  here  (von  Raumer,  p.  263). 

Sibmah,  very  near  Heshbon. 

Zareth-shahar  on  the  mount  of  the  valley. 
The    name   signifies    "  splendor    of    the   dawn," 

(il^S  according  to  Gesenius  perhaps  =  J~CIO?> 
I  Chron.  iv.  7).  Von  Raumer  makes  no  mention 
of  it.  Winer  and  Keil  conjecture  that  Zereth- 
shahar,  which  is  nowhere  else  named  (nomenloci 
forsan  in  aprico  colle  siti,  eujits  nusquam  alias  Jit 
mentio,  Rosenm.  on  this  place),  may  have  lain  near 
Nebo  or  Pisgah,  "  not  far  from  Heshbon  on  the 
west,"  (Keil).  Menke  has  introduced  the  name 
west  of  Mount  Pisgah,  toward  the  Dead  Sea,  and 
somewhat  south  of  Zerka-maim,  perhaps  because 
Zereth-shahar  is  indicated  as  situated  on  a  moun- 
tain of  the  valley. 

Ver.  20.  Beth-peor,  probably  not  far  from  the 
mountain  of  Peor ;  opposite  Jericho,  according  to 
the  Onoin. 

The  foot-hills  of  Pisgah,  and  Beth-jeshimoth, 
ch.  xii.  3. 

Ver.  2 1 .  All  the  cities  of  the  table-land  and 
all  the  kingdom  of  Sihon  king,  etc.  Meaning : 
"all  the  other  cities  of  the  level  (the  plain)  and 
the  whole  kingdom  of  Sihon,  as  far  as  it  extended 
on  the  plain.  So  Keil,  rightly  taking  into  ac- 
count the  statement  of  ver.  27.  The  victory  of 
Moses  over  Sihon  is  here  related  more  fully  than 
in  ver.  12.  There  are  beside  himself  five  Midian- 
ite  princes  named,  Evi,  Rekem,  Zur,  Hur,  and 
Reba,  and  in   the  same  order  as   Num.  xxxi.  8, 

where,  however,  they  are  called    S3  ^f^'    wni'e 

here  they  are  styled  K>  ""Stt??,  just  as  in  Gen.  xvii. 
20  the  princes  of  the  Ishmaelites,  and  in  Num.  iv. 
34  as  well  as  eh.  ix.  18  of  our  book,  the  princes  of 

the  congregation  of  Israel,  '"'7^'7  ^®h  tQe 
princes  of  their  tribes  are  mentioned  (Num.  vii.  11 
ft". ;  xxxiv.  18,  and  often).     They  are  at  the  same 

time  d'  signated  as  the  anointed  of  Sihon  (>5>'P? 

C),   i.  e.  his  vassals.     In  this  sense  of  anointed, 

prince  =  rPtTtp,  "  the  word  stands  only  in  the 
plural,  and  always,  as  would  seem,  of  native,  al- 
though dependent  and,  as  in  Josh.  xiii.  21,  sub- 
jugaled,  princes,  and  not  of  installed,  ordinary  of- 
Rraale  "  (Gesen.).     Keil  would,  with  Hengstenberg 


(on  Ps.  ii.  6),  translate  D,3',P3  by  "  poured  out 

[founded  or  cast],  because  he  thinks  T[3-  cannot 
be  proved  to  have  been  used  in  the  sense  of  "  to 
anoint."  Hitzig  likewise  contends  that  ^Tr^  can" 
not  mean  "  anoint."  for  which  rather  nWO  stands, 
Ps.  ii.  6,  but  will  hear  nothing  of  "  poured  out." 
He  reaches  back  after  an  Arabic  root  which  should 
signify  purify,  refine,   consecrate  to  God,  so  that 

in  the  passage  above  ^^PJ  wou^  be  about  the 
same  as  >Wtt13r|7.  \n  this  view  D^DD  would 
properly  mean  "consecrated"  (to  God);  comp. 
Hitzig,  Psalms  i.  p.  9. 

Ver.  22.  Balaam,  Num.  xxii.  5  ff.,  is  here  char- 
acterized as  3Dp,  soothsayer,  like  the  prophets  of 
the  Philistines,  1  Sam.  vi.  2,  and  the  necromancers 
1  Sam.  xxviii.  8,  different  from  the  S*2*,  the  true 
prophet,  who  is  also  called  H^l  (1  Sam.  ix.  9),  or 
njjl  (l  Chron.  xxi.  9;  xxv.  5;  xxix.  29).  The 
□5P  divines  properly  through  inscribed  lots  (J3e\ 
opdvria)* 

Ver.  23.  And  the  border  ....  was  the  Jor- 
dan and  the  border.  Houbigant  and  Clericus,  be- 
cause the  passage  is  obscure,  would  mend  the  text 
here  and  Num.  xxxiv.  6;  Deut.  iii.  16,  also  Josh. 
xiii.  27  ;  xv.  12,  47.     Gesenius  (Thes.  i.  394  ff.) 

takes  1  =  simid,  etiam,  thus  :  Jordanes  qui  sitmd  ter- 
minus erat.  Knobel  (on  Num.  xxxiv.  6)  and  Keil 
(at  this  place)  explain :  "  The  sea  (Num.  xxxiv. 
6),  the  Jordan,  with  its  territory,  with  its  banks, 
shall  be  the  boundary."  This  sense  is  indicated 
by  De  Wette  also  in  his  translation,  which  we  have 
adopted  [der  Jordan  und  das  Angrenzende,  the  Jor- 
dan and  what  borders  it].    Bunsen  appears  to  take 

}  as  epexegetical,  translating:  "that  is,  its  mar- 
gin," coming  close  therefore  to  Gesenius. 

Their  villages,  comp.  ver.  28,  xv.  32,  36,  41,47, 

48,  and  often,  ~1?'^,  a  farm,  village,  firauht 
(LXX  Kii/iri),  which  was  not  inclosed,  like  a  citv, 
with  walls,"  (Keil.)  By  the  Caucasians  such  a  vil- 
lage is  called  an  Aul,  reminding  us  of  firav\is  [and 
atiA-fi]. 

c.  Ver.  24-28.  The  Possession  of  the  Tribe  of  Gad. 

Ver.  25.  Jazer,  snatched  from  the  Amorites, 
Num.  xxi.  32,  belonging  to  Gad,  Num.  xxxii.  35, 
as  here,  a  Levite  city,  ch.  xxi.  39 ;  1  Chron.  vii. 
81.  Later,  like  many  other  of  the  cities  already 
mentioned,  it  belonged  again  to  the  Moabites  (Is. 
xvi.  8,  9  ;  Jer.  xlviii.  32) ;  conquered  by  Judas 
Maccabasus,  1  Mac.  v.  8.  Burckhardt  (p.  609)  held 
the  present  Ain  Hazir  to  be  Jazer  (apnd  von  Rau- 
mer, p.  262),  and  with  this  von  Raumer  agrees. 
Seetzen  conjectured  that  Szyr  or  Seirwas  to  be  re- 
garded as  this  place,  with  whom,  beside  Keil,  Van 
de  Velde,  and  Menke  (Map  iii. .  unpared  with  Map 
viii.)  coincide. 

All  the  cities  of  Gilead,  ■'.  e.  of  the  southern 
part  of  Gilead,  to  the  Jabbok,  for  the  other  half 
which  belonged  not  to  the  kingdom  of  Sihon,  but 
to  that  of  Og  king  of  Bashan,  fell,  as  we  learn 
from  ver.  31,  to  the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh.  Foi 
the  rest  comp.  on  ch.  xii.  2. 

The  half  of  the  land  of  the  sons  of  Ammon 
unto  Aroer  that  is  before  Rabbah.  This  Aroei 
is  not  to  be  confounded  with  Aroer  of  Reuben  on 
the  northern  bank  of  the  Arnon,  ch.  xii.  2 ;  xiii 
9,  16.     It  is  Aroer  of  Gad,  which  is  before  Rabba 


CHAPTER   Xin. 


121 


that  i<  Rabba  or  Rabbath  of  the  Ammonites  ( Dent 
iii.  1 1  ),  which,  again,  is  different  from  Rabba  of 
tlie  Moabites  (von  Kaumer,  p.  271).  Aroer  of 
GuJ,  from  Xnm.  xxxii.  34,  was  built  by  the  Gad- 
ites.  From  hence  to  Abel  -  keramim,  Jephtlia 
smote  the  Ammonites  (Judg.  xi.  33)  in  that  vic- 
tory so  portentous  to  the  life  of  his  daughter. 
There  Joab  encamped  on  the  occasion  of  that  cen- 
sus of  tiie  people  so  portentous  to  David  (2  Sam. 
xxiv.  5).  "Probably  Ayra,  southwest  of  es-Salt" 
(ron  Raumer,  p.  259).  "For  'before,'  cannot 
here,"  as  von  Raumer  correctly  says,  "  possibly 
signify  'to  the  east  of  Rabbah,  since  Aroer,  as  a 
city  of  the  tribe  of  Gad,  must  have  lain  west  of 
Rabbah.  '  Before  '  signifies,  probably,  that  if  one 
goes  from  the  Jordan  toward  Rabbah,  Aroer  lies 
before  Rabbah."  So  likewise  Burekhardt  (p.  609). 
Ver.  26.  From  Heshbon  to  Ramothmizpeh 
and  Betonim.  Thus  the  extension  northward  of 
the  territory  of  the  tribe  is  expressed.  From  Hesh- 
bon. We  need  not  suppose  with  Keil  that  Hesh- 
bon, belonging  to  Reuben  (ver.  17),  lay  exactly  on 
the  border  between  Reuben  and  Gad,  but  "from 
Heshbon  "  =  "from  the  region  of  Heshbon."  To 
Ramath-mizpeh  and  Betonim.  Again,  aUo,  'into 
the  region  of  these  cities.  Ramath-mizpeh,  ('.  e. 
Height  of  the  Watch,  as  von  Raumer  translates. 
We  hare  already,  eli.  xi.  s.  met  with  a  valley  of 
Mizpeh,   concerning   which   see    the   explanation 

there.     This  Ramath-mizpeh  is  called  also  fVl!2^l 

"'>/??»  ch.  xx.  8  ;  a  city  of  the  Levites,  ch.  xxi. 
38 ;  1  Chron.  vi.  80  ;  a  city  of  refuge,  according 
to  ch.  xx.  8.  and  Dent.  iv.  43  ;  in  Solomon's  time 
the  residence  of  one  of  his  prefects  (1  K.  iv.  13 
(see  the  side  map  of  Menkes'  Map  iii .)).  Here 
Ahab  was  mortally  wounded,  as  Mieha  had  proph- 
esied to  him  (1  K.  xxii.  1-37;  2  Chron.  xviii.), 
his  son  Joram  slain  by  Hazael  king  of  the  Syrians, 
(2  K.  viii.  28),  and  Jehu  anointed  (2  K.  ix.  1-6). 
Probably  it  was  the  present  Salt  on  the  road  from 
Jericho  to  Damascus.  The  road  from  Nablus 
(Shechem)  also  here  joins  the  former,  as  Van  de 
Velde's  map  distinctly  shows.  Without  doubt 
this  has  been  so  for  thousands  of  years,  and  hence 
the  repeated  collision  of  Israelitish  and  Syrian 
armies  at  this  point  was  very  natural.  —  Betonim. 
It  still  existed  in  Jerome's  time  (Chum.  s.  v.  "  Both- 
nia"), yet  he  can  say  nothing  of  its  site. 

From  Mahanaim  unto  the  border  of  Debir. 
In  this  language  the  extension  of  the  country  of 
Gad  from  east  to  west  is  indicated.  Mahanaim,  i.  e. 
double  camp,  or  double  army  (of  the  angels),  most 
familiar  both  from  the  narrative  of  Jacob's  return 
homeward  (Gen.  xxxii.  2),  and  from  the  history 
of  David  who  fled  thither  from  Absalom  (2  Sam. 
xvii.  24,  27  ;  I  K.  ii.  8).  Here  also  Ishbosheth  was 
summoned  by  Abner  to  be  king.  A  Levitical  city, 
ch.  xxi.  39  ;  1  Chron.  vii.  80 ;  the  residence  of  a  pre- 
fect in  Solomon's  time  (1  K.  iv.  16).  The  site  can- 
not be  accurately  given.  Von  Raumer  looks  for  it  in 
the  Jordan  meadow  (p.  253),  because  it  lay  north 
of  the  Jabbok,  and  yet  belonged  to  Gad.  But 
north  of  the  Jabbok  Gad's  border  (p.  231)  only 
took  in  the  Jordan  meadow,  as  he  thinks.  To  this 
.assumption  Keil  rightly  replies:  "But,  since  Ma- 
hanaim, according  to  ver.  30,  lay  on  the  border  of 
Manasseh,  and  already  belonged  to  Bashan,  it  may 
.also  have  lain  on  the  plateau  north  of  the  Jabbok, 
perhaps  near  a  ford  of  that  stream  (Gen.  xxxii. 
!2),  since  nowhere  in  the  0.  T.  is  the  Jabbok  spoken 
,»f  as  the  northern  border  of  the  territory  of  Gad." 
'This  view  is  adopted  also  by  Menke  in  his  Atlas. 


Unto  the  border  of  Debir  (~Q"lb).  since  ■ 
as  a  sign  of  the  Stat,  constr.  occurs  now  here  else  in 
our  book,  J.  D.  Michaelis,  appealing  to  2  Sam.  ix. 

4  and  xvii.  27,  proposed  to  read  "^^  ^  'i  which  is 
favored  by  the  circumstance  that  in  2  Sam.  xvii. 
27,~13"7  Sv  occurs  in  connection  with  Mahanaim, 
Hitzig  {Begr.  d.  Krit.  p.  137,  apud  Keil,  p.  341)  eon 

jectures  that  the  V  was  only  an  error  in  copying, 

from  the  repetition  of  the  7  in  >"Q3.     Keil  thinks 

it  possible  that  the  ?  may  have  belonged  to  the 
name,  which  would  then  be  sounded  Lidhbir. 
Since  the  LXX.  read  Ae$ip,  we  decide  for  tin-  view 
of  Hitzig,  rejecting  the  suppositions  of  Michaelis 
and  Keil.  Where  this  Debir  lay  (the  third,  for 
there  were  two  in  Judsea,  von  Raumer,  p.  184  is 
not  made  out.  Even  Eusebius  could  sav  nothing 
of  it  except  that  it  was  wo\h  twv  'Ajuo/j/Waip.  Per- 
haps, on  the  heights  which  border  the  Jordan,  and 
hence  named  as  their  western  boundary  point '' 

Ver.  27.  In  the  valley.  The  Jordan  valley 
is   meant,    as    in    ch.   xvii.    16,   elsewhere   called 

T  t  -:  T 

Betharam,  already  Num.  xxxii.  36  belong- 
ing to  Gad,  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Peor,  afterward 
called  Julius  or  Livias,  but  not  to  be  identified 
with  the  Gaulanitic  Julias  (von  Raumer,  p.  260). 
Beth  -  nimra,  also  Num.  xxxii.  36,  referred  to 
Gad  ;  now  the  ruins  of  Remrim. 

Succoth  and  Zaphon,  likewise  in  the  Jordan 
valley.  In  regard  to  Succoth,  cf.  especially  Robin- 
son (Later  Bibl,  Res.,  pp.  311, 312)  and  von  Raum. 
(p.  256,  Remark  347).  Even  unto  the  end  of  the 
sea  of  Cinnereth,  ef.  ch.  xii.  3. 

Ver.  28.  Thus  the  country  of  the  sons  of  Reu- 
ben and  Gad  together  covers  the  kingdom  of  Sihon. 
Cf.  ch.  xii.  2,  3. 

d.  The  Possession  of  the  Half  Tribe  of  Manasseh, 
ver.  29-32.  This  embraces  the  kingdom  of  Og, 
ch.  xii.  4,  5.  From  Mahanaim.  To  be  under- 
stood as  was  "  from  Heshbon,"  ver.  26. 

Villages  of  Jair.  Hjn  =  fPPl  life,  the  name  of 
the  first  woman  as  the  mother  of  all  living,  Gen. 
iii.    20;  iv.    1;    here  as    Num.  xxxii.  41  ;  Deut. 

iii.  14  =  camp,  tent-village.  "The  name  Tin 
occurs  onlyof  the  villages  of  Jair,  and  probably  de 
notes  a  particular  kind  of  towns;  but  it  is  yet  ob 
scure  "  (Knobel).  Keil  translates  the  name  Jair 
life  [Jairleben],  thinking  probably  of  names  of 
towns  among  us,  like  Eisleben,  Aschersleben.  Kno- 
bel says  further,  on  Num.  xxxii.  41,  concerning 
these  villages  of  Jair:  "The  division  of  Jair  con- 
quered the  cities  of  the  Amorites  and  named  them 
after  themselves.  These  Jair-towns,  sometimes 
given  as  23,  sometimes  30,  and  again  as  60  in 
number,  as  the  Manassite  occupation  of  the  coun- 
try changed  in  the  course  of  time,  were  given  up, 
together  with  Kenath  and  "  her  daughters,"  to  the 
Aramaeans  and  Geshurites  (1  Chron  ii.  2.3).  They 
lay  in  Bashan  (Josh.  xiii.  30)  or  in  Argob,  reach- 
ing as  far  as  the  border  of  Maaeha  and  Geshur 
(Deut.  iii.  14)  ;  hence  in  the  plain  of  Jaulan  and 
Hauran,  but  are  also  placed  in  the  land  of  Gilead 
(Judg.  x.  4  ;  1  Chron.  ii.  22),  and  are  mentioned 
with  Argob  in  Bashan  (1  K.  iv.  13).  This  may 
be  explained  in  this  way.  The  southern  part  of 
Hauran  lies  east  of  northern  Gilead.  then  follows, 
from  about  Remtha,  the  district  ez-Zueiton  as  far 
as  the  Zerka  (Jabbok,  which  goes  up  far  to  the  east 
of  Gilead),  and  is  for  the  most  part,  a  flat  couutrj 


122 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


with  many  uninhabited  places  (Rurck.  Syria, 
pp.  395, 397,  453  ft'.,  Seetzen,  i.  p.  383).  It  belonged 
jointly  to  Manasseh.  According  to  Arabian  au- 
thorities there  must  lie  in  each  of  the  three  districts 
Zneit,  Jaulan,  and  Ledja,  366  ruined  towns  and  vil- 
lages (Buckingham,  Syria,  ii.  pp.  118,  142,434); 
and  Dhaberi  speaks  of  it  as  a  common  opinion 
that  in  Hauran  there  are  more  than  a  thousand 
places  (Rosenmuller,  Analecta  Arabica,  iii.  22)." 

Ver.  31,  comp.  ch.  xii.4.  "  This  northern  Gilead 
Belonged  to  halt'  of  the  children  of  Machir  ( 1  Chr. 
v.  24).  The  others  received  their  portion  west  of 
the  Jordan,  ch.  xvii.  2  tf. 

Ver.  32.  A  repetition  of  the  statement  that 
Moses  had  already  ordered  this  division  of  the 
trans-Jordanic  country. 

Ver.  33,  comp.  v.  14.  —  On  von  Raumer's  hy- 
pothesis concerning  the  Jair-towns,  see  the  expla- 
nation of  ch.  xix.  34,  [comp.  also,  Stanley,  Sin.  Sr 
Pal.  App.  §  86 ;  Grove,  in  Did.  of  the  Bibl.,  art. 
"Jair."  — Tb.] 

HOMILETICAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

[Matt.  Henkt  :     Note,  it  is  good  for  those 


who  are  old  and  stricken  in  years,  to  be  put  in  re 
membrance  of  their  being  so.  Some  have  graj 
hairs  here  and  there  upon  them  and  perreice  it  not. 
Hos.  vii.  9;  they  do  not  care  to  think  of  it.  and 
therefore  need  to  be  told  of  it,  that  they  may  be 
quickened  to  do  the  work  of  life,  and  make  prepara 
tion  for  death  which  is  coming  on  them  apace.  — 
All  people,  but  especially  old  people,  should  set 
themselves  to  do  quickly  that  which  must  be  done 
before  they  die,  lest  death  prevent  them. 

The  same,  on  Deut.  xviii.  2 :  Care  is  taken 
that  the  priests  entangle  not  themselves  with  the 
affairs  of  this  life,  nor  enrich  themselves  with  the 
wealth  of  this  world ;  they  have  better  things  to 
mind,  —  Note,  those  that  have  God  for  their  inheri- 
tance, according  to  the  new  covenant,  should  not 
be  greedy  of  great  things  in  the  world,  neither 
gripe  what  they  have,  nor  grasp  at  more,  but  look 
upon  all  things  present  with  the  indifference  which 
becomes  those  that  believe  God  to  be  all-sufficient. 
—  Care  is  likewise  taken  that  they  want  not  any 
of  the  comforts  and  conveniences  of  this  life. 
Though  God,  who  is  a  Spirit,  is  their  inheritance 
it  does  not  therefore  follow  that  they  must  live  on 
the  air.  —  Tb.] 


3.  Beginning  of  the  Distribution. 
Chapter  XIV.     1-5. 


1  And  these  are  the  countries  which  the  children  of  Israel  inherited  in  the  laud  of 
Canaan,1  which  Eleazar  the  priest,  and  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun,  and  the  heads  of  the 
fathers  of  the  tribes  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  distributed  for  inheritance  [a 

2  possession]  to  them.  [,]  By  lot  was  their  inheritance  [by  the  lot  of  their  posses- 
sion], as  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  commanded  by  the  hand  of  Moses,  for  the  nine  tribes, 

3  and  for  the  half-tribe.  For  Moses  had  given  the  inheritance  [possession]  of  [the] 
two  tribes  and  an  half-tribe  on  the  other  side  [of  the]  Jordan  :  but  unto  the  Levites 

4  he  gave  none  [no]  inheritance  among  them.  For  the  children  [sons]  of  Joseph  were 
two  tribes,  Manasseh  and  Ephraim :  therefore  [and]  they  gave  no  part  unto  the 
Levites  in  the  land,  save  cities  to  dwell  in,  with    [and]   their  suburbs    [pasture- 

5  grounds]  for  their  cattle,  and  for  their  substance.  As  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  commanded 
Moses,  so  the  children  of  Israel  did,  and  they  divided  the  land. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.  1.  —  And  these  are  what  the  sons  of  Israel  received  as  a  possession  in  the  land  of  fin"*ftn,  what  Eleazar  the 

•ri??t,  etc.  —  Tb.] 


4.   The  Possession  of  Qaleb. 
Chapter  XIV.  6-15. 


Then  [And]  the  children  [sons]  of  Judah  came  unto  Joshua  in  Grilgal :  and  Ca- 
leb the  son  of  Jephunneh  the  Kenezite,  said  unto  him,  Thou  knowest  the  thing 
[word]  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto  Moses  the  man  of  God  concerning  me 
and  thee  in  Kadesh-barnea.  Forty  years  old  was  I  when  Moses  the  servant  of  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  sent  me  from  Kadesh-barnea  to  espy  out  the  land  ;  and  I  brought 
him  word  again  as  it  was  in  my  heart.  Nevertheless  [And]  my  brethren  that  went 
up  with  me  made  the  heart  of  the  people  melt;  but  I  wholly  followed  the  Lord 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


12? 


d  fjehovah]  my  God.  And  Moses  sware  on  that  day,  saying  :  Surely  the  laud 
whereon  thy  feet  have  [thy  foot  hath]  trodden  shall  be  thine  inheritance  [thy  pos- 
session], and  thy  children's  for  ever  ;  because   thou   hast  wholly  followed  the  Lord 

10  [Jehovah]  my  God.  And  now,  behold,  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  kept  me  alive, 
as  he  said,  these  forty  and  five  years,  even  [omit :  even]  since  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
spake  this  word  unto  Moses,  while  the  children  of  [omit :  the  children  of  ]  Israel 
wandered  [walked]  in  the  wilderness  ;  and  now,  lo  [behold],  I  am  this  day  fourscore 

1 1  and  five  years  old.  As  yet  I  am  as  strong  this  day,  as  I  ivas  in  the  day  that  Moses 
sent  me ;  as  my  strength  was  then,  even   [omit :  even]  so  is  my  strength  now,  for 

12  war,  both  [and]  to  go  out,  and  to  come  in.  Now  therefore  [and  now]  give  me 
this  mountain,  whereof  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  spake  in  that  day  ;  for  thou  heardest 
in  that  day  how  the  Anakims  were  there,  and  that  the  cities  were  great  and 
fenced  [and  great  and  fortified  cities]  :  if  so  be  [perhaps]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  will 
be  with  me,  then  I  shall  be  able  to  drive  them  out,  as  the  Lord   [Jehovah]  said. 

13  And  Joshua  blessed  him,  and  gave   unto  Caleb   the  son  of  Jephunneh,  HebroL. 

14  for  an  inheritance  [a  possession].  Hebron  therefore  became  the  inheritance  [pos- 
session] of  Caleb  the  son  of  Jephunneh  the  Kenezite  unto  this  day  ;  because  that 

15  he  wholly  followed  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel.  And  the  name  of  Hebron 
before  ivas  Kirjath-arba  :  which  Arba  was  a  great  man  among  the  Anakims.  And 
the  land  had  rest  from  war. 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

The  chapter  contains,  partly,  vers.  1-5,  the  in- 
troduction to  the  division  of  the  country  west  of 
the  Jordan  among  the  nine  and  a  half  remaining 
tribes,  and  partly  an  episode  breaking  the  connec- 
tion between  ch.  xiv.  1-5  and  xv.  1  ff.,  concern- 
ing the  possession  of  Caleb.  With  this,  ch.  xv. 
13-19  and  Judg.  i.  10-15,  which  agree  with  each 
other,  are  to  be  compared. 

u.  (3)  Ver.  1-5.  Introduction  to  the  Division  of 
the  Land  West  of  the  Jordan.  Ver.  1.  As  distribu- 
tors Eleazar  and  Joshua  are  named  here,  as  in 
Num.  xxxiv.  17,  while  inch.  xiii.  6,  7  ;  xviii.  6,  8, 10, 
Joshua  alone  casts  the  lot  or  grants  the  land  as  in 

vers.  13;  xvii.  15, 18.  Eleazar,  "N?  ?S  (whom  God 
helps,  Gotthilf),  "was  Aaron's  third  son  and  suc- 
cessor in  the  high-priesthood,  Ex.  vi.  23,  25  ;  Num. 
iii.  2.  After  the  death  of  his  father  he  followed 
him  in  the  dignity  of  the  high-priesthood  ;  Num. 
xx.  25  if;  Dent.  x.  6,  and  was  associated  thus  for 
a  time  with  Moses,  then  with  Joshua,  ch.  xiv.  1  ; 
xvii.  4  ff.  His  death  is  related  ch.  xxiv.  33 " 
(Winer,  i.  314). 

Ver.  2.  Eleazar  and  Joshua  distributed  the 
land  through,  the  lot  of  their  possession ;  i.  e. 
through  the  lot  by  which  the  part  of  the  land  was 
to  be  determined  according  to  Num.  xxvi.  55, 
whether  in  the  north  or  in  the  south,  whether  in 
the  east  or  in  the  west,  whereas  the  magnitude  of  the 
portion  was  to  be  fixed  (Num.  xxvi.  56)  according 
to  the  population  of  the  tribe,  by  Moses  or  his  suc- 
cessor. "  Whether  also  the  provinces  of  the  sev- 
eral families  of  the  tribes  were  assigned  by  lot,  or 
whether  this  was  left  to  the  heads  of  the  tribes, 
respectively,  is  not  to  be  discovered  "  (Knobel). 

The  distribution  by  lot  of  conquered  countries  ap- 
pears also  in  other  histories.  Thus  it  was  "  a 
standing  custom  with  the  Athenians,  to  divide  the 
land  of  conquered  enemies  to  colonists  by  lot, 
(Diod.  xv.  23,  29).  They  proceeded  in  this  manner 
ti  Enbcea  (Herod,  v.  77;  6,  100),  and  in  Lesbos 
Thuc.  iii.  50).  Among  the  Romans,  also  we  read  of 
sorte  agros  leqionibus  assignare  (Cic.  Epp.  add.Divv., 
vi.  20, comp.  Appian,  Bell.  Civ.,  v.  74)"  (Knobel). 

How  the  lot  was  taken  we  are  not  informed. 
Most  probably,  as  the  Rabbins  have  conjectured. 


there  were  two  urns.  In  one  had  been  placed  lit- 
tle tablets  ( Keil :  tickets)  with  the  names  of  the  tribe, 
and  in  the  other  similar  tablets  with  the  names 
of  the  districts ;  and  one  of  each  was  drawn  at 
the  same  time.  If  we  reject  the  supposition  of  two 
urns,  we  may  think  of  one  containing  the  tablets 
designating  the  portions  of  country,  which  the  heads 
of  the  several  tribes  may  have  drawn,  As  Jehovah 
had  commanded  by  Moses,  Num.  xxvi.  52  ff. 

Ver.  4.  The  appointment  concerning  the  Le- 
vitical  cities  is  found  Num.  xxxv.  1  ff.  where  it 
is   stated   also   how   large   their    pasture-grouuda 

should  be.  K7^D  from  2^2  to  drive,  drive  forth 
signifies  a  place  whither  cattle  are  driven  (Germ. 
Trieb,  Trift,  [comp.  Eng.  :  drove,  "  a  road  for 
driving  cattle,"  Webster]),  and  denotes  here  the 
space  around  the  city  which  should  serve  for  the 
driving  of  herds"  (Knobel  on  Num.  xxxv.  2). 
A  diagram  by  which  the  dimensions  in  Num. 
xxxv.  5  may  be  clearly  apprehended  is  given  in 
Keil  on  this  passage.1  These  pasture-grounds 
(Bunsen:  Commons);  in  Switzerland  called  All- 
menden),  are  repeatedly  mentioned  ch.  xx. 
Luther  [the  Eng.  version  also]  translates,  incor- 
rectly :  suburbs,  led  evidently  by  the  Vulg.,  which 

renders     Q  suburbana. 

b.  (4)  Vers.  6-15.  Caleb's  Possession.  Caleb, 
the  patriarch  of  the  sons  of  Judah  (Num.  xxxiv 
19),  accompanied  by  the  men  of  his  tribe  (ver.  6), 
approaches  Joshua,  and  desires,  with  an  appeal  to 
the  promise  of  Moses  (ver.  9),  and  with  a  declara- 
tion of  his  still  unbroken  capacity  for  war  (ver 
11),  that  the  mountain  of  Hebron  may  be  given  tc 
him,  out   of  which  he  purposes  to  extirpate  the 

1  [Thli  is  Keil's  figure  :  —  Ta.] 


1000       1000  | 
cub.       cub.  i 

N 

city 
8 

124 


THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


Anakites  (ver.  12).  Joshua  promptly  and  gladly 
grants  the  request  of  the  respected,  proved,  and 
brave  old  man,  who  had  once  with  himself  spied 
out  the  land  from  Kadesh-barnea  (Num.  xiii.  7  y  : 
xiv.  6).  The  place  of  the  transaction  is  Gilgal, 
and  that,  as  has  before  been  shown,  in  the  Jordan- 
valley.  Later,  eh.  xviii.  1,  we  find  the  camp 
moved  to  Shiloh. 

Ver.   6.  Caleb,    the   son  of   Jephunneh,   the 

Kenezite.  Caleb,  ^7?  (perhaps,  seizing  vehe- 
mently,from  —  ■'2,  Gesen.]),son  of  one  Jephunneh, 
of  the  tribe  of  Judah  (Num.  xiii.  6),  one  of  the 
spies  (Num.  xiii.  7),  had  in  vain  encouraged  the 
Israelites  to  venture  an  attack  and  take  possession 
of  the  promised  land  (Num  xiii.  31).  Pained  at  the 
cowardice  of  the  people,  he  and  Joshua  rent  their 
garments  and  still  urged  the  people  to  a  bold  and 
resolute  deed,  which  so  enraged  the  latter  that  they 
were  ready  to  stone  them  both  (Xum.  xiv.  10).  On 
account  of  their  fidelity,  Caleb  and  Joshua  alone 
were  deemed  worthy  to  enter  into  the  land  of  Ca- 
naan (xiv.  24,  30,  "38;  xxvi.  65;  1  Mace,  ii.  56: 
Sirach  xlvi.  11,  12).     He  is  here,  as  in  ver.  14  and 

also  in  Num.  xxxii.  12,  called  >"??r?>  I.  e.  a  descend- 
ant of  Kenaz,  which  name  occurs  yet  again,  as 
Judg.  i.  12,  in  the  family  of  Caleb.  We  agree  with 
Winer  (i.  654)  in  thinking  it  quite  unlikely  that 
there  is  here  any  connection  with  the  Kenizzites 
mentioned  Gen.  xv.  19,  as  Bertheau  and  Ewald 
suppose.  [But  see  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  arti- 
cles "  Caleb  "  and  "  Kenezites"]. 

We  next  have  the  speech  of  Caleb,  whose  main 
thought  has  been  already  given  above.  He  first 
calls  to  mind  the  word  which  Jehovah  in  Kadesh- 
barnea spoke  to  Moses,  the  man  of  God,  concern- 
ing him  and  Joshua.  It  is  found  in  Num.  xiv.  24, 
30,  but  purports  only,  as  Keil  aptly  remark-,  that 
the  Lord  will  bring  Caleb  into  the  laud  whither  he 
had  gone,  and  give  it  to  his  seed  for  a  possession. 
Kadesh-barnea  we  have  already  found  mentioned 
in  eh.  x.  41,  and  shall  find  it  again  eh.  xv.  3,  23. 

The  name  sounds  either  as  here,  or  merely  tt?.7i!f 

(Gen.  xiv.  7;  xvi.  14;  Num.  xx.  16),  or  tE^i" 
(ch.  xv.  23).  It  lay  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  of 
the  Amorites  (Dent.  i.  19-21),  was  reached  by  the 
Israelites  in  eleven  days  from  Horeb,  and  was  the 
principal  scene  of  their  stubbornness  and  insubor- 
dination (Num.  xiv.;  xx.  1-13).  and  where  they 
decided  their  fate  for  the  long  period  of  forty  years. 
Robinson,  whom  Hitzig  (Gesch.  d.  v.  Israels, 
89)  unhesitatingly  follows,  regards  as  Kadesh,  Ain 
el-Weibeh,  which  lies  northwest  of  Petra,  and  al- 
most south  of  the  Dead  Sea.  Von  Raumer  fixes 
upon  the  more  northerly  Ain  Hash  (p.  209,  as 
with  special  particularity,  p.  483  ff.),  lying,  as  well 
as  the  former  /-/'"'-:,  in  the  Arahah.  Menke  has  fol- 
lowed on  bis  map  the  opinion  of  Rowland,  contro- 
verted by  both  Robinson  and  Raumer,  according 
to  which  Kadesh  must  be  sought  far  west  of  the 
Arahah.  Thither  Menke  transfers  Mount  Seir, 
also,  and  the  wilderness  of  Zin.  But  how  then 
should  Xum.  xxi.  4  be  understood  in  comparison 
with  Deut.  ii.  12?- 

Ver.  7.  At  the  time  when  he  was  sent  forth  from 
Kadesh-barnea  Caleb  was  forty  years  old.  He 
brought  back  a  report,  and  as  he  expresses  it,  so 

1  [Qesenius:  "  perhaps,  dog,  for  D.^3  from  3^3  "to 
hert,  to  yelp."    But  Fiirst  and  Dietrich  (in  bis  edition  of 


as  it  was  in  [lit.  with]  my  heart.     Hebr.  "^t?^? 

s23,yVS.  Luther  translates  ™;  here  as  in 
•bjli  xxvii.  6,  by  "conscience."  We  are  not  to 
think  of  conscience,  however,  but  rather  of  the 
bold  confident  spirit  of  Caleb,  which  he  spoke  out 
just  as  he  felt  it.  He  was  a  spirited  man  and  not 
discouraged  like  the  rest.     On  the  variant  reading 

of  the    LXX.    (ai/TOu)   which    presupposes  1.22  ?, 
as  one  codex  of  Kennicott  has  it,  see  Keil,  in  loc. 
Ver.  8.  Not  so  were  his  brethren  who  went  up 

with   him ;  they  rather  discouraged    (l^-CH  for 

TOipn,  Ewald,  Lehrg.  §142,  a;  Gesen.  §75.  Rem. 
17)  the  heart  of  the  people;  prop,  they  made  the 
heart  of  the  people  to  melt,  as  in  Eng.  vers. 
Comp.  ch.  ii.  11  ;  v.  1,  but  especially  vii.  5.  By 
that  Caleb  was  not  troubled,  but  wholly  followed 
(comp.  Num.   xiv.  24)  Jehovah,  i.  e.  completely 

fulfilled  0-O^.V' r)  what  Jehovah  required,  —  ren- 
dered him  unconditional,  cheerful  obedience. 

Ver.  9.  In  consequence  of  this  Moses  swore,  tc 
give  him  the  land  on  which  his  foot  had  trod.  We 
find  no  difficulty  in  meeting  with  this  oath  in  Deut. 
i.  34  ff.  where  ver.  36  agrees,  in  part  literally,  with 
the  verse  before  us.  And  although  it  is  there  said 
that  God  swore,  here  that  Moses  did,  we  see,  ceteris 
paribus,  no  irreconcilable  discrepancy.  Moses, 
the  man  of  God  (ver.  6),  swears  in  the  name  and 
at  the  command  of  God.  Knobel's  ebservation : 
"  moreover  we  read,  in  what  the  Jehovist  has  given 
of  the  report  of  the  author,  of  an  oath  of  Jehovah, 
Num.  xiv.  21,  24,''  needs  correction,  since  the  oath 
in  question,  which  is  identical  with  that  in  Deut.i. 
34,  is  the  one  mentioned  Num.  xiv.  21,  24. 

[Jehovah  my  God.  It  is  less  easy  to  reconcile 
this  expression  with  any  form  of  the  oath  as  taken 
by  Jehovah.  May  we  not  assume  that  Caleb 
quotes  some  expression  of  Moses  not  elsewhere 
preserved  to  us,  but  familiar  then  to  Joshua  i  — 
Tr.] 

Ver.  10.  God  has  fulfilled  his  promise  and  kept 
him  alive,  as  he  spoke,  and  that  for  these  forty 
and  five   years  ....  while  Israel   walked   in 

the  wilderness.  "N3W  has  here  the  signification 
''in  which"  (time),  "  while,"  Ewald,  Lehrg.  §321, 
c.     Concerning  the  forty-five  vears  see  the  Introd. 

Ver.  1 1 .  The  might  of  the  hero  is  still  unbroken 
although  he  is  now  eighty-five  years  old.  A  similar 
statement  is  made  of  Moses,  Deut.  xxxiv.  7. 

Ver.  12.  On  the  ground  of  all  these  facts  Caleb 
now  asks  for  mount  Hebron,  although  he  had,  ac- 
cording to  Num.  xiii.  21,  gone  much  further  into 
the  country,  even  into  the  north  of  Palestine,  while 
certainly,  according  to  Num.  xiii.  22,  23,  he  had 
spied  out  the  land  only  into  the  region  of  Hebror 
As  there  vers.  22,  23  are  inserted  into  the  context 
so  is  it  here  with  this  whole  passage,  vers.  6-15 
which  probably  comes  from  the  same  hand.  It  is 
remarkable  also,  that  Caleb  here  says  to  Joshua : 
thou  heardest  in  that  day,  how  the  Anakim  were 
there,  since  Joshua  (Num.  xiii.  8)  also  was  one  of 
the  spies ;  cf.  besides  Knobel  on  this  passage,  also 
Bleek,  Introduction,  i.  p.  316.  As  Anakim  are 
mentioned,  Num.  xiii.  22  ;  Judg.  i.  10,  and  in  this 
book,  ch.  xv.  14,  Sheshai,  Ahiman,  and  Talmai. 

Qesenius)  give  the  above  explanation.  See  Smith's  Diet 
art.  "  Caleb,*'  Am.  Edition.  — Tr.] 

2  [The  site  of  Kadesh  is  fully  discussed  in  the  Diet  at 
the  Bible,  s.  v.l 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


12£ 


Perhaps  Jehovah  wlU  be  with  me  that  I  may 
drive  them  out,  as  Jehovah  said.  According 
to  ch.  xi.  21,  Joshua  had  already  driven  them  out, 

(rnD»3) ,n"M  for  ''iJlH  Gesen.  §  103,  1,  Rem. 

Ewald,  L'luq.  S  264.  a. 

Ver.  13.  Joshua  cheerfully  granted  the  request 
of  Caleh.  He  Messrd  him,  i.  e.  "joined  with  his 
gratitude  for  the  courageous  declaration,  an  ex- 
pression of  his  good  wishes  and  prayer  for  the 
success  of  his  undertaking ;  comp.  (ien.  xiv.  19  ; 
xxvii.  23;  Ex.  xxxix.  43  :  2  Sam.  xiv.  22"  (Kno- 
bel).  Joshua  himself,  as  in  ch.  xvii.  14  ft'.,  bestows 
on  him  the  land. 

Ver.  14.  Thus  Hebron  passes  over  into  the 
hands  of  Caleb.  According  to  ch.  xxi.  11,  he 
must  have  yielded  the  city  to  the  Levites,  while  he 
held  the  land  for  himself. 

Ver.  15.  A  notice  that  in  earlier  times  (C'D2  7) 
Hebron  had  been  called  "  city  of  Arba,"  who  was 
a  great  man  among  the  Anakim.  The  same  re- 
mark is  repeated  ch.  xv.  13;  xxi.  11,  and  had  al- 
ready occurred  Gen.  xxiii.  2.  Another  piece  of 
information  see  Num.  xiii.  22. 

And  the  land  had  rest  from  war ;  repeated 
here  from  ch.  xi.  23. 


DOCTRINAL  AND  ETHICAL. 

1.  The  manner  of  employing  the  lot  here  is  dif- 
ferent from  its  use  in  ch.  vii.  14,  inasmuch  as  we 
Lere  have  to  deal,  not  with  a  criminal  process,  but 
only  with  the  fairest  possible  performance  of  an  ad- 
ministrative transaction,  namely,  with  the  division 
of  the  land.  In  this  case  also  God  himself  should 
give  the  decision,  and  therefore  resort  is  had  to  the 
lot.  So  again  after  the  return  from  the  exile  the 
resettlement  of  the  capital  was  effected  by  easting 
lots  (Xeh.  xi.  1),  comp.  Winer,  ii.  31. 

2.  That  the  Levites  received  no  province  as  a 
tribe,  but  rather  cities  for  their  habitation,  and  pas- 
tures for  their  herds,  just  so  much,  therefore,  as, 
joined  to  the  portion  of  the  offerings  mentioned 
Num.  xviii.,  was  necessary  for  their  subsistence, 
this  was  altogether  suited  to  keep  them  in  lively 
remembrance  that  Jehovah  was  their  inheritance. 
Christ  expresses  the  same  principle  in  regard  to 
his  disciples,  Matt.  x.  9,  10;  Mark  vi.  S,  9~;  Luke 
ix.  3  ;  x.  4,  7.  Paul  appeals  directly  to  the  0.  T. 
arrangement,  1  Cor.  ix.  13,  although  for  himself 
he  makes  no  claim  to  this  right,  1  Cor.  ix.  18. 
Now  also  these  principles  ought  to  give  the  stand- 
ard to  congregations  and  church  authorites  in  fix- 
ing the  salaries  of  spiritual  offices.  Fat  benefices 
with  large  landed  possessions  or  extravagant  rev- 
enues of  money  are  wrong  ;  but  equally  wrong  is 
it  when  care  for  subsistence  daily  oppresses  the 
preacher  and  robs  him  of  the  joy  of  his  calling. 
In  this  matter  there  is  still  much   room  for  im- 


provement. Rightly,  therefore,  does  Starke  say 
"  The  Levites  were  by  this  wise  arrangement  sc 
much  the  more  assured  of  their  earthly  support, 
and  could  so  much  the  more  diligently  and  with- 
out embarrassment  perform  their  duty.  Tiny  are 
a  pattern  for  all  Christians,  who  ought  to  regard 
a'l  which  they  have  as  a  gift  of  God." 

3.  The  youthful  freshness  with  which  Caleb 
comes  forward,  has  in  it  something  uncommonly 
cheering,  and  shows  how  a  pious  walk  joined  with 
an  efficient  accomplishment  of  the  business  of  life, 
keeps  a  man  even  physically  sound  and  vigoroul 
up  to  advanced  age.  It  was  so  also  with  Moses, 
and  even  in  our  time  there  were  and  are  men  who 
have  shared  the  same  beautiful  lot.  Of  one  at 
least  let  us  here  make  mention,  the  recently  de- 
parted Nitzsch.  Compare  also  in  Sehleiermacher's 
Monologen  the  discourse  concerning  "  Youth  and 
Age." 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

Caleb's  demand.  (1)  On  his  part  well  grounded, 
therefore :  (2)  gladly  granted  by  Joshua.  — What  is 
right  and  just  one  may  well  demand  —  How  God 
sustains  those  who  are  his  even  to  old  age,  and 
until  they  are  gray  (Is.  xlvi.  4),  shown  in  the 
case  of  Caleb.  —  The  blessing  of  a  faithful  fulfill- 
ment of  the  commands  of  God.  —  The  land  had 
ceased  from  war  (Peace  Sermon). 

Starke  :  Only  he  who  is  a  child  of  God  and 
belongs  to  the  peculiar  people  of  God,  can  partake 
of  the  heavenly  inheritance,  Gal.  iv.  7  ;  iii.  29 ; 
Rom.  viii.  17.  —  In  the  reception  of  earthly  good 
we  must  refer  everything  to  the  divine  blessing.— 
O,  how  profitable  is  godliness!  It  is  profitable 
unto  all  things  and  has  the  promise  of  the  life 
which  now  is  and  of  that  which  is  to  come,  1  Tim. 
iv.  8  ;  Matt.  vi.  33.  Although  God  does  good  to 
his  children  and  blesses  them,  yet  with  the  sweet 
He  always  shows  them  the  rod  also.  Mai.  iii.  16- 
18.  —  In  the  world  is  war  and  strife,  but  in  heaven, 
peace,  rest,  and  blessedness,  Job  vii.  1. 

Cramer  :  Dividing  an  inheritance  and  all  busi 
ncss  transactions  and  dealings  are  matters  of  con 
science,  1  Thes.  iv.  6.  —  No  one  can  of  himseli 
take  for  himself  anything  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven 
and  of  eternal  life,  except  it  be  given  to  him  from 
above,  John  iii.  27.  — That  to  which  a  man  has  a 
right  he  may  even  demand  of  the  magistrate,  for 
to  this  end  are  judges  appointed,  Dent.  xvii.  18.  — 
Our  glory  and  boast  should  be  the  testimony  of 
a  good  conscience,  2  Cor.  i.  12.  Acts  xxiv.  16. — 
Godliness  is  rewarded  also  with  long  life  and 
health,  Ps.  xci.  16  ;  Prov.  iii.  2. 

Osiander:  Although  we  certainly  cannot  at- 
tain blessedness  through  our  own  works  and  merits, 
still  God  of  his  great  goodness  is  wont  to  reward 
what  we  do  from  the  spirit  of  submissive  obedienc* 
with  temporal  and  spiritual  benefits. 


126  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


SECTION   SECOND. 

Division  of  West  Palestine  among  the  Nine   and  a  Half  Tribes  remaining.     Appoini 
ment  of  the  clties  of  refuge,  and  the  clties  of  the  ltvites. 

Chapter  XV.-XXT. 

1.   Territory  of  the  Tribe  of  Judah. 

Chapter  XV. 

a.  Its  Boundaries 

Chapter  XV.  1-12. 

1  This  then  was  the  lot  of  the  tribe  of  the  children  of  Judah  by  their  families  j 
ever,  to  the  border  of  Edom,  the  wilderness  of  Zin  southward  w as  the  uttermost 

2  part  of  the  south  coast.     And  their  south  border  was  from  the  shore  [end]  of  the 

3  salt  sea.  from  the  bay  [Heb.  tongue]  that  looketh  southward :  And  it  went  out  to 
the  south  ?ide  to  [of]  Maaleh  [the  ascent  of]  Acrabbim,  and  passed  along  to  Zin, 
and  ascended  up  on  the  south  side  unto  [of]  Kadesh-barnea,  and  passed  along  to 

4  Hezron,  and  went  up  to  Adar,  and  fetched  a  compass  to  Karkaa :  From  thence  it 
[and]  passed  toward  Azmon,  and  went  out  unto  the  river  [water-course]  of  Egypt ; 
and  the  goings  out  of  that  [the]  coast  [border]  were  "  at  the  sea ;  this  shall  be  your 
south  coast  [border]. 

5  And  the  east  border  was  the  salt  sea,  even  unto  the  end  of  the  Jordan  :  and  their 
[the]  border  in  the  north  quarter  was  from  the  bay  [tongue]  of  the  sea,  at  the  utter- 

6  most  part  [the  end]  of  the  Jordan  :  And  the  border  went  up  to  Beth-hogla,  and  passed 
along  by    the  north  of  Beth-arabah ;  and  the  border  went  up  to  the  stone  of 

7  Bohan  the  son  of  Reuben  :  And  the  border  went  up  toward  Debir  from  the  valley 
of  Achor,  and  so  northward  looking  [and  turned  northward]  toward  Gilgal,  that 
t*  before  the  going  up  to  Adummim,  which  is  on  the  south  side  of  the  river  [water- 
course] :  and  the  border  passed  toward  the  waters  of  En-shemesh  [Sun-spring],  and 

8  the  goings  out  thereof  were  at  En-rogel  [Fullers-spring]  :  And  the  border  went  up 
by  [into]  the  valley  of  the  son  of  Hinnom,  unto  the  south  side  of  the  Jebusite ;  the 
same  is  Jerusalem :  and  the  border  went  up  to  the  top  of  the  mountain  that  lieth 
before  the  valley  of  Hinnom  westward,  which  is  at  the  end  of  the  valley  of  the 

9  giants  [Rephaim]  northward:  And  the  border  was  drawn  2  from  the  top  of  the  hill 
[mountain]  unto  the  fountain  of  the  water  of  Nephtoah,  and  went  out  to  the  cities 
of  mount  Ephron  ;   and  the  border  was  drawn  to  Baalah,  which  is  Kirjath-jearim : 

10  And  the  border  compassed  [took  a  compass]  from  Baalah  westward  unto  mount 
Seir,  and  passed  along  unto  the  side  of  mount  Jearim  (which  is  Chesalon)  on  the 
north  side  [Fay,  more  exactly :  to  the  side  northward  of  Har-jearim,  that  is  Ches- 

11  alon],  and  went  down  to  Beth-shemesh,  and  passed  on  to  Timnah  :  And  the  border 
went  out  unto  the  side  of  Ekron  northward  :  and  the  border  was  drawn  to  Shicron, 
and  passed  along  to  mount  Baalah,  and  went  out  unto  Jabneel ;  and  the  goings  out 
of  the  border  were  at  the  sea. 

12  And  the  west  [prop,  sea]  border  was  to  [or  at]  the  great  sea.  and  the  coast 
thereof  This  is  the  coast  [border]  of  the  children  of  Judah  round  about,  according 
to  their  families. 

TEXTUAL    AND    GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.  1 — This  Terse  would  read  more  exactly  as  follows  :    And  there  was  the  lot  for  the  tribe  of  the  sons  of  Jadah 
icoording  to  their  families  :   toward  the  border  of  Edom,  the  wilderness  of  Zin  southward.  In  the  extreme  south.  —  Tr.] 

[i  Ver  9 Gesenius  inclines  to  the  meaning  "  stretched  "  tr  extended."  for  ~^Sj*1  in  the  Kal  and  Piel ;  and  so  De  Wett^  * 

Fay. and  others  translate  ;  but  as  F'urst  and  Winer  (Simonis)  approve  in  these  conjugations  the  definition  "  mark  off,"  dtjv 
lire,  which  all  admit  to  be  the  sense  of  the  Piel,  there  seems  to  be  no  necessity  for  changing  the  English  Tersion. —  Tr.] 

a  The  Kethib  TT*m,  although  we  cannot  allowably  ex-    the  text  rather  than  the  needless  Keri  Vni.      Ccmp.  ch. 
press  it   as  a  siug.  in  ''•he  translation,  is  to  be   retained  iu  |  xi.  2.   Ewald's  Lehrg.  §  306,  &■ 


CHAPTER  XV.  12. 


b.  Caleb's  Possession.    His  Daughter  Achsah.     Conclusion  to  vers.  :  -12. 
Chapter  XV.  13-20.      Comp.  ch.  xiv.  6-15;  Judg.  i.  10-15. 

13  And  unto  Caleb  the  son  of  Jephunneh  he  gave  a  part  among  the  children  of  Ju- 
dah,  according  to  the  commandment  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  to  Joshua,  even  the  city 

14  of  Arba  [Kirjath-arba,  ch.  xiv.  15]  the  father  of  Anak,  which  city  is  Hebron.  And 
Caleb  drove  thence  the  three  sons  of  Anak,  Sheshai,  and  Ahiman,  and  Talmai,  the 

15  children  [sons]  of  Anak.  And  he  went  up  thence  to  the  inhabitants  of  Debir  :  and 

16  the  name  of  Debir  before  was  Kirjath-sepher  [Book-city,  comp.  ver.  49].  And  Ca- 
leb   said,   He  that  smiteth  Kirjath-sepher,  and  taketh  it,  to  him  will  I  give  Achsah 

17  my  daughter  to  wife.  And    Othniel,  the  son  of  Kenaz,  the  brother  of  Caleb,  took 

18  it:  and  he  gave  him  Achsah  his  daughter  to  wife.  And  it  came  to  pass, as  she  came 
unto  him  [came  in],  that  she  moved  him  to  ask  of  her  father  a  field :  and  she  lighted 

19  off  her  [the]  ass  ;  and  Caleb  said  unto  her,  What  wouldest  thou?  Who  answered 
[And  she  said],  Give  me  a  blessing ;  for  thou  hast  given  me  '  a  south  land  [prop,  a 
land  of  the  south-country]  ;  give  me  also  springs  of  water  :  and  he  gave  her  the  up- 

20  per  springs,  and  the  nether  springs.  This  is  the  inheritance  [possession]  of  the 
tribe  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Judah  according  to  their  families. 

TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 
[1  Ver.  19 —  ^3rii*"13.      Since  the  suf.  ^  cannot  well  be  taken  as  a  dat.  but  only  as  an  ace.,  many  have  understood 

n  V~1S  adverbially,  "into  a  land,"  etc.  So  Fay,  following  Enobel :  Nach  dem  Mittagstande  hast  du  mich  gegeben. 
Bo  also  the  LXX.  :  on  eis  yjji'  Naye£  oeowKas  *ic ;  but  the  Vulgate  more  simply  regards  this  as  a  case  where  the  yerb  of 
giving  governs  two  accusatives ;  terrain  austratem  tt  torrentem  dedisli  mihi.  Gesen.  Lex.  *.  v .  ^£13  p.  708,  1.  Witt. 
this  agree  De  Wette,  Maurer,  Keil,  Zunz  —  Tb.] 

c.  Catalogue  of  the  Cities  of  the  Tribe  of  Judah. 
Chapter  XV.  21-63. 

a.  Cities  in  the  South. 
Chapter  XV.  21-32. 

21  And  the  uttermost  cities1  of  the  tribe  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Judah  toward 

22  the  coast  [border]  of  Edom  southward  were  Kabzeel,  and  Eder,  and  Jagur,  And 

23  24  Kinah,  and  Dimonah,  and  Adadah,  And  Kedesh,  and  Hazor,  and  Ithnan,  Ziph, 

25  and  Telem,  and  Bealoth,  And  Hazor,  Hadattah  [Hazor-hadattah],  and  Kerioth, 

26  27  and  Hezron  [Kerioth-hezron]  which  is  Hazor,  Aniam,  and  Shema,  and  Moladah, 

28  And  Hazar-gaddah,  and  Heshmon,  and  Beth-palet,  And  Hazar-shual,  and  Beer- 

29  30  sheba,  and  Bizjoth-jah,  Baalah,  and  Iim,  and  Azem,  And  Eltolad,  and  Chesil, 
31   32  and  Hormah,  And  Ziklag,  and  Madmannah,  and  Sansannah,  And  Lebaoth,  and 

Shilhim,  and  Ain,  and  Rimmon  :  all  the  cities  are  twenty  and  nine,  with  [and] 
their  villages. 

textual  and  grammatical. 

[1  Ver  21 — And  the  cities  were,  in  [or  from]  the  extremity  of  the  tribe  of  the  sons  of  Judah,  toward  the  border  of 
Kdoo,  in  the  south-country  :  Kabzeel,  etc.  —  Tr.] 

0.   Cities  in  the  Lowland. 

Chapter   XV.  33-47. 

33  34       And  in  the  valley  [lowland],  Eshtaol,  and  Zoreah,  and  Ashnah,  And  Zanoah, 

35  and  En-gannim,  Tappuah,  and  Enam,  Jarmuth,  and  Adullam,  Socoh,  and  Aze- 

36  kah,  And  Sharaim,  Adithaim,  and  Gederah,  and  Gederothaim  ;  fourteen  cities 
with  [and]  their  villages  : 

37  38  Zenan,  and  Hadashah,  and  Migdalgad,  And  Dilean,  and  Mizpeh,  and  Jok- 
39  40  theel,  Lachish,  and  Bozkath,  and  Eglon,  And  Cabbon,  and  Lahmam,"  and  Kith- 

«  Numerous  Codd.  and  Editions  read  D!2rO  (Lahmas)  instead  of    CEPO  . 


L2S  THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


41  lish,  And  Gederoth,  Beth-dagon,  and  Naamah,  and  Makkedah;  sixteen  citie« 
with  [andj  their  villages  : 

42  43  44    Libnah,  and  Ether,  and  Ashan,  And  Jiphtah,  and  Ashnah,  and  Xezib,  And 

Keilah,  and  Achzib,  and  Mareshah  ;  nine  cities  with  [and]  their  villages  : 
45   46       Ekron,  with   [and]    her  towns   [Heb.   daughters],  and  her   villages  :   From 

Ekron  even  unto  the  sea  [or,  and  westward],  all  that  lay  near  [by  the  side  of] 
47         Ashdod,  with  [and]  their  villages  :  Ashdod  with  [omit :  with]  her  towns  and 

her  villages ;  Gaza,  with  her  towns  [daughters]  and  her  villages,  unto  the  river 

[water-course]  of  Egypt,  and  the  great  sea  "  and  the  border  thereof. 

y.  Cities  on  the  Mountain. 
Chapter  XV.  48-60. 

And  in  the  mountains  [prop,  on  the  mountain],  Shamir,  and  Jattir,  and  Socoh, 
And  Dannah,  and  Kirjath-sannah,  which  is  Debir,  And  Anab,  and  Eshtemoh, 
and  Anim,  And  Goshen,  and  Holon,  and  Giloh ;  eleven  cities  with  [and]  their 
villages : 

Arab,  and  Dumah,  and  Eshean,  And  Janum,6  and  Beth-tappuah,  and  Aphe- 
kah,  And  Huuitah.  and  Kirjath-arba  (which  is  Hebron)  and  Zior ;  nine  cities 
with  [and]  their  villages  : 

Maon.  Carmel.  and  Ziph,  and  Juttah,  And  Jezreel,  and  Jokdeam.  and  Zanoah, 
Cain,  Gibeah,  and  Tinman ;  ten  cities  with  [and]  their  villages. 

Halhul,  Beth-zur,  and  Gedor,  And  Maarath,  and  Beth-anoth,  and  Eltekon  ; 
six  cities  with  [and]  their  villages  :  c 

60  Kirjath-baal  (which  is  Kirjath-jearim)  and  Rabbah ;  two  cities  with  [and] 
their  villages. 

S.   Gtiesinthe  [Tilclernets. 
Chapter  XV.  61-63. 

61  62       In  the  wilderness,  Beth-arabah,  Middin,  and  Secacah,  And  Nibshan,  and  the 

city  of  Salt,  and  Eu-gedi ;  six  cities  with  [and]  their  villages. 
63  As  for  the  Jebusites  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  the  children  [sons]  of  Ju- 

dah  could  not  drive  them  out ;  but  the  Jebusites  dwell  with  the  children  [sons] 
of  Judah  at  Jerusalem  unto  this  day. 

EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL.  |  tribe  of  Judah,  (a)   its  bounds    (vers.   1-12);   (b) 

Caleb's  possession  (vers.  13-19);  (c)  a  list  of  the 
The  beginning  of  the  account  concerning-  the  di-  cities  (vers.  20-63). 
vision  of  Palestine  having  been  given  in  vers.  1-fi  a.  Ver.  1-12.  Its  Boundaries,  ver.  1.  And  there 
of  the  preceding  chapter,  we  find  the  continuation  was  the  lot  of  the  tribe  of  the  sons  of  Judah,  ac- 
of  it  in  ch.  xvA  and  onward.  The  enumeration  cording  to  their  famnies :  toward  (^S  not  bs) 
of  names  which  now  follows,  embracing  five  chap-  the  border  of  Edom,  (toward)  the  wilderness  of 
ters  in  all,  with   only  three   interruptions   (chaps.  '» 

xv.  3-19;  xvii.  3-18";  xviii.   1-10)   and  those  in-   Zin,  southward,  in  (ja    as    Gen.    ii.   8;    xi.    2) 


48 

49 

50 

51 

52 

53 

54 

55 

56 

57 

58 

59 

structive,  is  extremely  valuable  for  the  geography 
of  Palestine.  It  suggests  a  comparison  with 
Homer's  catalogue  of  ships,  //.  ii.  484  ff.  For  the 
cartographic  presentation  of  the  places  named  the 
maps  of  Kiepert,  Van  de  Velde,  and  Menke  may 
be  consulted.  [Osborne's  Wall-map,  also,  and  the 
maps  accompanying  Robinson's  Researches].  In 
ch.  xv.    we   have  given  us   the  province    of   the 


the  extreme  south ;  i.  e.  the  territory  of  the  tribe 
of  Judah  embraced  the  most  southern  part  of  the 
land,  so  that,  as  Keil  rightly  supposes,  it  touched 
Edom  in  the  east  and  in  the  south  had  the  wilder- 
ness of  Zin  as  its  horder.  The  position  of  this 
wilderness  is  determined,  from  Num.  xx.  1  ;  xxvii. 
14  ;  xxxiii.  36,  by  that  of  Kadesh-barnea  concern- 
ing which  we  have  already  spoken,  on  ch.  xiv.  6 


a  So  according  to  the  Keri  ^i"Ttn,  while  the  Eethih  would  have  it  written  V^SH.  On  the  reading  cf  the 
Eethib,  comp.  ver.  12. 

t>  So  the  Keri  C^2^1  ■  the  Kethib  reads  D^l,  hence  Bunsen  :  Janim.  We  stand  by  the  reading  of  the  Masoretw 
with  tr.e  LXX.  (Iavovfi),  Vulg.  (Janam),  Luther,  and  De  Wette. 

c  Between  verses  59  and  60  the  LXX.  have  (A  B  E  X)  the  addition  :  0exw  «ai  'E^para  (avrrj  earl  BeoWfi)  tcai  Qaytttp, 
cat  'AtTau  (A'lTaf  in  Cod.  Vat.)  Kai  Kovkbv  teat  TaTa/il  (TaTajn  in  cod.  Vat.)  itai  Sajpijs  (@ui8tjs  in  Cod.  Vat.)  »cat  Kapett  tai 
raAAia  *at  Baidijp  {©eprjp  in  Cod.  Vat.)  ttai  Mavc-xw*  jroAets  erotica  tai  at  (ttunat  avruiv. )  See  further  on  this  in  the  E** 
ffetlra.)  notes 


CHAPTER  XV. 


120 


According  to  this  view,  the  wilderness  of  Zin  also 
must  be  sought  in  the  Arabah,  and  according  to 
Num.  xiii.  26  should  have  formd  the  northern  part 
of  the  wilderness  of  Paran.  Cf.  the  Articles  Zin  and 
Paran  in  Winer,  ii,  135  and  192  [and  in  the  Diet,  of 
the  Bible}.  —  The  general  account  of  the  position  of 
the  hind  of  Judah  is  followed  (vers.  2-12)  by  the 
mure  particular  description  of  the  boundaries ;  and 
rir-r,  the  south  border  is  drawn  (vers.  2-4)  so  as  to 
coincide  in  general  with  Num.  xxxiv.  3-5. 

Ver.  2.  It-  starting-point  is  the  end  of  the  Salt 
aea,  more  exactly  still,  the  tongue  which  turns 
southward.  "  This  tongue  is  the  soutli  {more 
accurately  southernmost)  part  of  the  Dead  Sea,  be- 
low the  promontory  which  stretches  far  into  the 
sea  west  of  Kerah  (Robinson,  ii.  231-2.34),  and  ex- 
tending quite  to  the  southern  point  at  the  so-called 
salt-mountain,  and  salt-morass  from  which  the 
border  of  Judah  began  "  (Keil).  The  Salt-moun- 
tain (Kaschm  Usdum),  and  salt-swamp  are  ac- 
curately given  on  Kiepert's  Map. 

From  this  point  the  border  runs  in  a  tolerably 
direct  course  toward  the  south,  as  we  learn  from 
ver.  3  which  says  :  It  went  out  toward  the  south 
side  of  the  ascent  of  Acrabbim.  On  Acrabbim 
comp.  eh.  xi.  17.  If  the  mountain  Acrabbim  is 
the  same  as  the  Bald  mountain,  mentioned  ch.  xi. 
17 ;  xii.  7,  as  a  south  boundary,  this  height  (Knobel : 
ascent)  of  Acrabbim  would  be  a  pass  in  this  Bald 
mountain.  Knobel  who  rejects  the  identity  of  the 
Bald  and  Acrabbim  mountains,  believes  that  the 
latter  was  the  steep  pass  es-Sufah,  S.  YV.  of  the 
Dead  Sea,  which  view  is  indicated  by  Menke  on  his 
map,  while  Kiepert's  sketch  supports  our  opinion. 
From  this  south-side  of  the  hill  of  Acrabbim,  the 
border  goes  over  toward  Zin,  ;'.  e.  perhaps  a  defi- 
nite place  (Keil)  or  mountain  (Knobel)  in  the 
wilderness  of  Zin  and  deriving  its  name  therefrom. 
Thence  it  went  up  to  the  side  of  Kadesh- 
barnea,  and  passed  along  to  Hezron,  .... 
and  went  out  at  the  water-course  of  Egypt, 
and  the  goings  out  of  the  border  were  at  the 
sea.  In  other  words  :  The  border  went  constantly 
southward  to  Kadesh-barnea  (Num.  xxxiv.  3). 
South  of  Kadesh  it  turned  toward  the  west,  since 
it  came  out  finally  at  the  torrent  of  Egypt  (comp. 
ch.  xiii.  3)  and  at  the  sea.  Hezron  (ver.  25  with 
the  addition  "  that  is  Hazor  ")  Adar,  Karkaa,  Az- 
mon,  are  to  us  unknown  places.  The  torrent  of 
Egypt  was  spoken  of  ch.  xiii.  3.  The  sea  is  evidently 
the  Mediterranean  sea.  Ruins  of  considerable  cities 
are  still  met  with  in  these  regions  then  allotted  to 
the  tribe  of  Judah  ( Robinson,  i.  290,  318;  ii.  591  f.). 

Ver.  4.  This  shall  be  your  south  border.  The 
jussive  is  to  be  explained,  as  Masius  and  Keil  ob- 
serve, by  reference  to  Num.  xxxii.  2. 

Next,  in  ver.  5  a,  the  east  border  is  given :  the 
salt  sea  in  all  its  extent  from  south  to  north,  to 
the  end  of  the  Jordan,  i.  e.  to  its  embouchure  at 
the  Dead  Sea. 

Ver.  5  b-11.  North  Border.  This  went  forth 
from  the  northern  tongue  of  the  sea  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Jordan,  and  is  given  a  second  time,  ch.  xviii. 
15-19,  as  the  south  line  of  Benjamin. 

Ver.  6.  It  went  up  toward  Beth-hogla,  a  bound- 
ary point  between  Judah  and  Benjamin,  belong- 
ing to  the  latter,  perhaps  the  same  as  the  thresh- 
ing floor  of  A  tad  and  Abel-mizraim  (mourning 
Df  the  Egyptians)  Gen.  1.  10,  between  Jericho 
and  the  Jordan,  discovered  again  by  Robinson,  ii. 
268  in  Ain  Hadschla,  (cf.  von  Raumer,  p.  177). 
From  Beth-Hogla  it  passed  on  northwardly  to 
Beth-Arabah,  which  is  ascribed  now  to  Judah 
rer.  61),  now  to  Benjamin  (ch.  xviii.  22),  and  lay 
9 


(ver.  61)  in  the  wilderness  at  the  north  end  of  th« 
Dead  Sea ;  and  went  up  to  the  stone  of  Bohan, 
the  son  of  Reuben.     This  stone  of  Bohan  ■•  must 

from  the  ""V?  an^  "'"'t'  cu-  xvm-  17.  nave  ':lm 
nearer  the  mountain,  that  is,  more  to  the  west  or 
southwest"  (Knobel).  Keil  seeks  it  on  the  same 
grounds  "  nearer  the  mountain."  and  declines  any 
more  exact  determination.  Further  conjectures 
see  in  Knobel,  p.  415. 

Ver.  7.  From  the  stone  of  Bohan  it  went  up 
toward  Debir  which  lay  in  the  vicinity  of  Gilgaf, 
to  he  distinguished  evidently  from  the  Canaanitisb 
royal  city  conquered  bv  Joshua  near  Hebron  (ch. 
x.29, 38;  xii.  13  ;  xv.  15,49;  xxi.  5;  1  Chron.  vii. 
58),  —  from  the  valley  of  Achor,  ch.  vii.  26.  Now 
it  turned  northward  toward  Gilgal,  that  is  be- 
fore the  going  up  to  Adummim,  which  is  on  the 
south  side  of  the  water-course.  Keil  supposes 
this  Gilgal  not  to  be  the  place  of  encampment 
mentioned  ch.  iv.  19,  because  here  "its  position  is 
determined  with  reference  to  another  place  than 
Jericho."  This  reason  would  have  force  only  if 
"  the  other  place,"  the  ascent  of  Adummim,  could 
not  be  shown  to  have  been  in  the  same  region. 
But  so  long  ago  as  the  time  of  Jerome,  he  ob- 
serves that  the  ascent  of  Adummim  (now  Galaat 
el  Dentin)  (Ritter,  xv.  493  [Gage's  transl.  iii.  10], 
Tobler,  DenlavUrdigkeiten,  p.  698),  lay  on  the  road 
from  Jerusalem  :  "  est  autem  confinium  tribus  Judat 
et  Benjamini,  descendentibus  ab  jElia  ubiet  castellum 
militum  situm  est,  ob  auxilia  viatorum."  He  has  in 
mind,  as  we  may  suppose,  since  from  the  context 
Luke  x.  30  flits  before  him,  the  road  from  Jeru- 
salem to  Jericho.  But  Gilgal  lay  near  Jericho,  ac- 
cording to  ch.  iv.  19  being  itself  not  a  city  but  a 
larger  circuit,   whence,  ch.  xviii.  17,  we   read  of 

'"II  ''  '3.  The  watercourse  is  the  Wady  Kelt, 
south  of  Riha.  Further  particulars  see  in  Knobel, 
pp.  416,  417.  With  this  view  von  Raumer  also 
agrees,  comp.  pp.  198  with  169. 

The  border  now  goes  to  the  Sun-spring  as  in 
ch.  xviii.  17.  "  That  is  the  present  Ain  el-Hodh,  or 
Apostles'  Spring,  three-quarters  of  an  hour  north- 
east of  Jerusalem,  the  only  spring  on  the  road  to 
Jericho.  Seetzen,  ii.  p.  273,  Tobler,  Topographs, 
etc.,  ii.  p.  398  ff."  (Knobel).  F'rom  the  Sun-spring 
it  went  (see  the  side  map  to  Map  iii.  in  Menke)  in 
a  southwest  direction  (conversely  ch.  xviii.  7)  to 

the  Fullers'  Spring  ( /3"1  3^37,  Spies'  Spring  would 

be  bans  y*!?,  cf.  Gen.  xiii.  9  ff. ;  Josh.  vi.  22). 

This  spring  is  mentioned  again,  2  Sam.  xvii.  17  ; 
1  K.  i.  9.  It  is  the  present  deep  and  copious  Well 
of  Job  (von  Raumer,  p.  307),  or  of  Nehemiah,  on 
the  south  side  of  Jerusalem,  where  the  valleys  of 
Kidron  and  Hinnom  unite  (Robinson,  i.  354-^491  ; 
Tobler,  ii.  p.  50  ff.)"  (Knobel).  Furrer  (p.  57) 
says  concerning  it :  "  Somewhat  south  of  the  gar- 
dens (p.  56)  which  spread  themselves  in  the  mod- 
erately broad  valley  formed  by  the  junction  of  the 
ravines  of  Hinnom  .and  Kidron  together  with 
the  Tyropoeon,  we  come  to  an  old  well,  called 
En  Rogel  in  the  O.  T.,  at  the  present  time,  Job's 
Well.  Although  it  is  more  than  one  hundred  feet 
deep  [Robinson,  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet],  it 
overflows,  upon  a  long  continuance  of  rainy 
weather,  which  is  regarded  in  Jerusalem  as  a  joy- 
ful occurrence,  indicating  a  good  year.  The  over 
flow  meanwhile  lasts  but  a  short  time.     I  struck 

the  water  at  a  depth  of  twenty-eight  feet 

The  scenery  about  the  fountain  is  very  attractive 
The  hills  rise  high  on  the  east  and  west.     To  the 


130 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


north  one  sees  the  spurs  of  Zion  and  Moriah,  but 
little  of  the  city  walls.  Southward  the  eye  follows 
the  course  of  the  valley  to  its  turn  toward  the 
southeast.  There  a  declivity  of  the  mountain  with 
its  olive  trees  and  beautiful  green  fields  formed  a 
very  pleasing  back-ground."  • 

Ver.  8.  From  En-rogel  the  border  went  up  into 
the  valley  of  the  son  of  Hinnom,  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Jebusite,  that  is  Jerusalem.  The 
direction  accordingly  runs  southwest  on  the  south 
side  of  Jerusalem,  where  the  valley  mentioned  lies. 
It  is  noted  also,  ch.  xviii.  16  ;  Neh.  xi.  30,  as  a 
border  between  Judah  and  Benjamin.  It  was  the 
place  where,  after  Ahaz,  the  horrible  sacrifice  of 
children  was  offered  (2  K.  xxiii.  10 ;  2  Chron. 
xxviii.  3 ;  xxxiii.  6  ;  Jer.  vii.  31  ;  xix.  2,  fi ;  xxxii. 
35).  The  man  from  whom  it  derived  its  name  is 
as  little  known  as  Bohan  the  son  of  Reuben  (ver. 
6).  On  account  of  the  offerings  to  Moloch,  the 
valley  became   "a   symbol   of  Hell,  the  name  of 

which,  7e«Wa  (Chald.  D3n|,  in  which  Cbn-"? 
is  perceptibly  audible)  is  thence  derived,  cf.  Matt. 
v.  22,  €jy  tV  yetvvav  rov  Trvp6s.  Hitzig  and  Butt- 
ther  (apud  Winer,  i.  492)  dispute  the  common 
view  that  the  valley  was  named  after  a   person, 

Hinnom,  and  take  C2n  as  an  appellative  =  moan- 
ing, wailing;  certainly  a  very  appropriate  desig- 
nation of  the  scene  of  the  sacrifice  of  so  many  in- 
nocent victims.     This  hypothesis  falls  in  well  with 

Kethib,  2  K.  xxiii.  10,  Yl  ^33  "9 ""CH^  "for 

the  complete  expression  ^p^S^n  "t*D,  Judg.  xix. 
11.  Jerusalem  is  in  the  same  connection,  called 
also  D-la1],  Judg.  xix.  11 ;  1  Chron.  xi.  4"  (Kno- 
bel).  All  in  the  time  before  David.  So  Bethel 
was  earlier  called  Luz  (Gen.  xxviii.  19),  Bethle- 
hem Ephrath,  Gen.  xxxv.  16;  Mich.  v.  1.  Out 
of  the  valley  of  Hinnom  the  border  now  ascended 
to  the  top  of  the  mountain  that  lieth  before  the 
valley  of  Hinnom  westward,  which  is  at  the 
end  of  the  valley  of  giants  northward.  The 
mountain  on  which  the  border  went  up  lies  ac- 
cording to  this  statement  west  of  the  vale  of  Hin- 
nom and  at  the  north  end  of  the  vale  of  Rephaim 
This  vale  of  Rephaim  is  one  which  extends  in  a 
southwest  direction  from  Jerusalem  to  Mar  Elias, 
one  hour  long,  a  half  hour  wide,  fertile   (Is.  xvii. 

5),  and  still  well  cultivated,  a  valley-plain  (PP?) 

not  properly  a  vale  (n^pS,  ^V)  "  spacious  enough 
to  serve  as  a  camp  for  an  army  (2  Sam.  v.  18,  22 ; 
xxiii.  13;  1  Chron.  xi.  5),"  named  after  the  old 
gigantic  race  of  Canaanites,  the  Rephaim,  from 
whom  sprang  Og  king  of  Bashan  (ch.  xii.  4J.  "  It 
is  bounded  on  the  north  by  a  slight  rock-ridge, 
which  constitutes  the  border  of  the  valley  of  Hin- 
nom, Winer,  ii.  332 ;  Robinson,  i.  324  ;  Tobler,  ii. 
401  ff.)  That  is  the  mountain  which  is  here 
meant. 

Ver.  9.  From  the  summit  of  this  mountain, 
the  line  was  drawn   ("1SP1,  related  to  ~IW,  to  go 

around,  from  which  "lS,n,  outline,  form,  shape  of 
the  body,  1  Sam.  xxviii.  14)  to  the  fountain  of 
the  water  of  Nephtoah.  This  fountain  of  the 
water  of  Nephtoah,  i.  e.  Liftah,  one  hour  northwest 
of  Jerusalem,  irrigates  a  strip  of  smiling  gardens, 
and  its  excellent  water  is  carried  also  to  Jerusalem 

1  [A  full  account  of  this  spring  (called  there  tr  Well  of 
the  Messengers1')  if  given  in  Gage's  Ritter,  iv.  145-148. — 
tk.1 


(Dieterici,  Reisebilder,  ii.  p.  221  f. ;  Tobler,  ii.  258  ff. 
apud  Knobel)  Valentiner,  p.  95,  observes :  "  Liftah 
numbers  its  fighting  men  zy  hundreds,  and  pro- 
vides Jerusalem,  among  otner  things,  with  water 
from  its  copious  fountain.  From  its  position  it  is 
doubtless  to  be  regarded  as  the  fountain  of  Neph- 
toah, from  which  the  dividing  line  between  Judah 
and  Benjamin  ran  on  to  the  cities  of  Mount  Eph- 
ron.  This  latter  must  not  be  confounded  with 
Ephraim,  which  lay  further  north,  Josh.  xv.  9 ; 
xviii.  15."  From  this  fountain  it  ran  as  Valen- 
tiner, with  reference  to  our  passage,  correctly 
states,  up  to  the  cities  of  Mount  Ephron,  and 
was  drawn  to  Saalah,  which  is  Kirjath-jearim 
This  mount  Ephron  is  not  elsewhere  mentioned 
It  was  certainly  between  Liftah  and  Kureyet  el- 
Enab,  therefore  probably  the  prominent  ridge,  on 
which  stand  the  places  Soba,  Kartal,  Kulonieh, 
etc.,  and  near  which  the  road  from  Jerusalem  to 
Joppa  runs,  Robinson,  ii.  328  ff."  (Knobel).  Baala, 
that  is,  Kirjath-jearim,  one  of  the  cities  marked  in 
ch.  ix.  17;  xviii.  25,26;  Ezr.  ii.  25;  Neh.  vii.  29, 
as  belonging  to  Gibeon,  "  now  Kureyet  el-Enab, 
three  hours  northwest  of  Jerusalem,  see  ver.  60," 
(Knobel).  The  border  still  followed  constantly  a 
northwest  course. 

Ver.  10.  Now,  however,  it  took  a  compass  (bent 
around,  — P^)  from  Baala  westward  unto  mount 
Seir.  This  mount  Seir  must  not  be  mistaken  for 
the  Edomite  mountain  (Gen.  xxxii.  3;  Num. 
xxiv.  18;  Deut.  ii.  4,  5,  29;  Josh.  xxiv.  4) ;  rather 
the  mountain  range  is  intended  which  runs  in  a 
southwest  direction  as  far  as  the  Wady  Surar. 
The  name  has  perhaps  been  preserved  in  Sairah, 
Robinson,  ii.  363  "  (Winer,  ii.  443).  Cf.  also  Rob- 
inson, Later  Bibl.  Res.,  p.  155,  who  gives  the  height 
of  the  ridge  as  one  thousand  five  hundred  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  sea. 

Passed  along  to  the  side  of  mount  Jearim 
(which  is  Chesalon)  towards  the  north.  Chesa- 
lon,  probably,  now  Kesla  (Robinson,  ii.  363,  more 
definitely,  Later  Bibl.  Res.  p.  154),  was  called  also 
Har  -jearim  =  mountain  of  forests,  as  Baala  or 
Kirjath-jearim,  =  city  of  forests,  or  forest-town. 
The  region  appears  therefore  to  have  been  earlier 
thickly  covered  with  woods.  Thence  the  border 
went  down  to  Beth-shemesh,  and  passed  on  to 
Timnah.  Beth-shemesh  =  house  of  the  sun,  here 
under  this  name  as  a  border  town  of  Judah ;  ch. 
xix.  41,  called  Ir-shemesh  and  counted  as  a  border 
town  of  Dan;  according  to  ch.  xxi.  9,  16;  1 
Chron.  vii.  59,  a  city  of  the  priests,  known  especi- 
ally from  the  narrative  concerning  the  ark  of  the 
covenant,  1  Sam.  vi.  9-20.  Robinson  (iii.  17-20) 
found,  "  to  the  west  of  the  village  Ain  Schems,  on 
the  plateau  of  a  low  swell  or  mound,  between  the 
Surar  on  the  north  and  a  smaller  Wady  on  the 
south,  the  manifest  traces  of  an  ancient  site.  Here 
are  the  vestiges  of  a  former  extensive  city  consist- 
ing of  many  foundations,  and  the  remains  of  an- 
cient walls  of  hewn  stone Both  the  name 

and  the  position  of  this  spot  seem  to  indicate  the 
site  of  the  ancient  Beth-shemesh  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment," comp.  Later  Bibl.  Res.,  p.  153  ;  also,  Furrer, 
p.  187-211,  especially  198-201.  Timnah,  or  Tim- 
natha  (eh.  xix.  43)  belonging  to  Dan,  now  Tibneh, 
west  of  Beth-shemesh  (Furrer,  p.  200),  the  home 
of  Samson  (Judg.  xiv.  1-4).  In  the  vineyards  of 
Timnah,  without  anything  in  his  hand  he  killea 
the  lion  (Judg.  xiv.  5-6). 

Ver.  11.  Now  the  boundary,  following  a  north- 
west course,  went  out  unto  the  side  of  Ekron 
northward,  i.  e.  to  a  point  lying  in  the  vicinity  of 


CHAPTER  XV. 


131 


Ekron  north  of  this  Philistine  city.  Then  it  was 
irawn  to  Shieron  (Socreir,  Suglieir ;  Knobel,  p. 
419),  and  passed  along  to  mount  Baala.  This 
mount  Baala  is  probably,  as  Keil  and  Knobel  also 
suppose,  "  the  short  line  of  hills  running  almost 
parallel  with  the  coast,  which  Robinson  observed 
west  of  Ekron  (Akir),  hi.  22,  23.  From  this 
mount  Baala  the  border  went  out  unto  Jabneel, 
and   then  to  the  sea,  where  its  goings  out  were. 

Jabneel  or  Jabneh  (2  Chron.  xxvi.  6,  ^35^),  de- 
stroyed by  Uzziah,  the  Jamnia  so  often  mentioned 
in  the  books  of  Maccabees  (1  Mace.  iv.  15;  v.  58; 
x.  69  ;  xv.  40  ;  2  Mace.  xii.  9).  After  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem,  there  was  here  a  high  school 
of  the  Jews  and  a  Sanhedrim  ( Reland,  p.  823,  after 
the  Talmud;  apud  von  Raumer,  p.  204).  It  is 
now  Jebna,  "  a  large  village  on  an  insignificant  hill 
west  of  Akir  (Knobel,  after  Tobler,  Dritte  Wand- 
erimg,  p.  20  f. ;  Wittmann's  Reisen,  ii.  p.  7).  An- 
other Jabneel,  which  is  mentioned  ch.  xix.  33,  lay 
on  Lebanon. 

Ver.  12.  Gives  the  West  Border.  The  great  sea, 
i.  c,   the  Mediterranean.     The  borders  thereof 

(^D?!!),  is  to  be  explained  as  in  ch.  xiii.  23, 27,  cf. 
also  Num.  xxxiv.  6. 

6.  Vers.  13-20  (comp.  ch.  xiv.  6-15;  Judg.  i. 
10-15).  Caleb's  Possession.  His  daughter  Achsah. 
Conclusion  to  a.  Nothing  is  said  here  as  in  the 
episode,  ch.  xiv.  6-15,  of  any  demand  of  Caleb,  but 
simply  ver.  13  that  Joshua  gave  Hebron  to  Caleb, 
according  to  the  command  of  God.  On  the  other 
hand  we  have  here,  in  almost  literal  agreement  with 
the  account  in  Judg.  i.  10-15,  the  story  of  Achsah, 
whom  Caleb  gave  as  a  reward  for  the  conquest  of 
Debir,  which  is  not  alluded  to  in  ch.  xiv. 

Ver.  13.  It  is  stated  that  Joshua,  according  to 
the  command  of  Jehovah  O^  ""f  7S,  here  andch. 
xvii.  3,  with  which  Gesenius  compares  Ps.  v.  1  ; 
lxxx.  1,  niVTT?n"7y,  and  also  1  Sam.  xxvi  4, 
T03  "  vS),  gave  Caleb  his  portion  (p!?n)  among 

the  children  of  Judah.  This  command  must  have 
been  communicated  to  Joshua  then,  as  they  were 
dividing  the  land  (Knobel).  A  complete  account 
of  the  facts  is  wanting,  for  ch.  xiv.  9,  which  Keil 
would  apply  here,  speaks  not  of  a  command  of 
God  to  Joshua  but  of  an  oath  of  Moses  to  Caleb, 
cf.  further  the  explanation  of  ch.  xiv.  9.  Hebron 
is  here  called  Kirjath-arba  as  in  ver.  54 ;  xx.  7  ; 
xxi.  11 ;  Gen.  xxiii.  2  ;  xxxv.  27  (Knobel). 

Ver.  14-19.  The  history  of  Achsah,  the  daughter 
of  Caleb,  is  introduced  with  the  remark  that  Caleb 
drove  out  of  Hebron  the  three  sons  of  Anak, 
Sheshai,    Ahiman,     and     Talmai,     descendants 

CT^?)  of  Anak. 

Ver.  15.  Thence  he  proceeded  against  the  in- 
habitants of  Debir.  According  to  ch.  xi.  21 ,  Joshua 
had  conquered  and  devoted  Debir.  On  the  position 
of  tbis  city  see  on  ch.  xi.  21.  Debir  before  was 
Kirjath-sepher.     Ver.  49,  the  same  city  is  called 

nSD'j"" CTR.  On  this  diversity  of  names  cf.  Keil 
on  ch.  x.  38.  The  there  quoted  explanation  of 
Bochart  (Can.  ii.  17)  on  i"T:C  :  "  Id  Phomicibus 
idemfuit  quod  Arabibus  Sunna,  lex,  doctrina,  jus  can- 
tmicum,"  suits   better  to  "">?  P"i"V"lp_  than   if,  as 

1  [Punctuation  in  English  can  but  imperfectly  serve  the 

yurpose  here   of  the   nominative   ending  as  distinct   from 

bat  of  the  genitive,  in  German,  to  indicate  that  brother  i9 

9 


Gesenius  supposes,  !"f3D  =  rtSDJD,  ramus  palmce 

and  nspvv-lj?  therefore  =  palm  city. 

Ver.  16.  Caleb,  like  Saul,  1  Sam.  xvii.  25,  prom 
ises  his  daughter  Achsah  as  a  wife  to  whomsoevei 
would  conquer  the  city,  which  was  found  diffietfl 

to  take.  nr>Dj?=35V  signifies  properly  foot- 
chains,  cf.  Is.  iii.  18. 

Ver.  17.  And  Othniel,  son  of  Kenaz,  the 
brother  of  Caleb,  took  it.  So  we  translate,1  ac- 
cording to  the  view  of  the  Masoretes,  with  Keil, 
Bunsen,  and  Winer  (ii.  185)  who  appeal  to  Judg 
i.  13  ;  iii.  9.  Omitting  the  comma  after  Kenaz, 
and  making  "  the  brother "  in  apposition  wit1) 
Kenaz  (Kenaz  the  brother)  is  grammatically  allow- 
able, but  is  not  the  most  obvious,  cf.  Judg.  i.  13 
(Bunsen).    Vulg.  yhi(er ;  LXX.  d5eA.(|>oD.    Othniel 

( vS^iTI}?  =lion  of  God)  was,  according  to  Judg. 
iii.  9,  the  first  Judge  of  Israel,  who  delivered  his 
people  from  the  tyranny  of  the  Mesopotamian  King 
Chushan-rishathaim.  On  the  allowableness  of  his 
marriage,  see  Michaelis,  Ehegesetze  Mosis,  §  82, 
Laws  of  Moses,  §  1 1 7. 

Ver.  18.  Achsah  had  not  gone  with  the  rest  into 
the  war,  but  had  remained  with  her  father  prob- 
ably in  Hebron.  As  now  she  came  to  Debir  to  be- 
come Othniel's  wife,  She  moved  liim  (^nrTpn] 

from  TVO  or  iTD  not  used  in  Kal,  perhaps  "  to 
be  excited,"  then  in  Hiphil,  "  to  incite  ;  "  so  hera 
and  Judg.  i.  14;  2  Chron.  xviii.  2  ;  in  particular, 
"  to  tempt  to  something  wrong,"  Deut.  xiii.  7 ;  Is. 
xxxvi.  8;  Jer.  xxxviii.  22,  and  often)  to  ask  of 
her  father  a  field  (Judg.  i.  14  more  definitely  the 
field  which  belonged  to  Debir),  and  lighted  off 

(niiiT1!  from  the  rare  flD^  cognate  with  ^?^, 
Judg.  i.  14  ;  iv.  21  =  to  sink  down,  to  go  under; 
LXX  :  kcu  e&6-ntrci>  4k  tov  ivov  ;  Vulg. :  "  suspira- 
vitque  ut  sedebat  in  asino."  This  translation  of  the 
LXX.  followed  by  the  Vulg.,  raises  the  conjecture 

that  the  LXX.,  instead  of  the  unusual  n?".Fn, 

read  PP^PH)  from  the  ass.  "  Whether  Othniel 
followed  her  is  not  said.  She  herself  proceeded 
further,  and  on  approaching  her  father  she  sprang 
from  the  ass  and  humbled  herself  before  him  " 
(Knobel).  So  did  Rebecca  also  at  her  first  meet- 
ing with  Isaac  (Gen.  xxiv.  64).  Caleb  perceived 
that  she  had  something  unusual  to  present  to  him, 
and  asked  :  What  is  to  thee  ?  What  wouldest 
thou  ?  or  what  dost  thou  wish  ? 

Ver.  19.  And  she  said:  Give  me  a  blessing, 

i"'?'??'  *'•  e->  as  m  Gen.xxxiii.  11,  a  gift,  a  pres- 
ent, as  Gen.  xxxiii.  10,  nn2JS  is  used  instead  of 
it.  This  gift  should  consist  in  springs  of  water, 
since  Caleb  had  given  her  toward  the  south  coun- 
try W3.9>  comp.  x.  40).  It  is  to  be  noted,  first,  that 
here  Debir  is  reckoned  as  belonging  to  the  Negeb, 
while  the  city  in  ver.  49  is  counted  to  the  moun- 
tain ;  probably,  as  Knobel  suggests,  because  the 
region  was  like  the  Negeb.     Besides,  the  Negeb 

begins,  at  least,  in  that  section.     Secondly,  fllvS 

C^Q  occurs  only  here  and  Judg.  i.  15,  and  is  ex- 
plained either  "  water  springs  "  (Bunsen  :  Waster- 
strudel,  whirlpool  or  eddy),  as  Gesenius  and  Keil 

in  apposition  with  Othniel,  thus  making  the  latter  Caleb'f 
brother.  — Ta.1 


132 


THE    BOOK    OF   JOSHUA. 


prefer,  or,  according  to  Bertheau  and  Knobe], 
who  quote  Zach.  iv.  2,  3  ;  Ecc.  xii.  6  ;  IK.  vii.  41, 

"  water-holders,"  inclosed  fountains,  which  '?i 
Cant.  iv.  12,  should  also  mean.  We  venture  not 
to  decide,  but  certainly  hold  the  translation  "  water 
springs  "  in  a  poetically  colored  passage,  to  be  finer 
than  the  transfer  of  "  water-holders."  Neither  can 
we  exactly  approve  Buusen's  "  Wasserstrudel." 
Thirdly,  we  notice  that  Achsah  names  the  springs 
instead  of  the  fields  which  were  watered  by  them, 
in  order  doubtless  "  to  express  the  direct  antithesis 

to  the  353  :  perhaps  also  from  feminine  shrewd- 
ness and  cunning,  that  she  might  not  directly  bring 
out  her  proper  wish.  That  gardens  and  fields  in 
Palestine  are  even  to  the  present  day  watered  from 
springs  and  cisterns  is  well  known,  cf.  what  was 
said  above  on  ver.  7,  also  Cant.  ii.  6 ;  Robinson,  i. 
541  ;  ii.  285;  iii.  95. 

And  he  gave  her  the  upper  springs  and  the 
lower  springs.  Caleb  responds  to  the  wish  of  his 
daughter,  and  gives  her  higher  and  lower  springs, 
that  is,  higher  and  lower  fields  watered  by  springs. 
How  large  this  possession  was  cannot  be  deter- 
mined. Finally  let  us  remark,  in  passing,  that 
Handel,  in  his  Oratorio  of  Joshua,  brings  forward 
Othniel  and  Achsah  as  chief  personages. 

Ver.  20  Belongs  as  a  conclusion  to  vers.  1-12. 
Its  position  shows  that  vers.  13-19  were  inserted. 
So  also  Keil :  "  the  20th  verse  contains  the  sub- 
scription or  conclusion  to  the  first  division  of  our 
chapter,  with  which  the  description  of  the  bounds 
of  the  inheritance  of  Judah  closes." 

c.  List  of  the  Cities  of  the  Tribe  of  Judah.  From 
ver.  21  on  follow  the  names  of  the  cities  of  the 
tribe  of  Judah,  and  a.  the  cities  in  the  south 
■•ountry  (vers.  21-32) ;  /3.  the  cities  in  the  lowland 
vers.  33-47) ;  y.  the  cities  on  the  mountain  (vers. 
;<-60);  S.  the  cities  in  the  wilderness  (vers.  61, 
i>2).  The  whole  is  concluded  with  a  notice  (ver. 
■  'in,  ruling  the  Jebusites. 
(i.  Vers.  21-32.  Cities  in  the  South  Country.  Ver.  21, 

n"~!i,  at  the  extremity  or  end ;  )p,  as  in  ver.  1. 

In  the  south-country,  323^D ;  cf  ch.  x.  40.  The 
enumeration  begins  within  the  Negeb  at  the  east, 
as  ver.  2  ft',  in  giving  the  boundaries.  First  we 
have  nine  cities  named  and  connected  by  the  cop- 
ula, which  Luther  in  his  translation  omits,  while 
the  LXX.  and  Vulg.  have  it.    Kabzeel  or  Jekab- 

zeel  (bS"2i2?  Neh.  xi.  25  =  which  God  gathers) 
was  the  birth-place  of  Benaiah  one  of  David's  he- 
roes, 2  Sam.  xxiii.  30.  Eder,  Jagur,  not  to  be 
made  •ut. 

Ver.  22.  Kinah,  "  Perhaps  the  place  of  the 
Kenites  who  settled  in  the  territory  of  Arad,  Num. 
x.  32"  (Knobel). 

Dimona=  Dibon,  Neh.  xi.  25.  "  Probably  the 
ruins ed-Dheib,  northeast  of  Arad  (Van  de  Velde, 
.1/.  hi.  252),"  Knobel. 

Adah.  =  Sudeid  (Rob.  ii.  474).  The  country 
here  is  hilly  and  cut  up  by  small  ravines,  but  with- 
out steep  declivities,  and  sparsely  covered  with  a 
thin  and  now  dried  up  growth  of  grass.  (Rob.  I.e.) 

Ver.  23.  Kedesh,  Hazor,  Kadesh-barnea  and 
Hezron  (ver.  3),  Ithnan — unknown. 

Ver.  24.  A  second  group  of 'five  cities  follows,  a 
pentapolis.  Ziph,  perhaps  =  Kuseifeh  (Kob.  ii. 
191,  195),  southwest  of  Arad.  Another  Ziph  lies 
an  the  mountain,  ver.  55.  —  Telem  we,  after  the 
jxample  of  Kimchi,  with  von  Raumer  (p.  222)  and 

Kn-hel,  regard  =  C"S^t:,  where  Saul   mustered 


his  army  before  he  moved  against  the  Amalekitet 
(1  Sam.  xv.  4).  The  position,  in  the  Negeb,  suit? 
this  view.     When  Keil  (Com.  on  Josh,  in  h.  1.)  ob 

jects  to  this  assumption  that  the  words  C?tD  (op 

pression)  and  CS^tp  (youi:g  lambs),  came  from 
two  quite  different  roots ;  it  is  a  sufficient  answer  to 
say,  with  Gesenius,  that  one  of  the  names  mav  be 
altered  (perhaps  by  corrupt  pronunciation),  which 
is  easily  possible  with  names  of  places.  Supposing 

this,  it  is    more   probable  that    E.;t3  ;s   derived 

from  the  longer  E^tOD  than  the  reverse. 

Bealoth  =  Bealoth-beer,  Ramath-negeb,  Ramoth- 
negeb  (xix.  8),  on  the  road  toward  Hebron,  marked 
on  Menke's  map. 

Ver.  25.  Hazor-hadata,  «"f4jnn  I"l  =New  Ha- 
zor, since  fVTn  =  tfin).  Perhaps  Hudhairah 
(Rob.  App.  p.  114). 

Kerioth-hezron,  which  is  Hazor.  Against  the 
Masoretes,  but  with  the  LXX.  and  Syr.,  we  join 

nV"1f5  and  pT2n  in  one  name,  as  Reland,  Mau- 
rer,  Keil,  and  Knobel  have  done.  In  favor  of  this 
the  analogy  of  Kirjath-arba  (ver.  13)  and  Kirjath- 
jearim  (ver.  9)  adduced  by  Maurer,  is  of  decisive 
weight.  "  Possibly  the  place  Kuryatein  north  ol 
Arad  (Rob.  ii.  472), "  (Knobel). 

Ver.  26.  Third  group,  consisting  again,  like  the 
first,  of  nine  cities,  —  A  mam,  unknown. 

Shema,  a  place  of  the  Simeonites ;  ch.  xix.  2  as- 
sociated   with   Beer-shaba   and    Moladah ;  i,?t*\ 

probably  the  same  name,  as  £  and  12  are  often  in- 
terchanged. 

Moladah,  according  to  ch.  xix.  2  likewise  a 
place  belonging  to  Simeon,  nowMilh  (Rob.  ii.  pp. 
619,  621 ).  "  Moladah  was  at  a  later  period  inhab- 
ited by  the  sons  of  Judah  who  returned  from  the 
exile  (Neh.  xi.  25,  26).  Probakly  identical  with 
Malatha,  an  Idumean  fortress  (Joseph.  Ant.  xviii. 
6,  2)  ;  often  named  in  the  Onom."  (von  Raumer,  p. 
214).  It  lies  on  the  road  to  Hebron,  northwest  of 
Baalath-beer.  Robinson  found  here  two  wells 
about  forty  feet  in  depth,  and  walled  around  with 
good  mason-work,  one  of  them  seven  and  a  half 
feet,  and  the  other  five  feet  in  diameter.  The 
water  appeared  to  be  not  good,  but  the  Arabs  oi 
the  Tiyahah  watered  their  animals  here  as  did  the 
Kudeirat  at  Beer-sheba  (Kob.  /.  c.  note).  On  the 
plain  lying  near  the  wells  to  the  south,  the  stones 
of  a  ruined  town,  or  large  village,  are  scattered 
over  a  space  of  nearly  half  a  mile  square,  all  un- 
hewn. These  wells  and  ruins  in  all  probability 
mark  the  site  of  Moladah  of  the  0.  T.,  the  Malatha 
of  the  Greeks  and  Romans  (Rob.  ubi  sup.).  On 
the  etymological  difficulty  in  deriving  Milh  from 
Moladah  or  Slalatha,  cf.  the  foot-note,  p.  621. 

Ver.  27.  Hazor-gadah,  Heshmon,  Beth-palat, 
unknown. 

Ver.  28.  Hazor-shual  (br^tt?  ~i"n  =  Fox- 
yard  ;  [Gesen.  village  of  Jackals],  cf.  the  Lex.  under 
T2n  for  other  like  compounds),  aplaceof  the  Sim- 
eonites, ch.  xix.  3  ;  1  Chr.  iv.  28,  inhabited,  like  Mo- 
ladah and  Shema,  after  the  exile,  by  men  of  Judah 
Neh.xi.27.    Possibly  Th'aly  (Rob.  iii.  App.  114). 

Beer-sheba,  I'StP  ~'fr?3>  I.  c.  "well  of  seven 
meaning  the  seven  lambs  which  Abraham  sacri- 
ficed when  he  made  a  covenant  with  Abimelccr. 
(Gen.  xxi.  28-32)."  So  von  Raumer,  p.  176 
Others,  e.  g.  Ges.,  exnlain,  with  reference  to  Gen 


CHAPTER   XV 


133 


xxvi.  30,  by  puteus  juri&jurandi,  well  of  the  oath, 
making  2????  =  rTjJ'Qtr.  Hitzig  again  (ubi  sup. 
p.  26)  in  another  way;  "if  the  wilderness  be- 
tween Pelusium  and  Gaza  extends  for  the  distance 
of  seven  days'  journey,  Beershaba  (properly,  Bir 
sib)  signifies  "  well  of  the  seven  day  camel  "  (which 
has  borne  the  seven  days'  thirst)  — in  the  Arabic  ; 
and  Arabs  carry  (Gen.  xxxvii.  25)  into  Egypt, 
on  the  backs  of  camels,  the  costly  productions  of 
Gilead."  Lange  (Com.  on  Gen.  xxi.  28 ff.)  would 
not  press  the  antithesis  between  "  seven-well "  and 
"  oath-well."  "  The  form  designates  it  as  the 
seven  wells,  but  the  seven  designates  it  as  in  fact 

the  well  of  the  oath."  In  this  view  J?2t2?  is  taken 
££  =  seTen,  but  at  the  same  time  it  commemorates 
that  373tl?3,  to  swear,  means  primarily  to  "  seven 
one's  self  "  "  to  confirm  by  seven."  Cf.  Herod,  iii.  8, 
according  to  whom  seven  things  were  chosen 
among  the  Arabians  for  the  confirmation  of  an 
oath.  Beer-sheba  is  very  often  mentioned  in  the 
history  of  the  patriarchs  (Gen.  xxi.  14,  28-33; 
xxii.  19  ;  xxvi.  23  ;  xxviii.  10;  xlvi.  1).  Accord- 
ing to  the  passage  before  us  it  belonged  to  Ju- 
dah  ;  from  ch.  xix.  2,  1  Chr.  iv.  28,  it  was  ascribed 
also  to  Simeon.  It  is  often  named  in  the  formula 
"from  Dan  to  Beersheba"  (Judg.  xx.  1;  2  Sam. 
xvii.  11  ;  2  Chr.  xxx.  5).  At  present  it  is  called 
Bir  es-seba,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Wady  es-Seba, 
clo?e  on  its  banks,  where  two  wells  now  bear  this 
name  (Robinson,  i.  300-303).  These  two  wells 
lie  at  some  distance  from  each  other,  are  round  and 
walled  up  in  a  very  firm  and  permanent  manner, 
and  furnish  clear  and  excellent  water  in  great  abun- 
dance. The  ruins  on  some  low  hills  north  of  the 
well  probably  indicate  the  existence  there  formerly 
of  a  small  and  straggling  city  (Robinson,  ubi  sup.). 
Euseb. :  Kiiipi-r)  fiey'io-Tr).     Hieron. :  vicus  grandis. 

Bizjothah  —  undeterminable. 

Ver.  29.  The  names  of  13  places  are  added, 
which  lay  to  the  west  and  southwest.  Baala  = 
Deir  el-Belah  (Robinson,  iii.  App.  p.  118),  some 
hours  southwest  of  Gaza  on  the  north  border  of 
the  Negeb  with  a  great  forest  of  palm  trees,  and 
remnants  of  marble  pillars  (Ritter,  xvi.  41,  42 
[Gage's  Trans,  i.  30,  31]).  The  considerable  plan- 
tation of  date-palms  at  this  place  is  remarkable 
from  the  fact  that  here  alone  in  Palestine  the  dates 
still  ripen ;  here,  therefore,  we  pass  the  north  limit 
of  date  culture  (Ritter/.  c). 

Ijini,  "  or  Q,?l?,  as  we  may  judge  from  'Auei/i 
in  the  LXX.  Cod.  Alex.,  is  passed  over  in  the 
enumeration  of  Simeonite  cities  ch.  xix.  1  ff.  and 
may  have  been  not  of  much  importance  "  ( Knobel ). 
The  site  cannot  now  be  determined. 

Ezem  also  belonging,  like  Baala,  to  the  Simeon- 
ites  (ch.  xix.  3)  =  Abdeh,  a  place  of  very  consid- 
erable ruins  on  a  ridge  of  rocks,  and  once  strong, 

0^37  =  firmness,  strength  (Knobel). 

Ver.  30.  Eltolad,  later  given  likewise  to  Sim- 
eon, ch.  xix.  4.  In  1  Chr.  iv.  29it  is  called  merely 
Tholad  (Keil).     This  also  remains  undiscovered. 

Chesil,     /"'CS.      According    to    Job    ix.     9 ; 
/_ 
xxzviii.  31 ;  Amos  v.  8,    3   is  a  constellation   in 
the   heavens,  probably  Orion.      Since  the  place 

[s  namel  ch.  xix.  4;  1  Chr.  iv.  30;   V^DS  and 

^SVIS    since  further  1  Sam.  xxx.  27,  "  the  same 

place  is  manifestly  "called  7MW2,  it  must  have 
Teen  the  seat  of  a  sanctuary  as  Knobel  rightly  con- 


jectures. May  not,  as  the  name  indicates,  tha' 
very  constellation  of  Orion  (Chesil)  have  been 
worshipped  here,  especially  as  Jerome  reports  (  Vit. 
Hilar,  ep.  25,  ap.  Robinson,  i.  p.  298)  that  the  in- 
habitants had  worshipped  Venus  and  the  Morning 
Slur  ?  True,  the  morning  star  is  mentioned  and 
not  Orion,  but  Jerome  hardly  had  so  exact  infor- 
mation. At  all  events,  worship  of  the  stars  then 
existed,  and  that  is  the  main  thing.  Probahly 
Chesil  is  =  Elusa,  where  in  pre-Islamite  times  a 
sanctuary  of  Arabic  tribes  existed  (comp.  Tuch, 
Zeitschrift  der  deutsch-morgenl.  Ges.,  iii.  p.  194  f.  ap. 
Knobel).  Elusa  lies  five  and  a  half  hours  south 
of  Beer-sheba  (comp.  Robinson,  i.  pp.  296-298). 
Horma  "  or  Zephat,  now  Sepata,  two  and  a  half 
hours  southwest  of  Chalaza ;  see  Num.  xiv.  45  " 
(Knobel). 

Ver.  31.  Ziklag,  later  belonging  to  Simeon,  ch. 
xix.  5;  1  Chr.  v.  30.  Familiar  from  the  history 
of  David  (1  Sam.  xxvii.  6  ;  xxx.  1  ;  2  Sam.  i.  1 ; 
iv.  10;  1  Chr.  xiii.  1).  Perhaps  Tel  el-Hasy, 
northeast  of  Gaza  (von  Raumcr,  p.  225),  from 
which  one  has  an  extensive  view,  westward  to  the 
sea,  in  the  east  toward  the  mountains  of  Hebron, 
northward  to  mount  Ephraim,  and  southward  to 
the  plains  of  Egypt  (Ritter,  xvi.  133  [Gage,  iii. 
246,  247]).  Knobel  seeks  Ziklag  to  the  southwest 
of  Milh,  where  a  place,  Gasludh,  lies  on  the  road 
to  Abdeh  (Robinson,  ii.  621),  some  hours  east  of 

Sepata.  The  etymology  of  Ziklag  (aJ?lT?,  S^H?) 
is  doubtful ;  perhaps,  as  Gesen.  supposes,  from 
p7H  *?>  wilderness  of  destruction. 

Madmanna  =  Minyay  or  Minnieh,  south  of 
Gaza  (Robinson,  iii.  287  f.),  on  the  route  of  the  pil- 
grims during  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries. 

Sansarma  —  unknown.  The  name  signifies 
"  palm-branch."  Instead  of  Madmanna  and  San- 
sanna,  elsewhere  Beth-markaboth  ("  Wagon  - 
house,"  Knobel,  Keil)  and  Hazar-suza  or  Susim 
("Horse-yard,"  Knobel ;  "Horse-village,"  Keil) 
are  mentioned  (xix.  3)  as  cities  of  the  Simeonites. 
Are  they  possibly  stations  of  wagons  and  horses,  as 
Knobel  conjectures  ? 

Ver.  32.  Lebaoth  or  Beth-lebaoth,  belonging 
to  the  Simeonites,  ch.  xix.  6;  in  1  Chr.  iv.  31,  the 
name  of  the  place  is  Beth  Birei.  Perhaps  Leb- 
hein,  eight  hours  south  of  Gaza. 

Shilhim,  called,  ch.  xix.  6,  Saruhen  CjrWItP), 
a  place  of  the  Simeonites,  1  Chron.  iv.  31  =  el- 
Scheriat,  about  midway  between  Gaza  and  Beer- 
sheba;  a  scene  of  ruins  (Van  de  Velde,  Narrative, 
ii.  p.  144.  and  Mem.  p.  113,  apud  Knobel). 

Ain,  Rimmon,  in  ch.  xix.  7  ;  1  Chron.  iv.  32  , 
Neh.  xi.  29,  treated  as  one  place.  Rimmon  is  dis- 
covered in  the  ruins  Urn  er-Rumamim,  about  three 
hours  north  of  Beer-sheba.  Only  about  thirty 
minutes  south  of  it  is  the  well  el-Khulweilifeh, 
with  remains  of  buildings  (Robinson,  iii.  8),  on  the 
road  from  Hebron  to  Gaza.  Compare,  further, 
Knobel  on  this  verse. 

All  the  cities  twenty-nine  and  their  villages. 
There  are  not  twenty -nine  bat  thirty-six,  namely, 
(1 )  group  first,  9  ;  (2)  group  second,  5  ;  (3)  group 
third,  9  ;  (4)  group  fourth,  13  =36.  So  indeed  the 
Syriac  reads.  Since,  however,  all  the  other  ancient 
versions  have  twenty -nine,  the  Syriac  probably 
gives  a  "critical  correction."  The  matter  is  capa- 
ble of  the  simple  explanation  that  the  original  an- 
cient list  had  only  twenty-nine  cities,  but  later,  ai 
even  Keil  concedes,  "  a  supplementary  hand  added 
still  others  without  altering  the  sum  total  to  car 
resDOud  " 


134 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


ff.  Ver.  33-47.  Cities  in  the  Lowland.  Ver.  33. 
In  the  lowland.     See  ch.  x.  40.     It  only  needs  to 

be  remarked  here  that  the  foot  -  hills  (fYnH?  S) 
mentioned  ch.  x.  40;  xi.  16  are  here  reckoned  in 
with  the  lowland.  They  are  designated  also  as 
the  land  of  Goshen,  as  was  explained,  eh.  x.  40, 
(xi.  16),  and  form  the  east  border  of  the  Shephe- 
lah  of  Judah.  The  places  mentioned  by  the 
author  are  arranged  in  three  groups.  The  Jirst  of 
these  (ver.  33-36)  lies  in  the  northeast  part  of  the 
lowland. 

Eshtaol  and  Zorea  mentioned  in  reverse  order, 
ch.  xix.41  ;  Judg.  xiii.  25  ;  xvi.  31.  Here  ascribed 
to  Judah,  there  to  Dan.  Eshtaol  is  the  present 
Um-Eschteiyeh  (Robinson,  ii.  342).  Zorea  was 
Samson's  home  (Judg.  xiii.  2),  visited  in  modern 
times  by  Robinson  (Later  Bibl.  Res.  p.  153),  Tob- 
ler  (Oritte  Wandenmg,  p.  150)  and  Furrer  (p. 
200).  The  prospect  from  the  summit  of  Zorea  is, 
according  to  Robinson's  statement,  beautiful  and 
very  extensive,  especially  toward  Beth-shemesh. 
The  well,  the  fields,  the  mountains,  the  women 
who  bore  water,  all  transported  the  travellers  back 
into  the  earliest  times,  when  in  all  probability  the 
mother  of  Samson  in  the  same  manner  came  to 
the  well,  and  laboriously  carried  her  water -jar 
home.  Between  Zoreah  and  Eshtaol  Samson  was 
buried  in  his  father  Manoah's  tomb  (Judg.  xvi.  31.) 

Ashna,  unknown.  Knobel  would  read  ""H^!? 
after  "A<rera  of  the  LXX.  Cod.  Vat. 

Ver.  34.  Sanoah,  now  Sanna,  not  far  from 
Zorea  (Robinson,  ii.  343)  to  the  southeast.  "The 
other,  Zanoah,  on  the  mountain,  ver.  56,  has  not 
yet  been  discovered  by  modern  explorers"  (Keil). 

En-gannim,  Tappuah,  unknown.  Enam,  men- 
tioned Gen.  xxxviii,  14,21;  perhaps  Beth-anan, 
Tobler.p.  137  (Knobel). 

Ver.  35.  Jarmuth,  a  Canaanitish  capital  (ch. 

xii.  11,  comp.  x.  3-27).  Since  HID"^,  as  Kno- 
bel observes  =  HOT?,  nan,  ch.  xix.  21 ,  and  there- 
fore, judging  from  the  meaning  of  these  words,  lay 
upon  a  height,  the  modern  Jarmuk  ( Robinson,  ii. 
344),  which  stands  on  a  hill,  and  exhibits  cisterns 
and  remains  of  buildings  of  high  antiquity,  may 
be  regarded  as  ancient  Jarmuth. 

Adullam.  Probably  Deir  Dubban,  two  hours 
north  of  Beit  Jibriu,  where  are  great  and  remark- 
able caves,  fully  described  by  Robinson  (ii.  353  f.). 
He  does  not  decide  whether  they  are  natural  or 
artificial.  The  circumstance  that  they  are  very 
regularly  hewn  out  leads  us  to  conclude  that  they 
are  of  artificial  origin,  which,  however,  may  well 
have  been  in  part  natural,  since  the  mountain  of 
Judah  is  cavernous.  [Robinson  seems  to  indicate 
no  doubt  at  all  of  the  purely  artificial  character  of 
the  caves,  only  questioning  whether  the  "pits" 
through  which  they  are  entered  "are  natural  or 
artificial."  Their  object  also  was  to  him  quite  a 
puzzle.  —  Tr.] 

Socho,  and  Azeka,  lay  near  Ephes-dammim 
(Damun),  1  Sam.  xvii.  1.  Azeka  has  been  al- 
ready mentioned  (ch.  x.  10  f.)  Goliath's  battle 
with" David  took  place  between  Azeka  and  Socho 
(1  Sam.  xvii.  1  ff.).  Socho,  now  Shuweikeh,  but 
not  to  be  confounded  with  Socho  on  the  mountain 
(ver.  48),  which  is  also  called  Shuweikeh,  lies 
about  seventeen  miles  southwest  of  Jerusalem  on 
the  Wady  Sumt,  whose  beautiful  vale  Robinson 
(ii.  349  f.)  regards  as  the  terebinth-vale  ("valley 
ui  Elah"),  celebrated  for  the  combat  between 
David  and  the  giant  (von  Raumer,  p.  222). 


Ver.  36.  Sharaim,  "  according  to   1  Sam.  xvii 

52,  westward  of  Socho  and  Azeka  =  Tel  Sakarieh 
and  Kefr  Sakarieh"  (Knobel).  The  dual  form  of 
the  name  indicates  two  villages  out  of  which  the 
ancient  Sharaim  may  have  already  grown,  and 
properly  signifies  "two  doors."  Adithaim,  un- 
known ;  a  dual  form  again. 

Gedera,    n^n?n  vvith    the    article,   properly, 

"  the  wall."  In  ch.  xii.  13  the  king  of  "Hf! 
(walled  place)  is  mentioned.  Probably  the  same 
place.  Whether  Gederoth  also  (ver.  41)  is  the 
same,  as  Knobel  would  have  it,  is  to  me  doubtful. 
Different  towns  might  naturally  be  called  simply 
walled  places.  We  may  compare  frequent  ele- 
ments of  modern  names,  Burg,  Ville,  House,  etc. 

Another  related  name  is  "lit?,  ver.  58. 

Gederothaim  is  omitted  by  the  LXX.  If  we 
follow  them,  as  Winer  (ii.  471)  and  Knobel  do,  we 
make  out  only  fourteen  cities  according  to  the  sum 
total  given,  otherwise  fifteen,  as  above  thirty-six 
instead  of  twenty-nine. 

Ver.  37-41.  Second  Group.  It  includes  sixteen 
cities,  lying  "  south  "  and  "  west  "  of  the  first,  ver. 
37.  Zenan,  probably  indentical  with  Zaanan 
(Mich.  i.  11)  ;  perhaps  Chirbet  es-Senat. 

Hadashah.  "  The  smallest  place  in  Judah,  with 
only  fifty  dwellings  (Mischn.  Erubin,  pp.  5,  6  "), 
Knobel.  Not  identical  with  Adasa,  north  of  Jeru- 
salem. Von  Raumer  has  entirely  omitted  the  lit- 
tle place. 

Migdal-gad  =  Tel  Iedeideh,  after  which  the 
Wady  Iedeideh  is  named  (Tobler,  p.  124  f.) 

Ver.  38.  Dilean,  perhaps  Beit  Dula  (Tobler,  p 
150).  Mizpeh.  We  have  already  found  a  land 
of  Mizpeh  on  Hermon,  ch.  xi.  3-8,  where  the  nama 
waa  explained  and  its  frequent  occurrence  noticed. 
The  most  celebrated  place  of  the  name  is  yet  to  be 
mentioned,  ch.  xviii.  26.  The  one  before  us  is 
possibly  the  present  Tel  es-Safieh  (Robinson,  ii. 
363)  on  a  low  hill,  "  but  lying  sufficiently  above 
the  surrounding  country  to  be  seen  at  the  distance 
of  some  hours  in  every  direction;"  called  in  the 
Middle  Ages  Alba  specula  or  Alba  custodia  [Blanche- 
garde],  a  castle,  in  the  vicinity  of  which  some  ro- 
mantic adventures  of  Richard  Cceur  de  Lion  are 
reported  to  have  taken  place.  These  are  enumer- 
ated by  Robinson  (ubi  sup.  p.  366). 

Joktheel,  perhaps  Keitidaneh  (Robinson,  iii. 
App.  126),  where  are  ruins. 

Ver.  39.  Lachish,  according  to  x.  3  ft'. ;  xii.  11,  a 
Canaanitish  capital,  later,  like  many  of  these  cities, 
fortified  by  Rehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  9).  Here  Ama- 
ziah  died  "(2  K.  xiv.  19).  Sennacherib  besieged  La- 
chish, and  moved  from  hence  toLibnah  (Is.xxxvi. 
2;  xxxvii.  8).  Nebuchadnezzar  also  contended 
against  the  royal  city  of  chariots  (Mich.  i.  13), 
which  had  become  a  beginning  of  sin  to  the  daugh- 
ter of  Zion,  doubtless  through  temptation  to  idola- 
try (Jer.  xxxiv.  7).  The  position  is  questionable. 
Robinson  (ii.  p.  388)  decided  against  Urn  Lakis, 
which  suits  as  far  as  the  name  is  concerned,  partly 
because  the  trifling  remains  give  no  indication  of  a 
once  fortified  and  strong  city,  and  partly  because 
the  position  does  not  agree  with  what  is  known  of 
the  ancient  city.  He  is  followed  by  Knobel,  who 
thinks  he  has  recognized  Lachish  in  Zukkarijeh,  two 
and  a  half  hours  southwest  of  Beit  Jibrin.  On  the 
other  hand  von  Raumer,  Keil,  and  Van  de  Velde  on 
his  map,  unite  upon  Urn  Lakis  as  the  ancient  city, 
mainly  on  the  ground  that  Eglon,  mentioned  here 
in  the  same  verse,  and  confidently  recognized  by 
Robinson  (ii.  392)  in  Ajalan,  was  again,  according 


CHAPTER   XV. 


13c 


I 


to  his  own  statement  (uln  sup.  389)  only  three 
quarters  of  an  hour  distant  from  Urn  Lakis.  We 
likewise  adopt  this  latter  view.  Eglon  has  been 
already  named  ch.  x.  1  ff.  36  ;  xii.  32.  — Bozkath, 
perhaps  Tubukah  (Robinson,  ii.  pp.  388,  648), 
spelled  Tubaka  by  Van  de  Velde  and  Knobel. 

Ver.  40.  Cabbon  =  Kubeibeh,  two  and  a-half 
hours  east  of  Ajlon  (Eglon),  upon  a  stony  barren 
height.  So  Knobel  supposes,  and  the  name  certainly 
sounds  like  ;  but  Robinson  observes  very  moderately 
that "  there  seemed  to  be  nothing  to  mark  it  particu- 
larly as  an  ancient  site  "  (p.  394). 

Lachmas,  LXX. :  Aa/tcJj  ;  Vulg. :  Leheman ;  hence 
Luther :  Lehmam.     The  LXX.  support  the  reading 

DOn?>  the  Vulg.  goes  back  to  the  other  reading, 

CQri7.  The  correctness  of  the  latter  is  favored 
by  the  circumstance  that  Tobler  (Dritte  Wander- 
ung,  p.  129)  has  actually  found  south  of  Beit  Jib- 
rin,  a  place  of  ruins,  el-Lahem. 

Kithlish,  undetermined.  To  compare  Tell  Kilkis 
or  Chilchis,  not  far  from  Kubeibeh,  as  Knobel  does, 
would  be  somewhat  rash,  since  in   this  case  (1)  a 

transposition  of  the  A  (2)  a  change  of  H  into  2 
must  be  assumed,  which  is  not  so  easy  to  suppose 

as  the  more  frequent  interchange  of  v  and  J3. 

Ver.  41.  Gederoth,  eomp.  ver.  36.  —  Beth- 
dagon  and  Naamah  and  Makkedah, —  a  tripolis. 
Beth-dagon  to  be  distinguished  from  the  border- 
town  of  Asher  mentioned  ch.  xix.  27,  now  Beth- 
Dejan  between  Joppa  (Jaffa)  and  Lydda  (Lod, 
Ludd),  on  a  knoll   to  the  left  of  the  road  (Furrer, 

10),  but  according  to  Tobler  (Nazareth  nebst  An- 
ang  der  vierten  Wcmderung,  p.  306),  on  the  right. 
The  name  indicates  the  Philistine  worship  of  Da- 
gon.  Naamah  cannot  be  made  out.  Makkedah, 
already  spoken  of  more  than  once  (ch.  x.  10, 16  ff.) 
in  the  account  of  the  battle  of  Gibeon,  also  ch. 
xii.  16,  was  a  royal  city  of  the  Canaanites,  accord- 
ing to  the  Onom.,  three  hours  east  of  Eleutherop- 
olis  (assuming  that  this  statement  of  the  Onom. 
does  not  rest,  as  Keil,  on  ch.  x.  10,  supposes,  on  an 
error,  and  mean  west  instead  of  east).  This  would 
be,  and  so  Knobel  takes  it,  about  the  region  of 
Terkumieh,  or,  if  east  be  understood  as  =  south- 
east, of  Morak.  Both  places  lie  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountain  of  Judah. —  Sixteen  cities  and  their  vil- 
lages.    In  this  instance  there  are  actually  sixteen. 

Vers.  42—44.  Third  Group,  "  further  south,  em- 
bracing nine  places."  Libnah,  conquered  by 
Joshua  (x.  29, 30),  a  Canaanite  capital  (ch.  xii.  15), 
later  a  city  of  the  Levites  (xxi.  13 ;  1  Chr.  vi.  57), 
according  to  the  Onom.,  Libna  in  regions  Eleuthero- 
politana.  Robinson  (ii.  p.  389)  could  find  no  trace 
of  it.  Knobel  conjectures  that  it  may  be  the  ruins 
Hora-Hawara  (Robinson,  iii.  App.  115),  discovered 
by  Seetzen  (iii.  31 ),  because  the  Arab,  hawara,  like 

713.27,  signifies  "white,"  and  therefore  this  is  the 
Aral),  translation  of  the  Hebrew  name  (comp.  sim- 
ilar examples,  vers.  2S— 36).  But  we  cannot  accept 
this  acute  hypothesis.  For.  although  in  the  Negeb, 
where  Tel  flora  stands  on  Van  de  Velde's  Map,  on 
the  road  leading  north  from  Beer-sheba,  "  the 
Arabic  designation  of  the  cities  may  hare  been 
introduced  early  "  (p.  425),  so  that  the  names  were 
♦brutally  translated,  still  we  have  not  yet,  at  least 
»mong  the  cities  of  Judah,  found  a  single  example 
of  this  kind.  Nay,  what  specially  concerns  the 
:ase  before  us,  the  Arabic  geographers  in  the  Mid- 
lie  Ages,  as  Knobel  himself  informs  us,  are  still 
acquainted  with  a  Libna  [spelled  Lohna]  in  Pales- 
ine,  e.  g.  Mar  iszid,  iii.  p.  5,  Jakut,  Moscht,  p.  379. 


Ether  and  Ashan;  afterwards  belonging  Vc 
Simeon,  xix.  7  ;  1  Chr.  iv.  32.  Prabobly  to  b« 
sought  in  the  south,  toward  the  Negeb. 

Ver.  43.  Jiphta  and  Ashnah  and  Nezib,  un- 
determinable. 

Ver.  44.  Kegila,  according  to  the  Onom.,  eight 
miles  from  Eleutheropolis  toward  Hebron  ;  rescued 
by  David  from  the  hand  of  the  Philistines  (1  Sam. 
xxiii.  5),  but  ungratefully  treacherous  toward  him 
(1  Sam.  xxiii.  12).  On  Kiepert's  Map,  Jedna 
("Rob.,  hi.  App.  117]  or  Idhna,  about  southwest  of 
Terkumieh,  in  accordance  with  the  statement  of 
the  Onom.  Knobel  maintains,  on  the  contrary,  that 
KeeiAo,  Ceila,  or  'ExeAa  of  the  Onom.  now  Kila 
(Tobler,  p.  151),  belongs  here,  and  finds  Kegila 
rather  in  the  ruins  called  Khugaleh  ( [Jughaleh  1  ] 
Robinson,  iii.  App.  115),  in  the  south  of  the  Jebel 
el-Chalil  (Robinson  writes  el-Khulil).  The  simi- 
larity of  the  name  speaks  for  this  position  in  the 

plain,  which  suits  also  with  "H,  1    Sam  xxiii.  4. 

Achzib,  or  3^3,  is  also  mentioned  Mic.  i.  14; 
Gen.  xxxviii.  5,  in  the  plain.  Perhaps  Kesaba, 
Kussabeh  (Robinson,  ii.  391),  a  place  with  springs, 
and  with  ruins  in  the  vicinity. 

Maresha,  likewise  fortified  by  Rehoboam  (2 
Chr.  xi.  8).  The  scene  of  Asa's  victory  (2  Chr. 
xiv.  9-13),  home  of  an  otherwise  unknown  prophet 
Eliezer  (2  Chr.  xx.  37),  afterward  Marissa  (tt6\h 
Swari),  Joseph.  Ant.  xiv.  5,  3  ;  13,  9),  mentioned 
in  the  contests  of  the  Maccabees  ( 1  Mace.  v.  65- 
68),  restored  by  Gabinius,  destroyed  by  the  Parthi- 
ans.  Robinson  supposes  (ii.  4)  that  Eleutheropolis 
(Betogabris,  Beit  Jibrin),  arose  after  this  destruc- 
tion of  Maresha,  and  was  built  out  of  its  materials. 
Its  foundation  walls  he  thinks  he  found  one  and  a 
half  hours  south  of  Beit  Jibrin.  With  this  Tobler 
agrees  (pp.  129,  142  f.),  who  mentions  a  place  of 
ruins,  Marasch,  twenty-four  minutes  from  Beit  Jib- 
rin, marked  also  on  Van  de  Velde's  Map  as  the  an- 
cient Maresha.  Knobel  seeks  it.  four  hours  south  of 
Beit  Jibrin,  where  lies  a  place  Mirsim  ( Robinson,  iii. 
App.  p.  117).  Improbable.  Maresha  is,  at  all  events, 
distinct  from  Moresheth-gath,  the  home  of  the 
prophet  Micah  (comp.  von  Raumer,  p  215,  Rob.  ii. 
4).  —  Nine  cities  and  their  villages.  The  num- 
ber is  correct  again,  as  at  ver.  4 1 . 

Vers.  45-47.  Fourth  Group.  This  includes  the 
Philistine  cities,  Ekron,  which  ch.  xix.  40  is  as- 
cribed to  Dan,  Ashdod  and  Gaza,  and  their 
daughters,  and  their  villages.  But  according  to 
ver.  1 1  the  border  of  Judah  runs  north  of  Ekron, 
toward  the  sea,  and  so  includes  the  Philistine  cities. 
Of  "  daughters  "  i.  e.  subject  cities,  no  mention 
has  been  made  in  the  preceding  lists,  while  here 
the  statement  of  number  at  the  close  of  the  several 
groups  is  wanting.  The  section  is,  accordingly, 
a  manifest  addition  from  some  other  source,  as 
Ewald  (Gesch.  ii.  p.  258),  Bertheau  (Komm.  Zum 
Buche  d.  Richt.  p.  28),  Knobel  (p.  419),  with  per- 
fect right  maintain.  Zealously  to  deny  this,  as  Keil 
does  (Com.  on  Josh,  in  loc. )  we  regard  as  perfectly 
unnecessary,  especially  as  Keil  himself  (ver.  32)  can- 
not help  assuming  a  "  supplementary  hand."  If  a 
supplement  is  anywhere  possible,  then  certainly  also 
"  a  later  addition,"  since  both  come  substantially  to 
the  same  result.  Besides,  it  is  also  "  very  striking," 
as  Keil  himself  says  (I.e.),  that  Gath  and  Ashkelon 
are  here  wanting,  whereas  in  ch.  xiii.  3,  they  are 
mentioned,  and  that  too,  as  cities  which  had  their 
own  princes,  and  so  cannot  be  reckoned  among  the 
"  daughters  "  of  the  rest.  Verses  45-47,  therefore, 
make  the  impression  not  only  of  an  addition,  but 


136 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


etill  more  definitely  that  of  a  fragmentary  addition. 
For  the  rest  we  refer  to  the  explanation  already 
given  ch.  xiii.  3  of  the  position  of  the  several  places, 
which,  after  wars  renewed  through  centuries,  were 
first  conquered  by  the  Israelites  in  the  age  of  the 
Maccabees.  Comp.  Knobel's  excursus  |  <]"  on  this 
passage. 

y.  vers.  48-60.  Cities  on  the  Mountain,  vers. 
48-51.  First  Group,  wholly  in  the  south,  embra- 
cing eleven  cities.  —  On  the  mountain.  See  ch  x. 
40.  —  Shamir,  perhaps  Urn  Schaumereh  (Robin- 
son, iii.  App.  p.  115).  —  Jattir,  a  priests'  city  (ch. 
xxi.  14;  1  Chr.  vi.  57),  probably  Attir  (Rob.  ii. 
194,  625).  —  Soeho,  different  from  Socho  in  the 
lowland  (ver.  35),  but  like  that  now  called  Suwei- 
keh  (Robinson,  ii.  195),  about  ten  miles  S.  S.W. 
from  Hebron  (von  Raumer,  p.  222). 

Dannah,  passed  over  by  von  Raumer.   Perhaps, 

in  Knobel's  judgment,  we  are  to  read  71317  = 
7133?^  =  Zannte,  the  last  inhabited  place  on  the 
southwest  part  of  the  mountain,  five  hours  south 
of  Hebron  (Robinson  [Zanuta],  ii.  626,  iii.  App. 
116).  —  Kirjath-Sannah,  that  is  Debir.  Concern- 
ing this,  see  on  ch.  x.  38,  and  also  ver.  15  here. 

Ver.  50.  Anab,  "  a  home  of  Anakim  (xi.  21), 
Btill  existing  under  the  old  name  east  of  Thabarieh, 
(Seetzen,  iii.  6,  Robinson,  ii.  195)"  (Knobel).  It 
has,  according  to  Robinson,  a  small  tower. 

Eshtemoh,  situated  very  high,  according  to 
Schubert,  2225  feet  above  the  sea.  A  city  of  the 
priests,  ch.  xxi.  14  ;  now  Sennia,  a  considerable 
village,  which  Robinson  saw  (ii.  196)  from  Tha- 
barieh. Around  it  (ii.  626)  are  broad  valleys,  "not 
susceptible  of  much  tillage,  but  full  of  flocks  and 
herds  all  in  fine  order."  The  travellers  halted 
among  the  olive  trees  in  the  moist  southern  valley. 
At  several  places  in  the  village  they  saw  remains 
of  walls  built  of  large  stones,  beveled  around  the 
edges,  but  left  rough,  between,  some  of  which  were 
more  than  ten  feet  long.    Eshtemoh,  or  Eshtemoa 

(SiDPti'S),  appears  from  the  extent  of  these  walls 
to  have  been,  as  Robinson  judges,  a  spacious  town. 
It  once  received  from  David  a  part  ( 1  Sam.  xxx. 
28)  of  the  booty  from  the  Amalekites. 

Anim,  probably  the  present  Ghuwein  (von 
Raumer,  p.  171,  Knobel),  south  of  Semua.  So  Wil- 
son (i.  354  ap.  von  Raum.  against  Robinson,  who 
regards  Ghuwein  as  Ain,  ver.  32). 

Ver.  51.  Goshen,  not  determined.  —  Holon,  a 
priests'  city  (ch.  xxi.  15 ;  1  Chr.  vi.  58  [Hilen] ),  not 
ret  discovered.  —  Giloh,  birthplace  of  Ahithophel 
(2  Sam.  xv.  12),  where  the  traitor  against  David 
hanged  himself  (2  Sam.xvii.  23).  —  Eleven  cities. 
The  number  is  correct. 

Ver.  52-54.  Second  Group,  north  of  the  first, 
west  of  the  third  group.  See  Menke's  Map. 

Ver.  52.  Arab,  omitted  by  von  Raumer ;  perhaps, 
as  Knobel  thinks,  Husn  el  Ghurab  near  Semua 
(Robinson,  i.  312).  This  is  very  questionable, 
since  Robinson  only  heard  from  the  Arabs  of  a 
ruin  el-Ghurab,  but  did  not  see  it. 

Dumah,  rTEOT,  LXX. :  Povfui,  stated  in  the 
Onom.  to  have  been  seventeen  miles  from  Eleu- 
-heropolis  (Beit  Jibrin),  now  Daumeh,  a  ruined  vil- 
lage, not  far  from  Hebron  in  the  Wady  Dilbeh 
(Robinson,  i.  314).  In  Is.  xxi.  11  Dumah  is  the 
proper  name  of  an  Ishmaelite  tribe  in  Arabia, 
with  wnich  comp.  Gen.  xxv.  14. 

Eshean  (^StTM),  elsewhere  not  mentioned. 
Rince  the  Cod.  Vat.  of  the  LXX.  has  lopi,  we 


ght 


43  f. 


read  with  Knobel,  after  1  Chr.  ii. 
V12W,  and  compare  the  place  of  ruins  Simir  (Rob- 
inson, iii.  App.  p.  114),  south  of  Daumeh.  Vru 
Raumer  has  passed  over  this  place  also,  as  being 
unrecognizable.     Keil  likewise. 

Ver.  53-  Janum.  On  the  reading  comp.  the 
foot-note  on  the  text.     Not  discovered. 

Beth-tappua  not  to  be  confounded  (a)  with 
Tappuah  in  the  lowland  (ver.  34),  (6)  with  the  En 
Tappuah  mentioned  ch.  xvii.  7,  which  was  assigned 
to  Manasseh.     The  name  of  both  towns  refers  to 

fruit  culture,  since  CH-/7!  (from  flSJ,  to  emit 
odors)  signifies  apple  (Cant.  vii.  9;  Trov.  xxv. 
11),  or  apple-tree1  (Cant,  ii  3  ;  viii.  5).  Robinson 
found  apples  and  pears  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Gophna,  now  Jifna  [Jufna],  (Robinson,  iii.  77-80), 
four  and  one  half  hours  north  of  Jerusalem. 
Comp.  also  von  Raumer,  p.  100.  Beth  tappuah 
would  thus  be  =  apple-house.  The  name  has  been 
preserved  in  Taffuh,  a  place  about  two  hours  west 
of  Hebron.  It  still  lies  (Robinson,  ii.  428)  "in  the 
midst  of  olive-groves  and  vineyards  with  marks  of 
industry  on  every  side."  This  circumstance  favors 
our  interpretation  of  the  name,  since  where  olive 
trees  and  vines  flourish  apple  trees  can  and  could 
be  produced.     Knobel,  on  the  contrary,  explains 

TVBF\,  from  n?U  and  n?S,  by  "extent," 
"  breadth."  "  surface,"  and  adduces,  in  support  of 
this  interpretation  of  the  name,  the  fact  that  both 
our  Bcth-tappuah  and  En-tappuah  (ch.  xvii.  7)  lay 
in  a  plain.  To  sustain  our  view,  which  von  Rau- 
mer also  gives  (p.  181),  we  may  adduce  the  anal- 
ogy  of    Bethphage   NgBTPa,    Chald.   for  the 

Heb.  35TP3  (Cant.  ii.  13),  =  Fig-house. 

Apheka  not  the  same  as  Aphek  (xii.  18  ;  xiii.  4), 
which  lay  in  the  plain  not  far  from  Jezreel  (1  Sam. 
xxix.  1  ;  IK.  xx.  26,  30),  where  Saul  was  slain 
by  the  Philistines,  Benhadad  the  Syrian  by  the 
Israelites ;  but  on  Mount  Judah,  near  Hebron, 
"  probably  between  Hebron  and  Tuffah  "  (Keil). 
Against  the  opinion  of  von  Raumer  (p.  172)  that 
the  battle  of  1  Sam.  iv.  1  may  have  taken  place 
here,  comp.  Thenius  on  that  passage.  Aphek  on 
the  mountain  of  Judah  has  not  yet  been  discovered. 

The  frequent   occurrence   of  the   name    P??j    or 

P^S  ( Judg.  i.  31 ),  or  HpCK  here,  is  explained, 

as  in  the  case  of  TVT5i  n"J!3>  Tfa  from  the 
meaning  of  the  word  which  signifies  strength,  and 
then  Fort,  Burg  (seeGesen.).     It  is  derived  from 

PES,  to  be  strong. 

Ver  54.  Humtah,  not  yet  found.  The  name 
(ntpj?n)  appears  to  be  related  to  ISP'n,  Lev.  xi.  30, 
LXX  eraipa,  Vulg.  lacerta,  probably  a  species  of 
lizard  (Gesen.).  Lizards  are  mentioned  by  Seetzen 
(pp.  446-448)  ap.  von  Raumer  (p.  105).  There  are 
such  still  in  Palestine  [Tristram,  pp.  495.  536],  and 
a  place  might  be  named  after  this  creature  just  as 
well  a-atn:rthefoxorjackal(Hazor-shual,ver.28). 

Kirjath  Arba,  that  is,  Hebron.  See  ver.  13. 
Comp.  besides,  the  more  particular  account  of  this 
citv  on  ch.  x.  36. 

Zior.  The  name  is  perhaps  retained,  as  Knobel 
suggests,  in  that  of  the  ridge  Tughra  near  Hebron 
(see  Rosenm.  Zeitschr.  der  D.  M.  O.  xi.  p.  56) 
There  are  nine  of  the  cities  as  stated. 


1  [Tristram  (Land  of  lsrad,  p.  609  !•)  strenuously  m»ln 
tains  that  the  Apricot  It  the  apple  of  Scripture.  —  Tl.J 


CHAPTER  XV. 


131 


Ver.  55-57.  'JTtird  Group.  East  and  northeast 
of  the  first,  (Knobel:  northward;  but  see  Menke's 
Map)  and  southeast  (Knobel:  east)  of  the  second. 

Maon,  now  Main,  "  without  doubt  the  Maon  of 
Nabal  (Robinson,  ii.  194;  1  Sam.  xxv.  2).  It 
stood  on  the  summit  of  a  conical  rock  ( Robinson, 
p.  193),  which  is  crowned  with  ruins  of  no  great 
extent.  David  kept  himself  in  the  wilderness  of 
Maon  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  24  ff. ;  xxv.  2). 

Carmel,  a  name  familiar  in  the  history  of  Saul 
(1  Sam.  xv.  12),  of  David  (1  Sam.  xxv.  2,  5,  7, 40 ; 
xxvii.  3),  of  Uzziah  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  10)  ;  in  Roman 
times  a  castle  (Robinson,  p.  198)  with  a  garrison. 
It  appears  in  the  history  of  King  Amalrich  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  a.  d.  1172  (Robinson,  p.  199)._  Now 
called  Kurmul,  with  vast  ruins  from  antiquity  and 
the  Middle  Ages. 

Ziph.  When  its  inhabitants  proved  treacherous 
toward  David  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  19;  xxvi.  1  ;  Ps.  liv. 
2),  he  removed  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  14,  15,  19  ff.)  from 
the  wilderness  of  this  name  to  the  wilderness  of 
Maon.  Rehoboam  fortified  the  city,  whose  ruins, 
according  to  Robinson  (ii.  191),  "  lie  on  a  low  hill 
or  ridge  between  two  small  Wadies  which  com- 
mence here  and  run  toward  the  Dead  Sea."  Now 
called  Zif,  about  one  and  three  fourth  hours  south- 
east of  Hebron  (von  Raumer,  p.  222).  Not  to  be 
confounded  with  Ziph,  ver.  24. 

Jut  tab  (niST),  according  to  xxi.  16,  a  priest- 
city,  now  Jutta  (Robinson,  /.  c),  "  having  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  large,  modern  Mohammedan  town  " 
(p.  628).  It  was,  probably,  according  to  the  con- 
jecture first  proposed  by  Reland  (Pattest,  p.  870), 
adopted  by  Bachiene,  Rosenmiiller  (and  also  by 
Robinson),  the  abode  of  the  priest  Zachariah.  the 
w6\ls  'lovSa  (Luke  i.  39).  Reland  supposes  (Rob- 
inson, ii.  628,  note)  that  it.  'lovra  has  been  changed 
by  error  of  the  text,  or  softer  pronunciation  (comp. 
von  Raumer,  p.  208,  Anm.  p.  222). 

Ver.  56.  Jezreel  ( vSS~)T*,  "  whom  or  what, 
God  plants"),  different  from  the  Jezreel  in  the 
plain  of  Esdraelon  (xvii.  16),  and  mentioned  else- 
where only  as  the  home  of  Ahinoam,  the  second 
wife  of  David  (not  reckoning  Michal  whom  Saul, 
1  Sara.  xxv.  44,  gave  to  Shalti).  Not  to  be  iden- 
tified. Jokdeam  and  Zanoah,  likewise  undiscov- 
ered, and  not  elsewhere  named. 

Ver.  57.  Cain  C,?Mi?  with  the  art.  prop.  "  the 
lance"),  perhaps  Jukin  (Robinson,  ii.  190),  as 
Knobel  proposes  (p.  437),  "a  Mohammedan  Ma- 
kani  (station,  grave),  where  they  say  Lot  stopped 
after  his  flight  from  Sodom  "  (Robinson,  /.  c). 

Qibeah  i  ni,22  =  hill),  a  very  common  name  of 
place  (ch.  xviii.  28,  Gibeah  in  the  tribe  of  Benja- 
min, Gibeah  of  Saul,  1  Sam.  xi.  4  ;  xiii.  2  ;  xv. 
2,  and  often,  besides  Gibeah  in  the  tribe  of  Eph- 
raim,  ch.  xxiv.  33).  It  shares  with  the  topograph- 
ical names  373;!  (xviii.  24;  xxi.  17),  and  "13732 
(x.  2;  xi.  19),  and  also  that  of  the  "judgment 
hall,"  ra/8/8a9o,  John  xix.  13,  the  derivation  from 

the  same  root  7132  (to  be  high,  to  be  arched)  and 
signification.  Robinson  (ii.  14)  believes  that  in 
the  village  of  Jeba  (Jebah)  in  the  Wady  el-Mus- 
urr,  southwest  of  Bethlehem,  he  had  "  with  little 
ioubt"  discovered  again  Gibeah  of  Benjamin. 
This  Gibeah  is  also,  in  bis  view,  probably  the  Ga- 
batha  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome,  twelve  Roman 
miles  from  Eleutheropolis.  Von  Raumer  agrees 
with  hin,  while  Keil  and  Knobel  differ,  on  the 
grounds  that  this  place  lies  without  the  district  of 


this  division  of  cities,  and  that  the  similarity  of 
name  proves  nothing,  since  this,  as  just  now 
shown,  very  often  recurs  elsewhere.  Indeed,  Rob- 
inson himself  (iii.  151),  as  Keil  points  out.  found 
another  village,  Jebak,  north  of  Shechem  !  For 
these  reasons  we  also  side  with  the  two  latter  in- 
terpreters. Perhaps  our  Gibeah  is  (although  we 
cannot  assert  this,  with  the  certainty  which  Kno- 
bel expresses),  one  of  the  viculi  called  Gabaa  and 
Gabatha,  contra  orientalem  plagam  Oaromoz,  in  the 
Onom.  $■  v.  Gahathon. 

Timnah,  to  be  carefully  distinguished  from  Tira- 
nah  between  Beth-shemesh  and  Ekron  (xv.  10: 
xix.  43  ;  Judg.  xiv. ;  xv.  1-6),  but  certainly  iden- 
tical (so  von  Raumer,  p.  224,  and  Knobel,  p.  437, 
iii/mitst  Keil,  in  loc.)  with  Timnah  (Gen.  xxxviii. 
12-14),  to  which  Judah  went  up  to  his  sheep-shear- 
ers.    Not  yet  discovered.    On  Mount  Epbraim  lay 

(j~0Qi71  DTjO),  ch.  xix.  50  ;  xxiv.  30.     The  name 

(from  i"T2p)  signifies  "  portion  assigned,"  Gesen. 
There  are  ten  cities  as  stated. 

Vers.  58,  59.  Fourth  Group.  This  lies  north  of 
the  second  and  third.  Halhul,  still  called  Halhul 
or  Hulhul,  in  a  well  cultivated  region,  and  chief 
city  of  a  district.  Beautiful  fields  and  vineyards 
are  seen  there  (Robinson,  Later  Bib!.  Res.,  p.  281), 
and  also  many  cows  and  goats.  Noticeable  is  Rob- 
inson's remark  :  "  The  identity  of  no  ancient  site 
is  more  undisputed,  though  it  seems  not  to  have 
been  recognized  before  our  former  journey  "  (/.  c. 
comp.  Bibl.  Res.  i.  319).  The  place  lies  north  of 
Hebron  on  the  way  to  Jerusalem  (comp.  also  Val 
entiner,  Das  heilige  Land,  p.  38). 

Beth-zur,  now  Beit-Sur  (Robinson,  Later  Bibl. 
Res.  p.  276  f.),  whose  principal  relic  is  a  ruined 
tower,  of  which  only  one  side  is  left.  The  place 
appears  to  have  been  small  but  very  strong,  ac- 
cording to  Josephus  [Ant.  xiii.  5,  6),  the  strongest 
fortress  in  all  Judaea.  It  is  frequently  mentioned 
in  the  First  Book  of  Maccabees  (ch.  iv.  29,  61  ;  vi. 
7,  26,  31  f.,  49  f. ;  ix.  52,  etc.),  seldom  in  the  O.  T 
(2  Chr.  xi.  7  ;  Neh.  iii.  16).  Here,  according  to 
an  old  tradition  found  in  the  Onom.,  Philip  (Acts 
viii.  26-40)  baptized  the  Eunuch  (von  Raumer,  p. 
182.) 

Gedor,  referred  to,  1  Chron.  xii.  7,  as  the  home 
of  Joelah  and  Zebadiah,  two  followers  of  David  ; 
now  Jedur,  "  on  the  brow  of  a  high  mountain 
ridge"  (Robinson,  ii.  338),  about  northwest  of 
the  road  between  Hebron  and  Jerusalem ;  a  small 
ruin  marked  by  one  tree  (Robinson,  Later  Bibl. 
Res.  p.  276  f.). 

Verse  59.  Maarath,  unknown.  Beth-anoth 
(m35?TI  3,  house  of  answers,  of  Echo,  Gesen.), 

distinct  from  ni37W3  in  the  tribe  of  Naphtali, 
ch.  xix.  38;  Judg.  i.  33,  now  Beit  Ainun,  with 
ruins  which  Wolcott  visited  in  1842.  Robinson 
( Later  Bibl.  Res.  p.  280  f. )  saw  it  from  Er  Rameh. 
Elthekon  not  discovered. 

Fifth  Group.  According  to  the  addition  of  the 
LXX.  which  Jerome  also  has,  on  Mic.  v.  2.  "  Cer- 
tainly," says  Knobel  rightly,  "  this  is  no  invention 
of  the  LXX.  but  a  translation  of  the  original  text, 
which  therefore  lay  more  complete  before  them. 
Otherwise  a  large  piece  of  the  mountain  of  Judah 
with  numerous  places  would  be  passed  over,  which, 
considering  the  completeness  of  the  author  else- 
where, has  not  the  slightest  probability.  The  gap 
in  the  Masoretic  text  originated  with  a  transcriber 

who  having  read  the  JiT'lSm,  ver.  59,  supposed 


138 


THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


he  had  read  the  JITTSfTl  at  the  end  of  this  di- 
vision." To  this  view  Keil  also  assents,  while  lie 
refers  to  the  naive  opinion  of  Jerome,  that  the 
words  had  probably  been  rejected  by  the  Jews  from 
malice  (malitia),  "ne  Christusde  triliaJuda  ortusvid- 
eretur,"  against  which  Clericns,  "  quite  rightly  "  ob- 
jected, ''  jVoh  video  cur  a  Judceis  propterea  erasa  essent, 
cum  sit  alias  in  V.  T.  sat  freguens  meittio  Bethlehemi 
Davidis  patrice."  Menke  also  follows  this  view 
on  his  map,  while  Maurer  on  the  other  hand,  and 
Bunsen,  declare  against  the  addition.  The  former 
—  since  the  LXX.  in  this  book  have  allowed  them- 
selves many  additions  as  well  as  omissions  and  ar- 
bitrary changes  —  thinks  most  probably  "  eos  totum 
hoc  comma  ex  loco  quucunque  alio,  proprio  Marie  hue 
transtulisse."  The  possibility  of  such  a  proceeding 
need  not  be  denied  ;  but  here,  as  Keil  and  Knobel 
rightly  urge,  our  Masoretic  text  presents  a  mani- 
fest hiatus  which  is  excellently  filled  up  by  the  ad- 
dition of  the  LXX.  Bunsen  says  :  "The  forms 
of  many  of  these  names  are  decidedly  not  Hebrew  ; 
besides,  except  Tecoah  and  Bethlehem,  not  one  of 
the  cities  is  elsewhere  mentioned  in  the  0.  T.  We 
have,  therefore,  here  an  old  Aramaic  gloss,  which 
•ome  MSS.  afterwards  received  into  the  text." 
Reply :  The  first  reason  proposed  by  Bunsen  is  an 
assertion  without  proof;  and  the  second  has  no 
weight,  because  very  many  of  the  cities  mentioned 
in  this  chapter  are  named  nowhere  else  in  the  O. 
T.,  e.  g.  ver.  56,  Jokdeam  and  Zanoah ;  ver.  54, 
Humtah ;  ver.  53,  Jamun  ;  ver.  43,  Nezib,  etc.  We, 
therefore,  regard  the  addition  of  the  LXX.  as  a 
highly  valuable  complement  to  the  Masoretic  text, 
serving  to  fill  up  the  catalogue  of  the  cities.  In  an 
English  translation  it  would  read :  Tekoa  and 
Ephrata  {that  is  Bethlehem) ,  and  Phagor  and  Aitam 
(Aitan),and  Knlon  and  Tatami  {  Tatam),  and Soresh 
(  Thobesh ) ,  and  Karem  and  Galiim,  and  Baither  { The- 
ter),  and  Manocho;  eleven  cities  and  their  villages. 

Telcoah  (Sipffi),  two  hours  south  of  Bethlehem, 
the  home  of  the  prophet  Amos  (i.  1),  who  is  said 
to  have  been  buried  here ;  fortified  by  Rehoboam 
(2  Chr.  xi.  6),  and  elsewhere  mentioned  in  the  0. 
T.,  e.  g.  2  Sam.  xiv.  2 ;  Jer.  vi.  1  ;  Xeh.  iii.  5,  27  ; 
now  Tekuah  (Robinson,  ii.  182-184  [Tristram,  p. 
406]),  on  a  hill  covered  with  ruins  ;  which  agrees 
with  Jer.  vi.  1.  Concerning  the  neighboring 
Frankenberg  (Frank  Mountain),  which  the  Franks 
are  reported  to  have  held  for  forty  years  after  the 
loss  of  Jerusalem,  comp.  von  Raumer's  "  Excur- 
sus," p.  223. 

Ephratah  (i.  e.  Bethlehem).  Both  names  are  ap- 
plied, Ruth  iv.  11;  Mic.  v.  1,  unquestionably  to 
the  city  now  before  us,  Bethlehem-Judah  (Judg. 
xvii  7,"  9;  xix.  1,  2;  1  Sam.  xvii.  12  ;  Ruth  i.  1, 
2).  It  was  different  from  the  Bethlehem  in  the 
tribe  of  Zebulun  (xix.  15) ;  but  whether  this  Beth- 
lehem-Ephratah  can  be  meant  Gen.  xxxv.  16,  19, 
is  doubtful,  comp.  Lange's  Com.  on  Gen.  p.  569. 

The  name  2n!?W2  =  house  of  bread,  bread- 
house  (Winer,  i.  172)  is  clear;  •"" H?£?  also,  or 
nn^~S,  is  witnout  difficulty  derived  from  i"'"??' 
with  which  the  related  E^TS  may  be  compared. 

In  this  view  S  would  be  =  "  the  fruitful,"  "a 
name,"  as  Lange  remarks  {uhi  sup.),  "  which  cor- 
responds with  the  added  name  Bethlehem."  Be- 
sides the  place  is,  as  maybe  seen  from  Ruth,  ch.  ii. 
and  from  the  descriptions  of  modern  travellers, 
really  fruitful.  Thus  Furrer  relates  :  "  The  nearer 
«e  approached  Bethlehem,  the  better  cultivated  we 


found   the   fields But  surprisingly  lovely 

was  to  us  the  sight  of  the  Wady  Charubeh,  the 
valley  above  which,  high  in  the  south,  lies  the  lit- 
tle town  of  Bethlehem,  two  thousand  seven  hun- 
dred and  four  feet  above  the  sea.  There  olive 
and  fig  trees  were  growing  in  rich  abundance. 
Vineyards  spread  themselves  out  on  the  north- 
western slope,  whose  watch-towers  gently  reminded 
us  of  long  past  times."  Bethlehem  is  now  called 
Beit-Lahm,  that  is,  house  of  flesh,  and  is  inhabited, 
since  1834,  almost  exclusively  by  Christians,  of 
whom  Tobler  thinks,  there  may  be  three  thousand. 
The  remaining  three  hundred  inhabitants  are  Mo- 
hammedans. There  are  no  Jews  there.  The  his- 
torical importance  of  Bethlehem  as  David's  city 
(Ruth  iv.  11  ;  1  Sam.  xvi.  4;  xvii.  12,  15;  xx.  6, 
2S  ;  Mic.  v.  1),  and  as  the  birthplace  of  Christ 
(Matt,  ii  iff;  Luke  ii.  4,  15)  is  well  known. 
Further  particulars  concerning  the  place  see  in 
Seetzen,  ii.  37  ff. ;  Robinson,  ii.  157-163  ;  Tobler, 
Topographic  von  Jerusalem,  ii.  464  ;  and  Bethlehem 
in  Palastina,  p.  2  ff.  ;  Furrer,  Wanderunq  en  durch 
Palastina,  p.  167  ff.;  Valentiner,  Das  heil.  Land, 
p.  28  ff.  ;  von  Raumer,  p.  313  ff. ;  Ritter,  Erd- 
kunde,  xvi.  p.  284  ff.  [Gage's  transl.  iii.  339-501. 

Phagor,  now  Faghur  between  Hebron  and  Beth- 
lehem, west  of  the  road  ( Robinson,  Later  Bibl.  Res 
p.  275,  Tobler,  Dritte  Wanderung,  p.  91  ff.). 

Aitam  (Et2s3?)  mentioned  2  Chron.  xi.  6,  among 
the  cities  fortified  by  Rehoboam,  immediately  after 
Bethlehem.  The  name  is  still  preserved  in  the 
Wady  and  Ain  Attar  between  Bethlehem  and 
Faghur,  in  Tobler,  uhi  sup.  p.  88  ff.  (Knobel). 
Once,  in  Solomon's  time,  a  pleasant  place  with 
gardens,  and  perhaps  also  with  a  pleasure  palace 
of  the  king  (Furrer,  p.  177,  Anm.  1). 

Ktdon,  now  Kulonieh  or  Kalonieh,  lying  high 
above  the  pilgrim  road  to  Jerusalem  (Furrer,  p. 
141).  The  moderately  extensive  ruins  of  ancient 
Kulon  which  Hitzig,  Sepp,  Van  Osterzee  (Lange's 
Comm.  on  Luke,  ch.  xxiv.  13),  Furrer,  and  appar- 
ently also  Tobler  {Nazareth  in  Palast.  u.  s.  w.  pp. 
316,  319),  understand  to  be  the  Emmaus  of  the  N. 
T.  "  lie  near  the  bottom  of  the  valley  whose  love- 
liness is  very  beautifully  described  by  Furrer.  "  A 
copious  spring,"  he  says,  "  concealed  under  an 
overarching  rock,  by  a  double  outlet  irrigated  gar- 
dens, in  which  numerous  almond  trees  with  pink 
blossoms  gleamed  through  the  dark  green  foliage 
of  the  orange-trees.  Up  the  surrounding  slopes, 
vineyards  and  rows  of  olive  trees  rose  by  a  suc- 
cession of  terraces.  The  prospect  extends  not  far 
in  any  direction ;  but  its  seclusion  heightens  the 
charm  of  the  happy,  pleasant  vale  "  (p.  142).  The 
distance  from  Jerusalem  is  about  one  and  a  half 
hours. 

Tatami,  or  Tatam,  is  not  identified,  nor  Galiim ; 
for  the  Galiim  named,  Is.  x.  30 ;  1  Sam.  xxv.  44, 
lay  north  of  Jerusalem  in  Benjamin  (Knobel). 

Sores,  now  Saris,  "on  a  proud  hill"  (Furrer,  p. 
139),  up  which  terraces  of  olive-trees  ascend,  four 
hours  west  of  Jerusalem  (comp.  also  Robinson, 
Later  Bibl.  Res.  p.  154  ff). 

Karem,  now  Ain  Karem,  three  quarters  of  an 
hour  west  of  Jerusalem  ( Furrer,  p.  210),  with  a 
splendid  cloister,  whose  garden  walls  are  overhung 
bv  tall  cypress-trees,  in  the  midst  of  a  landscape 
which  surprises  the  traveller  by  its  loveliness  and 
beauty  (Robinson,  ii.  141-157,  Later  Bibl.  Res.  p 
271  f.',  Tobler,  Topog.  ii.  344  ff). 

Beither,  now  Better,  southwest  of  Jerusalem 
(Furrer,  p.  191),  situated  high  up  on  a  mountain 
side  above  fine  green  terraces,  surrounded  with 


CHAPTERS    S.VL,   XVII. 


139 


alive  and  fig  trees  ;  mentioned.  Cant.  ii.  17,  where 

the  "">'"??  '!?H  nre   Dest  explained  as  mountains 

Dt'Bether.    "'O?  signifies  part,  piece.  Gen.  xv.  10  ; 

Jer.   xxxiv.    IS,    19.     Cognate   is    p"7?!  prob. 

mountain  defile,  2  Sam.  ii.  29.  "^2,  j'TT/p?  is 
what  we  technically  call  terrain  coupe'  (a  country 
cut  up,  broken  country).  Of  this  character  is  the 
country  about  Bether  (Furrer,  p.  192). 

Mauocho,  according  to  Knobel's  highly  probable 

conjecture  =  '"^03^2,  1  Chr.  viii.  6,  to  which  place 
Benjamites  were  carried  from  Geba. 

Ver.  60.  Sixth  Group,  northwest  of  the  fifth,  em- 
bracing only  two  cities.  Kirjath-jearim,  ver.  9. 
As  was  there  remarked,  this  place  was  =  to  Ku re- 
yet  el-Enab,  three  hours  northwest  of  Jerusalem. 
"  The  old  '  city  of  the  woods '  has  become  in  mod- 
ern times  the  'city  of  wine,'  "  as  Robinson  (ii.  335) 
interprets  the  ancient  and  the  present  name.  Peo- ! 
pie  from  Kirjath-jearim  once  brought  up  the  ark  ' 
from  Beth-shemesh  (1  Sam.  vi.  21  ;  vii.  1,  2).  Of 
the  vineyards  some  still  exist,  according  to  Valen- 
tiner,  p.  19,  on  the  east  side  of  the  place.  Rabba, 
not  to  he  identified. 

5.  Ver.  61,  62.  Cities  in  the  Wilderness.  The 
wilderness  of  Judah  bordered  in  the  east  on  the 
Dead  Sea,  in  the  south  on  the  Xegeb,  on  the  terri- 
tory of  the  third,  fourth,  and  fifth  groups  of  cities  I 
(westward)  on  Mount  Judah  (see  Menke's  map, 
iii.),  in  the  north  on  the  border  line  of  the  tribe  of  I 
■Judah  as  given  vers.  6,  7.  This  whole  region 
is  with  good   reason   designated   as   a  wilderness 

(~13"TO),  since,  with  the  exception  of  En-gedi  and 
certain  spots  where  springs  occur,  it  is  a  wild,  bar- 
ren, "  frightful"  (Furrer,  p.  149)  solitude.  Thus 
the  neighborhood  of  the  Cloister  of  Mar  Saba.  e. 
g.  wears  the  appearance  of  terrible  desolation  and 
loneliness.  "  In  vain  the  eye  searches  far  and  near 
for  some  green  thiiiL'  to  cover  the  weather-worn 
chalk  rock  of  the  gullied  mountain.  In  summer 
the  intolerable  heat  blazes  upon  the  naked  rocks, 
and  the  winter  rains  rush  down  from  the  heights 
to  no  profit  "  (Furrer,  p.  161).  The  roads  through 
this  wilderness,  on  which  the  starry  heavens  look 
down  at  night  with  wondrous  beauty  (Furrer,  «. 
s. ),  lead  frequently  to  steep  precipices;  sometimes 
bo  abruptly  down  the  rocks  that  it  needs  all  the 


sagacitv  and  practice  of  the  animals  not  to  fall 
(Furrer,  p.  149).  In  this  solitude  David  oncf 
spent  his  time  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  24  ;  Ps.  lxiii.  1  ;  liv 
2),  here  John  the  Baptist  preached  (Matt.  iii.  \) 
here  Christ  was  tempted  (Matt.  iv.  1  ;  Mark  ii.  12, 
13  ;  Luke  iv.  1).  Comp.  further,  Knobel,  p.  440; 
Robinson,  ii.  187,  202  ff.,  474  ff. ;  von  Schubert, 
iii.  pp.  94,  96,  102  ff. ;  Seetzen,  ii.  p.  220  ff. ;  von 
Raunier,  p.  47. 

Vers.  61,  62.  Beth-arabah,  ver.  6.  Probably 
Kaffr  Hajla  (Knobel).  Maddin,  Secaeah,  Nib- 
shan.  not  mentioned  elsewhere,  unknown. 

The  city  of  Salt  (Ir-hamelah,  n./^il  "PS), 
LXX. :  T)  mjAis  raw  a\wv.  Vulg.  :  civitas  salis. 
Luther:  Salzstadt  [Salt  city].  Probably  near  the 
valley  of  Salt  where  the  Edomites  suffered  several 
defeats  (Knobel),  and  so,  tolerably  far  south,  comp. 
2  Sam.  viii.  13  ;  Ps.  lx.  2  ;  2  K.  xiv.  7  ;  1  Chr. 
xviii.  12;  2  Chr.  xxv.  11  ;  and  so  Robinson,  ii. 
4S3. 

En-gedi  0T?T*lJ,  Goat -fountain),  now  A  in 
Jidy,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Dead  Sea,  with  a 
rich,  warm  (81°  F.,  Robinson,  ii.  210),  sweet  spring 
of  water  (Furrer,  p.  159),  which  once  refreshed 
palms  and  balsam-shrubs.  "  The  Canticles  sing 
(i.  14)  of  a  '  cluster  of  the  Hennah  ' '  from  the  vine- 
yards of  En-gedi.  Here  flourishes  the  giant  As- 
elepias,  which  bears  the  fruit  so  famous  under  the 
name  of  Apples  of  Sodom"  (Furrer, p.  159).  The 
vegetation  is  tropical.  By  the  fountain  are  the  re- 
mains of  various  edifices  apparently  ancient,  al- 
though the  spot  where  the  old  city  stood  appeart 
to  have  been  further  down  (Robinson,  ii.  216). 
Here  David  tarried,  1  Sam.  xxiv.  2.  Whether 
Hazezon-Tamar  (Gen.  xiv.  7  ;  comp.  2  Chr.  xx.  2) 
was  the  same  place  as  En-gedi,  is  doubtful ;  von 
Raumer  (p.  188)  and  Keil  are  in  favor  of  the  sup- 
position, Knobel  (on  this  verse)  is  against  it. 

Ver.  63.  A  passing  statement  that  the  children 
of  Judah  were  not  able  to  drive  out  the  Jebusites. 
The  same  verse  is  repeated,  Judg.  i.  21,  with  the 
difference  only  that,  instead  of  the  children  of 
Judah,  the  children  of  Benjamin  are  named,  to 
whom,  according  to  ch.  xviii.  28,  the  place  wai 
allotted.  See  more  on  xviii.  28.  On  the  impor- 
tance of  this  verse  for  determining  the  date  of  the 
composition  of  our  book,  see  the  Introd.  §  2. 

1  [Did.  of  the  Bible,  art.  "  Camphire."  —  Tb.J 


2.    The  Territory  of  the  Tribes  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh 
Chapters   XVI.,  XVII. 

a.  Its  Boundaries. 

Chapter  XVI.  1-4. 

And  the  lot  of  [for]  the  children  [sons]  of  Joseph  fell  [came  out]  from  [the]  Jor- 
dan by  Jericho,  unto  [at]  the  water  of  Jericho,  on  the  east,  to  the  wilderness  which 
goeth  up  from  Jericho  throughout  [on]  Mount  Beth-el,  And  goeth  [and  it  went] 
out  from  Beth-el  to  Luz,  and  passeth  [passed]  along  unto  the  border  of  Archi  [the 
Arehite]  to  Ataroth,  And  goeth  [went]  down  westward  to  the  coast  [border]  of 
Japhleti  [the  Japhletite],  unto  the  coast  [border]  of  Beth-horon  the  nether,  and  to 
Gezer :  and  the  goings  out  thereof  are  [were]  at  the  sea.  So  [And]  the  children 
[sons]  of  Joseph,  Manasseh  and  Ephraim,  took  their  inheritance  [possession  | 


140  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


b.  Portion  of  the  Tribe  of  Ephraim. 
Chapter  XVI.  5-10. 

5  And  the  border  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Ephraim  [was]  according  to  their  fami- 
lies was  thus  [omit:  was  thus]:  even  [and]  the  border  of  their  inheritance  [posses- 

6  sion]  on  the  east  side  was  Ataroth-addar,  unto  Beth-horon  the  upper  ;  And  the 
border  went  out  toward  the  sea  to  Michmethah  on  the  north  side  [so  De  TVettt! ; 
Keil,  and  Fay  :  from  Michrnethah,  northward]  ;  and  the  border  went  about  east- 
ward  unto  Taanath-shiloh,  and  passed  by  it  on  the  east  [eastward]  to  Janohah 

7  And  it  went  down  froin  Janohah  to  Ataroth,  and  to  Naarath,  and  came  to  [struck 

8  or  touched]  Jericho,  aud  went  out  at  [the]  Jordan.  The  border  went  out  [went] 
from  Tappuah  westward  unto  the  river  [water-course  of]  Kanah:  and  the  goings 
out  thereof  were  at  the  sea.     This  is  the  inheritance  [possession]   of  the  tribe 

9  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Ephraim  by  their  families.  And 1  the  separate  cities 
for  the  children  [sons]  of  Ephraim  ivere  among   the  inheritance  of  the  children 

10  [sons]  of  Manasseh,  all  the  cities  with  their  villages.  And  they  drave  not  out  the 
Canaanites  that  dwelt  in  Gezer  :  but  the  Canaanites  dwell  among  the  Ephraimites 
unto  this  day,  and  serve  under  tribute  [and  they  became  tributary  servants  ;  LXX. : 
KaL  iyivovro  \nr6<popoi  &ovkoi~\. 

TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Perhaps  the  connection  of  this  Terse,  and  its  own  meaning  may  best  be  represented  thus :    Ver.  8.  This  is  the  pos- 

msion Ver.  9.   And  [also]  the  cities  which  were  separated  for  the  sons  of  Ephraim  in  the  midst  of  the  possession 

»f  the  sons  of  Manasseh,  etc.  — Te.] 

c.  Portion  of  the  Tribe  of  Manasseh. 
Chapter  XVTI.  1-13. 

1  There  was  also  a  lot  [And  there  was  the  lot]  for  the  tribe  of  Manasseh ;  for  he 
was  the  first-born  of  Joseph ;  to  wit,  for  Machir  the  first-born  of  Manasseh,  the 
father  of  Gilead :   [,]  because  he  was  a   man  of  war.  [;]   therefore  [and]  he  had 

2  Gilead  and  Bashan.  There  was  also  [And  there  was]  a  lot  for  the  rest  of  the  chil- 
dren [sons]  of  Manasseh  by  their  families;  for  the  children  [sons]  of  Abiezer,  and 
for  the  children  [sons]  of  Helek.  and  for  the  children  [sons]  of  Asriel,  and  for  the 
children  [sons]  of  Shechem,  and  for  the  children  [sons]  of  Hepher,  and  for  the 
children   [sons]   of  Shemida :  these  were  the   male  children  of  Manasseh  the  son 

3  of  Joseph  by  their  families.  But  [And]  Zelophehad,  the  son  of  Hepher,  the  son 
of  Gilead.  the  son  of  Machir.  the  son  of  Manasseh,  had  no  sons,  but  daughters  :  and 

4  these  are  the  names  of  his  daughters.  Mahlah.  and  Noah,  Hoglah,  Milcah,  and  Tirzah. 
And  they  came  near  before  Eleazar  the  priest,  and  before  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun, 
and  before  the  princes,  saying.  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  commanded  Moses  to  give  us  an 
inheritance  [a  possession]  among  our  brethren  :  therefore  [and]  according  to  the 
commandment  of  the  Lord   [Jehovah]  he  gave  them  an  inheritance  [a  possession] 

5  among  the  brethren  of  their  father.     And  there  fell  ten  portions  to  Manasseh,  be- 

6  sides  the  land  of  Gilead  and  Bashan,  which  were  on  the  other  side  [of  the]  Jordan  ; 
Because  the  daughters  of  Manasseh  had  an  inheritance  [possession]  among  his  sons  : 
and  the  rest  of  Manasseh's  sons  had  the  land  of  Gilead. 

7  And  the  coast  [border]  of  Manasseh  was  from  Asher  to  Mchinethah,  that  lieth 
before  Shechem ;  and  the  border  went  along  on  the  right  hand  [De  Wette  :  towards 

8  the  south]  unto  the  inhabitants  of  En-tappuah.  Now  [omit:  now]  Manasseh  had 
the  land  of  Tappuah :   but  Tappuah  on  the  border  of  Manasseh  belonged  to  the 

1  children  of  Ephraim  :  And  the  border  descended  unto  the  river  [water-course 
of]  Kanah  [reeds ;  hence  =  Reed-brook],  southward  of  the  river  [water-course]. 
These  cities  l  of  Ephraim  are  among  the  cities  of  Manasseh :  the  coast  [border]  of 
Manasseh  also  was  on  the  north  side  of  the  river  [water-course],  and  the  out-goings 

1 0  of  it  were  at  the  sea :  Southward  it  [the  land]  was  Ephraim's.  and  northward  it 
was  Manasseh's,  and  the  sea  is  [was]  his  border ;  and  they  met  together  in 
[touche  1,  oi  struck  upon]  Asher  on  the  north,  and  in  [upon]  Issachar  on  the  east 


CHAPTERS   XVI.,    XVII. 


141 


LI  And  Manasseh  had  in  Issachar  and  in  Asher,  Beth-shean  and  her  towns  [daugh- 
ters], and  Ibleam  and  her  towns  [daughters],  and  the  inhabitants  of  Dor  and  her  towns 
[daughters],  and  the  inhabitants  of  En-Dor  aud  her  towns  [daughters],  and  the  in- 
habitants of  Taanach  and  her  towns  [daughters],  and  the  inhabitants  of  Megiddo  and 
her  towns  [daughters],  even  three  countries  [Gesen.,  Fay  :  the  three  heights,  i.  e.  the 
three  cities  situated  on  heights.  See  the  exegetical  explanations.  LXX. :  «ai  to  tpitov 
r»]s  No^ey.  Vulg. :  tertia  pars.  Luther:  the  third  part  of  Napheth,  De  Wette  :  three 

12  portions  of  country  (drei  Landschajten)  ;  Bunsen  :  die  Dreilandschaf].  Yet  [And] 
the  children  of  Manasseh  could  not  drive  out  the  inhabitants  of  [could  not  conquer] 

13  those  cities  ;  but  [and]  the  Canaauites  would  dwell  in  that  land.  Yet  [And]  it  came 
to  pass,  when  the  children  of  Israel  were  waxen  [became]  strong,  that  they  put  the 
Canaanites  to  tribute  [made  the  Canaauites  tributary  servants]  ;  but  did  not  utterly 
drive  them  out,  [De  Wette,  Fay  :  aber  vertreiben  thaten  sie  sie  nicht ;  nearly  the 
same  as  "but  drive  them  out  they  did  not  do  ; "  to  express  :    W'Hin  N?  ttTTiiTl]' 


TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.  9.  These  cities  had  Ephraim  in  the  midst  of  the  cities  of  Manasseh. 
north  side  of  the  water-course.  —  Ta.J 


And  the  border  of  Manasseh  was  on  tb* 


d.  Complaint  of  the  Sons  of  Joseph  on  Account  of  an  insufficient  Possession. 
Chapter  XVII.   14-18. 

14  And  the  children  [sons]  of  Joseph  spake  unto  Joshua,  saying,  Why  hast  thou 
given  me  but  one  lot  and  one  portion  to  inherit  [as  a  possession],  seeing  I  am  a  great 
people,  forasmuch  as  [in  so  far  as,  ~27H"1^]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  blessed  me 

15  hitherto?  And  Joshua  answered  [said  to]  them.  If  thou  be  a  great  people,  then 
[omit :  then]  get  thee  up  to  the  v/ood-country  [forest],  and  cut  down  for  thyself 
there  in  the  land  of  the  Perizzites  and  of  the  giants  [Rephaim],  if  mount  Ephraim 

16  be  too  narrow  for  thee.  And  the  children  [sons]  of  Joseph  said,  The  hill  [moun- 
tain] is  not  enough  for  us  :  and  all  the  Canaanites  that  dwell  in  the  land  of  the 
valley  have  chariots  of  iron,  both  they  who  are  of  [in]  Beth-shean  and  her  towns 

17  [daughters],  and  they  who  are  of  [in]  the  valley  of  Jezreel.  And  Joshua  spake 
unto  the  house  of  Joseph,  even  to  Ephraim  and  to  Manasseh,  saying,   Thou  art  a 

1 8  great  people  and  hast  great  power,  thou  shalt  not  have  one  lot  only :  But  the  [a] 
mountain  shall  be  thine  ;  for  it  is  a  wood  [forest],  and  thou  shalt  cut  it  down :  and 
the  out-goings  of  it  [its  outrunners,  spurs]  shall  be  thine :  for  thou  shalt  [wilt] 
drive  out  the  Canaanites,  though  [for]  they  have  iron  chariots,  and  though  they  be 
[for  they  are]  strong. 


EXEOETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

The  two  chapters,  sixteen  and  seventeen,  belong 
together,  since  they  contain  the  statements  con- 
cerning the  territory  of  the  tribes  of  Ephraim  and 
Manasseh,  the  sons  of  Joseph  (Gen.  xli.  50-52; 
xlvi.  20;  xlviii.  5  flf.).  The  united  inheritance  of 
the  two  tribes  includes  a  fruitful,  for  the  most  part, 
and  pleasant  country  h  iiiLC  in  the  midst  of  western 
Palestine.  It  extends  from  the  Jordan,  and  the  east- 
ern declivities  of  mount  Ephraim  (which  are  much 
less  rough  than  the  land  of  Judith),  across  to  the  sea- 
shore which  borders  the  beautiful  plain  of  Sharon. 
Of  this  entire  district  Ephraim  received  the  south- 
ern portion,  Manasseh  (strictly  speaking  only  the 
half-tribe  of  Manasseh,  comp.  ch.  xiii.  29  If.)  the 
northern.  Ephraim  only,  and  he  for  a  narrow 
space,  touched  the  Jordan.  See  the  often  men- 
tioned and  very  clear  Map  iii.   of  Menke's  Bibel 


1   [Mr.  Grove,  in  the  Diet,  of  the  Bible  (e   g.  i.  752  b,  note 
I  repeatedly  says  that   irT"l?    11^~,1    should  be   ren- 


Atlas,  and  also  Kiepert's  Wall  Map.  On  the  qual 
ity  of  the  land  comp.  Robinson,  iii.,  lect.  xiv. ; 
Ritter,  xvi.  566  ff.  [Gage's  transl.  iv.  293-J32] ;  von 
Raumer,  pp.  42-45  ;  Furrer,  pp.  21 1-246  ;  Robin- 
son, Phys.  Geog.  pp.  34-42  [Stanley,  Sin.  and  Pal 
ch.  v.]. 

a.  Ch.  xvi.  1-4.  Boundaries  of  the  Entire  Prov- 
ince. Ver.  1.  The  lot  came  out,  namely,  from  the 
urn.  Bunsen  rightly  observes  :  "  From  the  ambi- 
guity of  the  word  '  lot,'  the  passage  might  perhaps 
be  paraphrased  thus :  '  The  lot  was  drawn  for  the 
children  of  Joseph  and  to  them  fell,'  "  etc. 

From  the  Jordan  by  Jericho,1  at  the  watet 
of  Jericho  on  the  east.  The  water  of  Jericho  is 
the  fountain  of  Elisha  (2  K.  ii.  19-22),  now  Ain  es- 
Sultan,  whose  waters  are  diffused  over  the  plain 
(Robinson,  ii.  283  tf.).  It  gurgles  forth  beauti- 
fully from  under  the  rocks,  and  forms,  at  the  foot 
of  the  hill  from  which  it  comes,  a  beautiful  basin 


Jordan,"  the  "  Jordan  of  Jericho,"  i.  e.  that  part  of  th« 
Jordan  which  touches  upon  the  territory  of  Jericho"  (Eno- 
,  bel  on  Num.  xxii.  1).     Comp.  Stanley  (Sin.  and  Pal.  p.  292, 

oered  simply     Jordan-Jericho,"  and  that  «  by  "  or  near,  has    n.  6).     TUs  is  most  conTe[lienUy  eIpre3Sed  as  In  the  Kn» 

oo  business  there.     This  is  strange,  since  the  natural  sense    n^h  Version  —  Te.] 

tf  the  words  in  such  connection  is  much  rather  "  Jericho- 


142 


THE   BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


of  water  densely  surrounded  by  oleanders  and 
reeds  (Furrer,  p.  150.  [Stanley,  Sin.  and  Pal.  p. 
300,  et  ibid.  Van  de  Velde,  in  a  note] ).  Somewhat 
to  the  north  of  this,  the  still  larger  fountain  of 
])uk  is  met  with,  the  waters  of  which,  led  along  in 
canals,  formerly  turned  several  mills  in  the  vicin- 
ity (Robinson," Furrer,  [Stanley]).  The  border 
began  at  the  lower  Jordan,  and  went  thence  to  the 
fountain  of  Elisha.  This,  accordingly,  the  region 
of  the  Jordan  opposite  Jericho,  is  its  eastern  start- 
ing point  or,  more  correctly,  place.  Hence  it 
passed  into  the  wilderness  which  goes  up  from 
Jericho  on  the  mountain  of  Beth-el.  The  re- 
gion intended  here  is  what  in  ch.  xviii.  12  is  called 
the  wilderness  of  Beth-aven,  which  city  appears 
from  ch.  vii.  2  to  have  lain  east  of  Beth-el.  On 
the  mountain  of  Bethel.       "1H3  which  the  Masor- 

etes  separate  from  VSW3  is  yet,  and  notwith- 
standing the  LXX.,  Chald.,  and  Arab,  versions 
tepeat  this  view,  undoubtedly  to  be  connected  with 

7NVP2,  according  to  1  Sam.  xiii.  2,  and  to  be 
pointed  ""112.  So  the  Vulg. :  ad  montem  Bethel, 
and  Syriac"  (Keil).  The  mountain  about  Bethel 
is  meant. 

Ver.  2.  And  it  went   out  (the  border)  from 

Beth-el  to  Luz.  Hebr.  Tiff?  btf-j-Paa  K^l. 
The  words  must  either  be  translated,  as  we  have 
done,  with  the  LXX.,  Luther,  De  Wette,  [Eng. 
vers.]  Keil,  Bunsen,  in  which  case  Beth-el  stands, 
as  Bunsen  also  supposes,  for  mountain  of  Beth-el ; 
or,  as  Knobel  among  others  prefers  :  "  and  it  went 
out  from  Bethel-luzah."  In  this  translation  Kno- 
bel (1)  follows  in  ver.  1,  the  Masoretic  pointing 

"TI?,  (2)  assumes  in  ver.  2  a  union  of  the  old 
and  new  names,  "quite  contrary  to  the  usage  of 
our   author,  who,  when   a   city   had   two   names 

places  one  after  the  other  connected  by  STT,  as 
he  does  e.  g.  (ch.  xviii.  13)  in  the  case  even  of 
Beth-el  and  Luz  "  (Keil).  Other  examples  are  ch. 
xv.  14,  49,  54  (ver.  59,  LXX.),  60.  See  more 
concerning  Beth-el  and  Luz  on  ch.  xviii.  12,  13. 
From  Luz,  i.e.  Beth-el  (ch.  xviii.  13),  it  went,  and 
on  the  south  side  of  this  city  (ch.  xviii.  13),  unto 
the  border  of  the  Arehite  to  Ataroth.  Hushai 
was  an  Arehite  (2  Sam.  xv.  32  ;  xvi  16  ;  1  C'hron. 
xxvii.  33).  Where  his  possession  lay  is  to  be  de- 
termined from  Ataroth,  concerning  which  see  on 
xviii.  13. 

Ver.  3.  Thence  it  went  down  westward  to 
the  border  of  the  Japhletite,  unto  the  border  of 
Beth-horon,  the  nether,  and  to  Gezer  ;  and  the 
goings  out  thereof  were  at  (or,  toward)  the  sea. 
The  border  followed  from  Bethel  toward  Ataroth 
a  northerly,  then  a  southwestern,  and  finally  a  de- 
cidedly western  course  (see  the  map).     The  Japh- 

ktite  0-?.:  -  -T>  only  here  as  a  patronymic;  the 
prop,  name  £/2'  (whom  He,  i.  e.  God  saves, 
Gesen.),  1  Chron.  vii.  32,  33.  On  Beth-horon 
comp.  partly  ch.  x.  10,  partly  ch.  xviii.  13.     Gezer 

("ITS))  as  the  seat  of  a  Canaanite  king  mentioned 
already  ch.  x.  33;  xii.  12;  according  to  ch.  xxi. 
21  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  52,  a  city  of  the  priests;  not  yet  dis- 
■iovered  by  modern  travellers.  Knobel  seeks  the 
city  northwest  of  Beth-horon,  where  Menke  has 
introduced  the  name.  Comp.  also  von  Baiimer, 
p.  191,  and  his  map,  where  he  also  has  placed  it 
aorthwest  of  Beth-horon. 

Ver.  4.    "  North  of  the  line  indicated  Ephraim 


and  Manasseh  took  their  possession."  It  is  there- 
fore only  the  south  line  of  both  tribes,  which  is  al 
the  same  time  the  north  line  of  Benjamin,  and  a? 
such  is  giveu  in  inverse  order  as  before  men 
tioned,  in  ch.  xviii.  12,  13. 

b.  Ch.  xvi.  5-10.  The  Province  of  the  Tribe  q) 
Ephraim.  Ver.  5.  The  south  border  is  first  given 
Ataroth-addar  appears  as  the  starting-point,  iden- 
tical, according  to  xviii.  13,  with  our  Ataroth,  ver. 
2.  Assuming  this,  "  the  author  notices  only  the 
western  half  ol  the  south  border,  and  omits  the 
eastern  half,"  for  Beth-horon,  whether  the  upper 
as  here,  to  the  lower  as  mentioned  in  ver.  2,  lies 
west,  or  more  accurately  still,  southwest  of 
Ataroth-addar.  We  might,  it  is  true,  and  Knobel 
proposes  this  as  an  alternative,  read  J~n~lt£5?,  and 
understand  the  Ataroth  mentioned  ver.  7,  which 
would  then  make  the  eastern  part  of  the  south 

border  to  be  drawn.     But  in  that  case,  "^H^  oi 

"Q3J"!  would,  it  seems  to  us,  be  inserted  between 
the  two  names.  The  first  supposition  therefore 
appears  preferable,  according  to  which  we  are  to 
understand  that  the  south  border  of  Ephraim  in 
its  western  half  is  specified  from  Ataroth-addar  to 
Beth-horon.  But  even  thus  we  have  not,  if  we 
compare  ver.  3,  this  western  half  of  the  line  at  all 
complete;  for  from  ver.  3,  the  border  proceeds  still 
to  Gezer,  nay  even  to  the  sea.  And  the  LXX. 
have  here  after  Beth-horon  nal  Ta^upa.  Perhaps 
this,  as  well  as  what  is  mentioned  besides,  ver.  3, 
has  here  fallen  out.  At  all  events  we  have,  as  ver. 
6  will  show,  to  deal  with  a  corrupt  text,  in  which 

the  first  words  of  ver.  6  to  and  including  i"'52*U 
might  easily  have  formed  the  conclusion  of  ver  5, 
to  which  they  would  admirably  suit.  [Verse  5 
would  thus  end  —  Beth-horon,  the  upper ;  and  the 
border  went  out  to  the  sea].  Then  the  south  bor- 
der at  least  of  Ephraim,  from  Ataroth-addar  to 
the  sea,  would  be  completely  given. 

Ver.  6.  Keil  says,  in  reference  to  this  verse  : 
"  With  ver.  6  I  know  as  little  as  my  predecessors 
how  to  begin.  It  would  appear  that  vers.  6-8 
should  give  the  northern  boundary  of  the  land  of 
Ephraim,  and  that  from  a  central  point,  in  ver.  6 
and  7  toward  the  east,  then  in  ver.  8  toward  the 
west,"  as  analogous  to  which,  Knobel,  who  shares 
this  view,  adduces  the  south  boundary  of  Zebulun, 
ch.  xix.  10-12,  and  the  division  of  the  places  of 
Benjamin,  ch.  xviii.  21-28,  as  also  the  west  border 
of  Naphtali,  ch.  xix.  33  ff.  "  In  this  view,  how- 
ever," as  Keil  further  remarks,  "  the  first  clause  of 
ver.  6  is  perfectly  inexplicable,  and  must  be  cor- 
rupt." Perhaps  there  originally  stood  "  on  the 
north  the  border  went  out  from  Michmethah,  for 
according  to  ch.  xvii.  7,  the  border  of  Manasseh 
went  '  from  Asher  to  Michmethah.'  "  It  seems  to 
us  still  better  to  assume  that  it  originally  stood : 

T  T  -  .   -  T  T- 

If  that  were  so  it  is  obvious  mar  the  twice  recur 
ring  n^'H  b^oan  Sm  (namely,  at  the  end 
of  ver.  5,  and  at  the  beginning  of  ver.  6),  must 
have  fallen  away  once.  Let  us  now  by  this  exten- 
sion of  Keil's  very  appropriate  correction  restore 
the  text,  and  we  gain  a  reading  at  least  in  some 
degree  acceptable,  bv  which  ( 1 )  ver.  5  receives  a 
good  ending,  and  (2)  ver.  6  an  intelligible  begin- 
ning, and  the  whole  would  mean  thu»  And  the 
border  went   out   seaward,  i.  e.  toward  the  west, 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


143 


from  Miehmethah  on  the  north  side,  i.  e.  north  of 
Miehniethah.  Miehmethah  (LXX.  :  MaxB<i6)  lay 
according  to  ch.  xvii.  7,  east  from  Shechem.  See 
further  un  xvii.  7.  Thus  we  should  have  given 
the  starting-point  of  the  eastern  half  of  the  north  rn 
boundary  of  Ephraim,  as  lying  north  of  Miehme- 
thah in  the  icest  of  the  land.  But  then,  it  proceeds, 
the  border  went  about  eastward  unto  Taanath- 
shiloh,  and  passed  by  it  on  the  east  to  Janohah. 
Taanath-shiloh,  now  Tana,  Ain  Tana,  a  place  of 
ruins,  southeast  of  Xablus  (Robinson,  Later  Bibl. 
Res.  p.  295 1).  Janoah,  "  according  to  the  Onom.  s. 
v.  'lavcl.,  Janon,  twelve  miles,  i,  e.  near  three  hours 
east  of  Neapolis,  now  a  ruin,  Janun,  somewhat 
over  two  hours  southeast  of  Xablus,  Robinson, 
Later  Bibl.  Res.  p.  297  "  (Knobel).  The  border,  ac- 
cordingly, went  from  Michmethah  to  Janohah  in  a 
southeast  direction,  as  Menke  has  indicated. 

Ver.  7.  From  Janohah  it  went  down  to  Atar- 
oth,  and  to  Naarath,  and  came  to  (struck)  Jeri- 
cho, and  went  out  at  the  Jordan.  Keil  holds  this 
Ataroth  to  be  the  same  as  Ataroth,  ver.  2,  Ataroth- 
addar  (ver.  5  and  xviii.  13),  thus  making  it  the 
Atara  discovered  by  Robinson  (iii.  8U,  not  that 
mentioned  ii.  315),  one  and  a  half  hours  southwest 
of  Jiljilieh,  as  Robinson  himself  also  believes. 
Knobel  explains  that  our  Ataroth  here  in  ver.  7 

cannot  be  identified,  but  must  certainly,  from  "H^ 
have  lain  nearer  the  Jordan,  possibly  one  of  the 
two  Ataroths  which  the  Onom.,  s.  h.  v.,  refers  to  in 
the  district  of  Jerusalem.  We  shall  come  upon 
the  question  again,  ch.  xviii.  13.  Naarath  = 
Naaran,  1  Chr.  vii.  28,  in  the  east  of  Ephraim. 
Onom. :  "  Uaorath  villa,  in  quinto  milliario  Jerichus," 
i.  e.  two  hours  from  Jericho  (Keil,  Knobel,  von 
Raumer,  p.  215).  Struck  Jericho,  i.  e.  the  terri- 
tory of  Jericho  which  city,  according  to  xviii.  21, 
belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Benjamin.  The  border  of 
Ephraim  thus  touched  the  northern  side  of  this 
territory,  comp.  xviii.  12. 

Ver.  8.  Now  follows  the  western  half  of  the 
north   border   of  Ephraim,   described  as  follows : 

From  Tappuah  trie  border  goes  (TT.?.S.)  west- 
ward to  the  water-course  of  Kanah,  and  the  go- 
ings  out  thereof  were  at  [to]  the  sea.  Tappuah, 
distinct  from  the  Tappuah  (xv.  34)  and  Beth-tap- 
puah  (xv.  53),  in  Judah,  concerning  the  etymology 
of  which  we  have  already  spoken ;  the  residence 
of  a  Canaanite  king  (xii.  24).  Its  site  is  doubt- 
fill.  Knobel :  "  Probably  Kefr  Kud  with  its  im- 
portant well,  by  which  the  great  road  from  Bcisan 
and  Zerin  passes  toward  Ramleh  (Robinson,  Later 
Bihl.  Res.  p.  121  ff.)  as  in  the  Roman  times  a  mili- 
tary road  passed  from  Cesarsea  to  Scythopolis  past 
Capercota  ( Tab.  Patting,  ix.  f,  in  Menke,  Map 
vi.  where  an  extract  from  the  Tab.  Peuting.  is 
found").     The  fact  that  the  place  is  called  (xvii. 

7)  n  YV,  while  Kefr  Kud  has  a  valuable  well, 
would  seem  to  favor  the  identity  of  the  two  places ; 
but  it  may  be  maintained  on  the  other  hand,  (1) 
that  Kefr  Kud  lies  too  far  north  on  the  border  of 
Manasseh  toward  Issachar,  while  it  should  lie  on 
the  border  of  Manasseh  toward  Ephraim  (see 
Menke's  Map  viii.  compared  with  Map  iii)  ;  (2) 
that  the  old  name  does  not  at  all  appear  in  the 
present  name  Kefr  Kud.  This  is  true  rather  of 
the  present  Belad  (land)  Tafua  northeast  of 
Shechem,  toward  which  von  Raumer,  though  not 
without  hesitation,  inclines.  We  hear  of  a  land  of 
Tappuah  in  ch.  xvii.  8  as  the  district  belonging  to 

1    Robinson  expressly  denies  the  probability  that  Ain 
rmnm  is  the  ancient  Taanath-shiloh] 


En-tappuah.  Van  de  Velde  (Mem.  p.  357 )  holds  it 
to  be  Atuf,  four  hours  E.  N.  E.  of  Shechem.  Very 
improbable.  Hence  we  decide  for  Belad  Tafua, 
against  which  Keil  brings  the  objection,  that  this 

opinion  does  not  agree  with  the  I"1'?5'!'" vS  (ch 
xvii.  7),  and  therefore  he  concludes  that  here  also 
the  text  is  corrupt.  See  further  on  ch.  xvii.  7, 
where  we  must  at  all  events  return  again  to  this 
passage.  'Water-course  of  Kana  (Reed-brook), 
see  ch.  xvii.  9. 

Ver.  9.  To  this  province  belong  also  the  cities 
separated  in  the  land  of  Manasseh  for  the  children 
of  Ephraim,  of  which,  however,  only  Tappuah  is 
■mentioned  ch.  xvii.  8.     Instead  of  the  elsewhere 

"  unheard  of"  iTl^OSp,  Knobel  proposes  to  read 
nib^52:  Gesen.  /YiVra?.  Maurer  and  Keil 
regard  it  as  a  substantive  formed  after  the  analogy 
of  ?T7I71?'  iTrraDD,  and  other  words.  Maurer 
translates  loca  selecta.  To  me  the  change  of  Chireq 
into  Kibbuts,  as  proposed  by  Gesen.,  appears  the 
most  simple,  and  thus  we  have  a  part.  Hophal. 
Ver.    10.    An    addition  similar   to   ch.    xv.  63. 

They  became    tributary  servants    (SP?"^^ 

"f?^)-  In  Gen.  xlix.  15  the  same  expression  is  used 
concerning  Issachar.  According  to  1  K.  ix.  16, 
Pharaoh,  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Solo- 
mon, took  Gezer,  burned  the  city  and  drove  ont  of 
it  the  Canaanites.  Hence  the  LXX.  add  to  our 
verse :  wEo>s  avilin  <f»apati;  $aai\tvs  'Atyinrrov  xal 
eAafiti'  avrijy  (AEX.  rrjy  tt6\iv)  ko.1  tviirpncrtv  avr^v 
iv  Trvpi,  Kat  roils  •frepet.'aiouF,  Kai  robs  KaTotKovvra?  ev 
Tat'ep  i^eKcvrnffav  (AEX.  sfcKtvTnvev)  KaX  eoWev 
eV  tptpvij  Trj  dvyarpl  aurov.  Manifestly  transferred 
ad  libitum  from  1  K.  ix.   16.     Knobel,  Gen.   xlix. 

15,  translates  ~t53J"DJ2,  er  ivard  zu  Frohn  des  Ar- 
beiters,  i.  e.  he  fell  under  tributary  labor,  as  he 
himself  further  on  explains.  Lange,  more  poeti- 
cally and  more  clearly :  "  He  is  become  subject 
to  tributary  service."  We  render  the  phrase  here 
in  prose,  with  De  Wette  "  subject  to  tributary 
service."  The  common  rendering:  "subject  to  trib 
ute  "  which  Bunsen  still  retains,  gives  the  erroneous 
idea  that  the  Canaanites  had  to  pay  a  tribute  in 
money,  like  the  tributary  states  in"  the  Turkish 
empire.  The  expression  is  used  elsewhere,  with 
the  exception  of  Gen.  xlix.  15,  "of  the  Canaanites 
who  became  subject  to  the  Hebrews  (as  ch.  xvii. 
13;  1  K.  ix.  21  ;  Judg.  i.  28,  33),  and  of  prisoners 
taken  in  war  whom  the  Hebrews  made  slaves 
(Dent.  xx.  11;  Is.  xxxi.  8)  "  (Knobel).  Comp. 
also  Keil  on  Kings,  pp.  44  and  67  [Germ.]. 

c.  Ch.  xvii.  1-13.  Portion  of  the  Tribe  of  Man 
asseh.  The  description  of  this  province  by  its 
boundaries,  beginning  ver.  7,  is  preceded  by  some 
genealogical  notices  concerning  the  families  of  the 
tribe.  Of  these  that  of  Machir  had  already  re 
ceived  its  territory  beyond  the  Jordan. 

Ver.  1 .  And  there  was  the  lot  for  the  tribe 
of  Manasseh.  After  it  had  fallen  to  Ephraim,  Ma- 
nasseh's  turn  came.  These  introductory  words  refer 
only  to  the  country  allotted  to  this  tribe  west  of  the 
Jordan  (vers.  7-13).  This  lay  north  of  the  posse*- 
sion  of  Ephraim  in  a  fertile  and  beautiful  region. 

For  he  was  the  first-born  of  Joseph,  Gen. 

xli.  51;  xlviii.  14.  Keil:  "the  *3  is  not  to  be 
pressed,  and  the  whole  remark  is  made  only  with 
reference  to  the  following  genealogical  state- 
ments." Better  Knobel :  "  Wherefore  (because  ha 
was  Joseph's  first-born)  he  received  yet  a  posses- 


144 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


«ion  in  Canaan  also,  the  land  of  the  fathers,  God's 
land."    ^252  ,  is  placed   first   and  is  afterwards 

taken  up  by  *>  after  ''n*!*  thus :  "  To  Maehir 
....  (and)  to  him  fell  Gilead  and  Bashan." 
Why  is  stated  in  the  parenthetical  clause.  "  be- 
cause he  was  a  man  of  war,"  Num.  xxxii.  29  ff. 
This  portion  of  the  tribe,  the  author  would  have  us 
understand,  had  nothing  to  receive  west  of  the  Jor- 
dan. They  had  their  part  already  on  the  east  side. 
Ver.  2.  The  other  sons  of  Manasseh  follow,  to 
whom  the  lot  fell  in  west  Palestine.  They  are 
mentioned  in  Num.  xxvi.  30-32,  where  instead  of 

"ITy*3S  stands  ~*"'>^-  By  an  error  of  tran- 
scription, as  Keil  conjectures,  the  3  appears  to 
have  fallen  out.  Instead  of  C'-QT  to  read 
D^TO   as  Knobel  proposes,  is  not  justifiable; 

rather,  since  in  genealogies  ""j??  may  indicate  all 
(male  and  female)  posterity,  while  here,  in  what 
follows,  female  descendants  also  are  mentioned,  the 

D^DT  is  added  for  perspicuity"  (Keil). 

Ver  3.  It  had  been  stated  also  in  Num.  xxvi. 
33  that  Zelopkehad,1  the  son  of  Hepher,  had  no 
sons  but  only  daughters.  Zelophehad  himself,  ac- 
cording to  Num.  xxvii.  3,  had  died  in  the  wilder- 
ness, but  the  daughters  declare  it  an  injustice 
(Num.  xxvii.  4)  that  their  father's  name  should 
perish,  and  that  too  when  he  had  not  been  of  those 
that  rose  up  against  the  Lord  in  the  company  of 
Korah.  Moses  agrees  with  them,  and  at  their 
request  grants  their  wish,  an  inheritance  among 
their  brothers.  By  this  the  name  of  Zelophehad 
was  preserved,  which  could  not  have  been  the  case 
without  the  possession  of  an  estate  to  which  the 
name  of  the  original  proprietor  attached.  The  law 
which  governed  the  case  is  found  in  Num.  xxvii. 
8-11  (compared  with  Num.  xxxvi.  6-10),  oc- 
casioned by  this  occurrence.  They  were  accordingly 
heir  daughters,  coinp.  Knobel  on  Num.  xxvii.  1  ff 

Ver.  4.  Now,  since  the  land  was  divided,  they 
claim  their  right,  appealing  to  the  command  of 
God  through  Moses.  Eleazar  and  Joshua  without 
objection  immediately  promise  what  they  desire. 

Vers.  5,  6.  "  According  to  this  the  inheritance 
coming  to  the  Manassites  had  to  be  divided  into 
ten  parts,  since  the  male  posterity  fell  into  five 
families,  and  so  received  five  parts,  while  the  sixth 
family,  that  of  Hepher,  was  divided  again  into 
five  families,  through  his  grand-daughters,  the  rive 
daughters  of  Zelophehad,  who  married  men  of  the 
other  families  of  their  paternal  tribe  (Num.  xxxvi. 
1-10),  and  received  each  her  special  share  of  the 
land"  (Keil).  Because,  therefore,  the  daughters. 
as  heirs,  obtained  their  possession  among  the  male 
descendants  of  Manasseh,  the  inheritance  in  west- 
ern Palestine  must  need  be  divided  into  ten  parts. 
while  the  land  of  Gilead  went  to  the  remaining 
Manassites.  The  genealogy  is  for  the  rest  by  no 
means  clear.  Comp.  Knobel  on  Num.  xxvi.  29- 
34  ;  Keil  on  ver.  1  of  this  chapter. 

Vers.  7-13.  Portion  of  the  Western  Branch  of  the 
Tribe  of  Manasseh.  The  author  gives  the  bound- 
ary again  from  east  to  west,  as  in  the  case  of 
Judah  (eh.  xv.  2  ff),  the  sons  of  Joseph  (xvi.  1  ff.) 
find  Benjamin  (ch.  xviii.  12  ff).  So  the  author  of 
the  Apocalypse  also  names  the  gates  of  the  New 
Jerusalem,  beginning  from  the  east  (Rev.  xxi.  13), 

1  TPT-  't^,    hence    properly    to   be   written  in    Eng. 
-   :  t  :  ' 
Balopbchad.  not  Zelophehad. 


and  Ezekiel  designates  the  several  tribe  divisioni 
in  like  manner  from  east  to  west  (ch.  xlviii.  1  ff). 
And  the  border  of  Manasseh  was  from  Asher 
to  Michmethah,  that  lieth  before  Shechem ; 
and  the  border  went  along  on  [toward]  the 
right  hand  unto  the  inhabitants  of  En-tappuah. 
What  border  is  meant,  the  north  or  south  1  Kno- 
bel thinks  the  former,  Keil  and  Bunsen  the  south 
border.     The  starting-point  lies  unquestionably  in 

the  east.  Asher  ("ItTS),  fifteen  Roman  miles  from 
Shechem  toward  Bethshean  (Scvthopolisl,  perhaps 
Teyasir  (Robinson,  Later  Bill! Res.  p.  306  f.),  or 
Jatir  (Van  de  Velde,  ii.  295,  apud.  von  Raumer,  p. 
148).  This  however  is  not  certain,  but  only  so 
far  sure  that  Asher  is  to  be  sought,  according  to 
the  statement  of  the  Onom.,  on  the  road  from 
Shechem  to  Bethshean,  hence  in  the  eastern  part 
of  the  territory  of  Manasseh. 

Thence  the  border  goes  to  Michmethah  which 
we   have   already  met  with   at  ch.  xvi    5.     This 

Michmethah  (nrijjpa,  perhaps  "hiding-place," 

from  nOS,  Gesen.)  lay,  as  our  passage  would  in- 
dicate, before,  i.  e.  according  to  the  customary  use 
of  *39"75,  east  or  northeast  of  Shechem,  unless, 
as  Knobel  assumes,  *3?'7P  is  to  be  taken  here  in 

reference  to  a  more  remote  distance  =  7TO,  Deut. 
xi.  30.  In  this  case.  Kubatijeh  (on  Menke's  Map  viii 
written  Kabatijeh)  orKabaat  (Buckingham,  Syria, 
i.  p.  45.3),  Kabate  in  Seetzen  (ii.  p.  166), lying  ex- 
actly north  of  Shechem,  on  the  road  from  Shechem 
to  Jenin  would  in  his  view  offer  itself  for  compari- 
son. The  etymological  relationship  of  the  two  words 

is  thus  established  by  Knobel :  "  52  doubtless  is  to 
be  regarded,  with  the  LXX  as  the  plural  of  a  sing. 
nri!23Q,  for  which  they  may  probably  have  used 

also  nnX33  (see  on  ch.  xii.  18).  Then,  since  m  and 
b  are  frequently  interchanged  (see  on  ch.  iii.  16),  the 
present  name  of  the  place  agrees,  etc."  Against 
this  we  would  oppose  the  following  considerations : 
( 1 )  It  appears  to  us  that  the  operation  by  which 
the  relationship  between  the  names  Michmethah 
and  Kubatijeh,  or  Kabaat,  or  Kabate,  is  attempted 
to  be  proved,  is  an  exceedingly  'violent  one.   (2)  In 

Deut.  xi.  30  7*10  does  indeed  stand  for  a  north- 
west direction,  but  it  is  precisely  7^Q  that  stands 
there,  meaning,  in  a  quite  general  way,  over  against, 
and  not  the  more  definite  ^3S"vV  concerning 
which  Knobel  himself  admits  that  in  geographical 
statements  it  is  "  certainly  for  the  most  part  to  the 
east,"  —  precisely  in  the  same  way,  Knobel  might 

have  added,  as  is  the  case  with  ''JSy  (Gen.  xxiii. 
17  ;  xxv.  18;  Deut.  xxxii.  49).  (3)  If  Michme- 
thah is  to  be  sought  so  far  north,  then  ch.  xvi.  6, 
where  it  is  brought  in  to  determine  the  north  bor- 
der of  Ephraim  which  lies  south  of  Manasseh,  is 
inexplicable.     Rather  may  it  be  said,  that  (a)  the 

statement  of  this  passage:  33JJ7  ,3D/5?  ~'U;,>! 
and  (i)  the  proximity  indicated,  ch.  xvi  6,  of 
Taanath-shiloh,  which  is  now  recognized  in  Ain 
Tana  [?],  go  to  show  that  Michmethah  is  to  be 
looked  for  east  or  northeast  of  Shechem,  perhaps, 
also,  on  the  road  to  Bethshean,  where  Kiepert,  in- 
deed (on  the  large  map,  3d  and  most  recent  edition, 
1866),  although  with  a  mark  of  interrogation,  and 
Menke  (Map  iii.)  have  inserted  the  name.     But  if 


CHAPTER   XVII. 


14S 


this  is  correct  we  have  here  not  the  north  border 
of  Manasseh,  but  the  south,  the  same  which  is 
given,  ch.  xvi.  5  ff.,  as  the  north  boundary  of 
Ephraim;  and  there  lies  before  ns  precisely  the 
same  case  of  the  double  registry  of  the  same  line 
as  between  our  two  tribes  and  Benjamin  (ch.  xvi. 
1-4  compared  with  ch.  xviii.  12,  13)  on  one  side, 
and  between  Judah  and  Benjamin  (ch.  xv.  5  ff. ; 
xviii.  15  ff.)  on  the  other.  But  as  regards  the 
north  border  of  Manasseh,  it  as  well  as  the  east 
border  is  given  in  common  for  both  tribes  in  the 
second  half  of  ver.  10. 

Shechem,  ^5^7,  now  Nablus  or  Nabulus,  hav- 
ing, like  Jerusalem,  Gibeon,  and  Jericho,  had  sev- 
eral names  between  the  times  of  the  patriarchs  and 
of  Christ  (Gen.  xii.  6  ;  John  iv.  5),  lies  on   the 

watershed  (Q5?7  =  back)  between  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  the  Jordan  Valley  (Furrer,  pp.  237, 
238),  in  a  lovely,  richly  favored  valley  between 
Ebal  and  Gerizim,  surrounded  by  gardens  in  which 
nature  has  prodigally  scattered  her  richness  (Fur- 
rer, p.  234).  See  the  fresh  and  beautiful  descrip- 
tion in  Furrer,  p.  230  ff. ;  comp.  further,  von  Rau- 
mer,  p.  161  ff. ;  Rob.  iii.  p.  95  ff.  [Tristram,  141 
ff. ;  Stanley,  S.  $•  P.,  229  ff.].  Shechem  has  at 
present  about  eight  thousand  inhabitants.  From 
Michmethah    the    border    went    to    the    right 

(^S3jrP7^)  unto  the  inhabitants  of  en-Tap- 
puah.  According  to  this,  en-Tappuah  or  Tappuah 
(ch.  xvi.  8)  lay  south  of  Michmethah,  and  hence 
also  south  or  southwest  of  Shechem.  But  Balad 
Tafuah  (comp.  on  ch.  xvi.  8)  lies  rather  northeast 
of  Shechem.  How  then  should  the  border  go 
thence  toward  the  right,  i.  e.,  southwardly  ?  May 
not,  perhaps,  an  escape  be  found  from  the  ob- 
scurity (undeniably  very  great ')  of  this  passage  in 
the  fact  that  it  reads,  not  unto  en-Tappuah,  but  only 
unto  the  inhabitants  of  Tappuah  ?  Although  then 
Tappuah  itself  had  lain  northeast  of  Shechem,  we 
might  still  imagine  that  the  territory  of  this  royal 
city  of  the  Canaanites  (ch.  xii.  17)  had  stretched 
toward  the  south  or  southwest.  With  Knobel, 
who  everywhere  here  supposes  that  he  has  the 
north  boundary  line  before  him,  it  all  goes  beauti- 
fully.    For  him  the  line  runs  from  Asher  to  Kuba- 

tijeh,  from  Kubatijeh  to  Jamun  U,P^.  in  spite  of 
the  article,  is  taken  as  a  proper  name=  Yamon, 
Rob.  iii.  pp.  161,  167),  and  from  Jamun  to  Kefr 
Kud.  But  we  repeat,  that  we  are  not  now  con- 
cerned with  the  north  limit  of  Manasseh,  but  its 
southern,  toward  Ephraim.  [So  Mr.  Grove,  also, 
Diet,  of  the  Bible,  art.  "  Manasseh,"  p.  1770  c,  al- 
though he  thinks  it  doubtful  whether  the  portions 
of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  were  intended  to  be 
effectually  separated,  and  that,  if  they  were,  no 
clear  line  of  division  can  now  be  made  out.  —  Tr.J 

Ver.  8.  Another  notice  of  Tappuah,  purporting 
that  the  land  of  Tappuah  went  to  Manasseh,  the 
city  to  Ephraim.  The  latter  possessed,  according 
to  ch.  xvi.  9,  still  other  places  in  Manasseh.  Kie- 
pert  has  inserted  Tappuah  on  the  map  northwest 
uf  Shechem  and  Michmethah,  but  with  a  mark  of 
interrogation.  Menke  assigns  it  the  same  position, 
pernaps  with  reference  to  the  brook  of  reeds  men- 
tioned (ch.  xvi.  8),  which  we  here  find  again  in 
rer.  9. 

Ver.  9.  And  the  border  descended  unto  the 
watercourse  Xanah,  southward  of  the  water- 
eourse.  Iu  ch.  xvi.  8,  it  reads  :  From  Tappuah  the 
border  goes  westward  toward  the  Reed-brook,  and  its 

I  fCf.  Grove  in  Did.  of  Bible,  art-  rt  Mi<-hmetuah.v] 
10 


out-goings  were  at  the  sea.  Keil  supposes  this  brook 
to  be  the  Abu  Zabura,  which  Knobel  also  mention? 
at  first,  although  he  immediately  afterward  refen 
to  the  Nahr  el-Kassab.  Von  Raumer  decides  foi 
the  latter  (p.  51)  with  greater  positiveness,  because 
the  old  name  Keed-brook  has  been  preserved  in 
Xahr  el-Kassab.  But  Nahr  el-Kassab  is  the  same 
stream  which  on  Kiepert's  wall-map  appears  as 
Xahr  el-Falik  (Van  de  Velde  :  Falaik),  which  Kie- 
pert  with  von  Raumer  holds  to  be  the  Reed-brook 
(brook  of  Can  a).  The  border  extended  south  of 
the  brook  to  the  sea,  i.  e.,  the  Mediterranean  sea 

C""?*lN  ch.  xvi.  8),  which  Jerome  strangely  re- 
gards as  being  the  mare  salsissimum  1 

These  cities  belonged  to  Ephraim  among  the 
cities  of  Manasseh.  Thus  ch.  xvi.  9  is  more  ex- 
actly defined,  "  These  cities."  Which  cities  ?  It 
is  indeed  said  further :  "  and  the  border  of  Manas 
seh  was  north  of  the  brook,"  but  the  definition  is 
made  no  clearer  thereby.  The  sense  can  hardly 
be  other  than  what  Masius  long  ago  expressed : 
"  Funiculus,  qui  discernabat  fralrum  istorum  posses- 
sioites,   ambiebat    ille    quidem    torrentem    Cannosum 

(n3p  7n3)  a  meridie  atque  earn  attribuebat  Manas- 
sensibus;  verumtamen  urbes,qua?  illi  torrenti  ab  austro 
adjacebant,  etsi  essent  reipsa  intra  Manassensium 
positai  terminos,  nihilomimis  jure  fuerunt  Ephraimi- 
tarum;  qiue  vera  a  septentrione  torrentis  exstabant, 
eas  obtinebant  Manassenses."  For  in  ver.  10  we 
read  still  more  plainly  :  "  Southward  (from  the 
brook  it,  the  land,  was)  Ephraim's,  and  northward 
(of  the  same)  it  was  Manasseh's ;  and  the  sea  was 
his  border  (toward  the  west).  Knobel  would,  ac- 
cording to  ch.  xvi.  9,  read  ?2  for  ^~y$ ;  but  this 
is  not  strictly  necessary. 

Ver.  10.  South  of  the  Reed-brook  the  land  is 
here  said  to  have  belonged  to  Ephraim,  north  of  it 
to  Manasseh,  a  boundary  line  as  simple  as  could 
be.  Knobel  here  comes  into  perplexity,  out  of 
which  he  would  escape  by  supposing  that  the  north 
border  of  Manasseh  cuts  through  the  Reed-brook, 
while  the  north  border  of  Ephraim  comes  to  it,  so 
that  the  territory  of  Manasseh  there  formed  a 
point !  —  And  the  sea  was  his  border.  Both  di 
visions  had  the  sea  on  the  west,  one  (Ephraim) 
south  of  the  Reed-brook,  the  other  (Manasseh) 
north  of  it.  The  account  of  the  north  boundary 
for  both  in  common  follows  (comp.  ch.  xvi.  1  ff). 

They  struck  upon  l^WSS]")  Asher  on  the  north, 

;'.  e.,  on  the  north  side  (ch.  xix.  26).  The  descrip- 
tion of  the  province  concludes  with  the  eastern 
limit;  on  Issachar  on  the  east  (ch.  xix.  17). 
The  two  tribes  were  bounded,  therefore,  (1 )  on  the 
east  by  Issachar;  (2)  on  the  north  by  Asher;  (3) 
on  the  west  by  the  sea;  (4)  on  the  south  by  Ben- 
jamin and  Dan.  Between  them  they  had  a  divis- 
ion line  which  is  twice  referred  to,  (a)  ch.  xvi.  6  ff. 
(4)  in  our  chapter,  ver.  7-10  ;  but  unfortunately  in 
neither  place  with  such  clearness  as  marks  the 
description  e.  g.  of  the  boundary  between  Judah 
and  Benjamin  (ch.  xv.  8  ff).  A  separate  border 
of  Manasseh  on  the  north,  such  as  Knobel  as- 
sumes, we  cannot  find  given  in  the  text. 

Vers.  11-13.  Six  cities  are  enumerated  which 
Manasseh  received  beyond  his  own  country,  in 
[ssachar  and  Asher,  without,  however,  being  able 
to  expel  the  Canaanites  from  them.  At  a  later 
period  having  become  stronger,  they  were  content 
to  make  them  tributary  servants  (ver.  13).  The 
same  report  is  found  again  (Judg.  i.  27  ff),  where, 
however,  Endor  is  omitted. 


146 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


The  word  ni33  reminds  us  of  ch.  xv.  47.  Kno- 
bel  rinds  here  the  second  document  of  the  Jehovist. 

Ver.  11.  Beth-shean  (fHtpTPa,  j.  e.,  house  of 
rest,  now  Beisan,  — "  in  an  expansion  of  the 
Jordan  Valley,  which  is  bounded  on  the  west  by 
the  low  ridge  of  Mount  Gilboa.  At  the  present 
day  ruins  of  an  ancient  Roman  theatre  are  found 
here,  but  only  about  seventy  or  eighty  miserable 
■»uts  for  the  two  hundred  actual  inhabitants.  It 
stands  about  four  hours  from  Tiberias,  on  the  road 
from  Jerusalem  to  Damascus  "  (von  Raumer,  p. 
150;  Rob.  iii.  174  ff.).  The  Philistines  hung  on  its 
walls  the  dead  body  of  Saul  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  10).  It 
was  aftenvard  called  Scythopolis  (see  Herod,  i. 
104-106,  in  regard  to  the  origin  of  the  name). 
From  the  summit  of  Gilboa,  two  thousand  two 
hundred  feet  high,  Furrer  (p.  260)  saw  a  green 
plain  lying  at  his  feet  on  the  east,  out  of  which 
rose  the  black  tents  of  the  Bedouin  camps,  like 
dark  patches,  on  the  green.  The  plain  extends1 
downward  to  the  Jordan,  and  he  was  able  to  follow 
its  picturesque  windings  to  a  considerable  distance. 
"  There,  not  tar  from  the  river,"  Furrer  proceeds, 
"Beisan  must  lie,  although  I  could  not  discern 
it  —  the  ancient  Bethshean  on  whose  walls  the 
Philistines  once  hung  the  dead  body  of  Saul." 
[Comp.  Tristram's  account  of  Beisan,  p.  504  ff.] 

Ibleam,  where  Ahaziah  was  mortally  wounded 
(2  K.  ix.  27),  a  Levitical  city  (ch.  xxi.  25),  per- 
haps, as  Knobel  supposes,  Jelameh,  Jelamah  be- 
tween Zerin  and  Jenin  (Rob.  iii.  161).  The  accu- 
sative (fAl  >2BffmPb$))  which  follows  is  remark- 
able, since  the  sentence  had  begun  with  7  ""H^l. 
It  is  most  simply  explained  by  a  change  of  con- 
struction,  perhaps   occasioned    by   the   fact   that 

tP^irt  /,  which  governs  the  accusative,  is  used  in 
•erse  12 ;  to  which  may  be  added  that  in  Judg.  i. 
27,  the  whole  statement  begins  with  BPTVFN?!. 
Nor  should  it  be  overlooked,  that  instead  of  the 
cities  the  inhabitants  whom  Manasseh  could  not 
drive  out  are  mentioned. 
Dor,  ch.  xi.  2  ;  xii.  23. 

En-dor  (TH  yS),  four  Roman  miles  south  of 
Tabor,  according  to  the  Onom.  (von  Raumer,  p. 
125),  near  the  northern  slope  of  the  Jebel  Dachi 
(Duhv,  little  Hermon),  which  rises  in  "yellow 
nakedness"  over  against  Tabor  (Furrer,  p.  308; 
Rob.  p.  171  f. ).  Endor  was  the  abode  of  the 
"  woman  with  a  familiar  spirit,"  whom  Saul  con- 
sulted (I  Sam.  xxviii.  9),  but  is  also  celebrated  (Ps. 
lxxxiii.  1 1 )  as  the  scene  of  the  victory  in  which 
the  Midianites  were  destroyed.  In  the  parallel 
passage  (Judg.  i.  27  ff.)  Endor  is  not  mentioned. 
Taanach,  ch.  xii.  21.     Megiddo,  ch.  xii.  21. 

The  three  heights  (JIMi!  HWblp  ■  LXX., 
r\  TpiTov  ttjs  N<S</>€0  ;  Vulg.,  tertia  pars  urbis  Na- 
phet).  What  is  intended  is  the  three  cities  lying 
on  hills  :  Endor,  Taanach,  and  Megiddo,  a  Tripolis 
of  mountain  cities  in  distinction  from  the  places  on 
the   plain  :    Bethshean,   Ibleam,   and   Dor.     The 

author  might  have  called  the  latter  also  a  i"lt!?7t??, 
a  n^-rtpn  mwbp,  using  nbctp  in  the  general 
Bense  of  "  plain,"  and  not  in  the  definite  geograph- 
ical signification  which  in  this  book  it  everywhere 
bears,  as  e.  g-,  in  ch.  xv.  33. 

Ver.  12.   "The  Manassites,  however,  were  not 

1  [Knobel'a  supposition  Is  better,  namely,  that  7  PPn 
to  Uere  felt  to  be  equivalent  to  receive,  possess,  have.  — Tr.] 


in  a  condition  to  expel  the  population  from  the 
cities  named,  so  that  the  Canaanites,  according  to 
their  will  and  pleasure,  dwelt  in  this  district  "  (Kno- 
bel). The  will  and  pleasure  is  right  vividly  ex- 
pressed by  the  plastic  v$  VI  (ch.  vii.  7  ;  Ex.  ii.  21 ). 
Ver.  13.  But  when  the  Israelites  became  strong 
QpTn)  they  made  the  Canaanites  tributary  ser- 
vants (comp.  ch.  x.  10),  but  drive  them  out  they 
did  not.  We  allow  ourselves  this  translation, 
after  the  example  of  De  Wette,  to  indicate  in 
English  something  of  the  effect  of  the  emphatic 

iET-nn  *5b  cnim. 

d.  Ver.  14-18.  Complaint  of  the  Children  oj 
Joseph  that  their  Possession  is  insufficient.  "  An 
old,  original  fragment,  and  a  beautiful,  historical 
trait  in  the  character  of  Joshua.  The  unselfish 
Joshua  was  himself  of  Ephraim,  Num.  xiii.  8,  16  " 
(Bunsen).  As  the  history  of  Achsah  (ch.  xv.  13- 
19),  occurring  in  the  midst  of  the  boundary  descrip- 
tions of  Judah,  and  catalogues  of  its  cities,  makes 
a  very  refreshing  impression  on  the  laborious  ex- 
plorer of  these  records,  so  this  narrative  awakens 
similar  emotions.  The  children  of  Joseph,  ;'.  e., 
probably  the  patriarchs  of  the  tribe,  came  com- 
plaining before  their  fellow-tribesman  Joshua,  to 
whom  they  had  trusted  for  a  better  guardianship 
of  their  interests.  "  Why,"  they  ask,  "  hast  thou 
given  me  but  one  lot  and  one  portion,  as  a  posses 
sion,  when  I  am  a  great  people,  in  so  far  as  Jeho- 
vah hath  blessed  me  hitherto."  Joshua,  by  no 
means  disposed  to  grant  special  favors  to  his  own 
tribe,  demands  of  them  to  use  their  strength,  to 
go  up  into  the  forest,  to  clear  it  out,  and  establish 
for  themselves  new  abodes  there  among  the  Periz- 
zites  and  the  Rephaim.  When  they  (ver.  16) 
show  little  inclination  to  this  course,  and  at  the 
same  time  intimate  that  they  cannot  spread  them- 
selves further  in  the  plain  because  of  the  formida- 
bleness  of  the  Canaanites  who  dwell  there,  Joshua 
(ver.  17)  still  remains  firm.  In  both  his  replies 
(vers.  15,  17)  he  betrays  a  touch  of  irony,  as  if  he 
would  say  .  Yes,  it  is  true,  thou  art  a  numerous 
people,  and  hast  great  strength,  and  oughtest  there- 
fore to  have  more  than  one  share.  But  seek  to 
procure  this  second  portion  thyself!  Rely  on  thy 
own  power  !  Cut  down  the  forest !  Behold  thou 
wilt  drive  out  the  Canaanites ;  it  is  precisely  thy 
task  to  conquer  those  that  have  iron  chariots  and 
are  mighty;  no  other  tribe  can  do  it."  Of  the 
manner  in  which  Ewald  (ii.  315-317,  2d  [Germ.] 
ed.)  treats  this  narrative,  we  shall  have  occasion  to 
speak  further  on. 

Ver.  14.  As  here,  so  also  ch.  xvi.  1  ff. ;  xvii.  10, 
the  children  of  Joseph  are  taken  together.  They 
are  regarded  as  one  tribe,  so  to  speak,  the  tribe  of 
Joseph,  as  Rev.  vii.  8.  Comp.  also  passages  like 
Am.  vL  6;  Ps.  lxxvii.  16;  lxxviii.  67;  lxxx.  2: 
lxxxi.  6  ;  Ez.  xxxvii.  16,  19. 

One  lot  and  one  portion.  "  v"V2  and  ~3C 
are  synonymous  and  combined  for  greater  empha 
sis.  b^iS  is  the  lot  which  is  cast ;  /QO  the 
measuring  line,  then  the  measured  inheritance " 
(Keil).     Comp.  also  ver.  5. 

So  far  as  C^tpM""^V ;  not  as  Gesenius  would 
have  it,  "1??H" ^J? ;  de  gradu,  Maurer)  Jehovah 
hath  blessed  me  hitherto  (nD'T^?,  de  tempore, 
Maurer).  A  quite  peculiar  blessing  had  been  prom- 
ised to  Joseph  (Gen.  xlix.  25,  26;  Deut.  xxxiii. 
13-17. 

Ver.  15.  Joshua's  answer.     Get  thee  up  into 


CHAPTEK  XVH. 


147 


the  forest.  The  forest  of  the  mountain  of  Eph- 
raim and  of  its  out-goings  (ver.  18)  is  meant. 
That  Mount  Ephraim  (mountain  of  Israel,  eh.  xi. 
16-21)  was  then  covered  with  woods,  is  clear  from 
1  Sam.  xiv.  25  ;  2  Sam.  xviii.  6.  Even  the  forest  at 
Bethel,  2  K.  ii.  23,  24,  probably  belonged  ( Winer. 
I'.  675)  to  the  forest  of  Ephraim.  And  even  at 
the  present  day,  according  to  the  uniform  testi- 
mony of  travellers,  the  heights  of  .Mount  Ephraim, 
forming  the  northern  portion  of  the  mountainous 
country  between  the  plain  of  Jezreel  and  the  wil- 
derness of  the  south  (von  Raumer,  p.  42),  are  more 
rich  in  vegetation  than  that  part  of  the  same 
mountain  which  belonged  to  Judah  Especially 
is  this  the  case  with  its  spurs  toward  the  north- 
west and  northeast.  On  the  northwest  a  forest- 
covered  hill  joins  itself  to  Mount  Ephraim  connect- 
ing the  latter  with  Carmel,  that  most  beautiful,  and 
greenest  of  all  the  mountains  of  Canaan.  On  the 
northeast  Mount  Gilboa,  where  Saul  and  Jonathan 
fell  in  the  contest  with  the  Philistines  (1  Sara, 
xxviii.  4  ;  xxxi.  1-8 ;  2  Sam.  i.  6-20),  constitutes 
its  off-shoot  toward  the  Jordan.  On  the  road  from 
the  hamlet  of  Jelbon,  in  which  word  the  old  name  is 
preserved,  Furrer  (p.  260)  ascended  the  mountain 
by  a  lofty  slope  which  was  in  places  clothed  with  a 
dense  oak  thicket.  A  small  forest  of  low  oak  trees 
is  mentioned  by  the  same  traveller  as  standing  on 
the  right  of  the  road  from  Nazareth  to  Carmel  (p. 
280).  Without  doubt  it  is  the  same  woods  which 
Schultz  describes  (Reise  in  das  gelobte  Land,  pp. 
249,  250),  since  he  also  notices  the  "  crisp  eastern 
oaks."  Robinson  (iii.  p.  189  f.)  speaks  of"  a  wide 
strip  of  low  woody  heights "  by  which  Carmel  is 
joined  on  the  southwest  with  the  mountains  of 
Samaria.  We  find  woods  therefore  partly  on 
Mount  Ephraim  itself,  partly  on  its  off-shoots. 

At  the  very  foot  of  this  forest,  however,  on  the 
northwest  spur  of  Mount  Ephraim,  the  children 
of  Joseph  had  had  cities  in  the  plain  assigned  to 
them,  namely,  Taanach,  and  Megiddo  (Dor  lay 
further  west  on  the  sea)  in  the  plain  of  Jezreel 
(ver.  11).  Ibleam  and  Bethshean  also  (ver.  11) 
lay  west  and  east  of  Mount  Gilboa,  being  spoken 
of  again  in  ver.  16.  Knobel  (p.  450)  says: 
"  Whether  the  author  thinks  also  of  the  Little 
Hermon  lying  further  north,  and  so  refers  to  En- 
dor,  is  doubtful,"  and  we  not  only  share  his  doubt 
but  go  a  step  further  and  consider  it  quite  improb- 
able, ^nce  Robinson  (iii.  p.  171)  speaks  of  that 
mountain  as  "  a  desert,  shapeless  mass,"  and  Furrer 
(p.  308)  notices  the  "yellow  nakedness"  of  the 
Jebel  Duhy,  or  Dachi. 

Cut  down  for  thyself  there  in  the  land  of 
the   Perizzltes  and  of  the  Rephaim,  if  Mount 

Ephraim  is  too  narrow  (^S  here  in  a  different 
Bense  from  ch.  x.  13).  Cornel,  a  Lapide  (in  Keil, 
p.  411  f. )  long  ago  hit  upon  the  thought  that  here 
and  in  ver.  18,  by  the  forest  the  Perizzites  and  the 
Rephaim  were  to  be  understood,  thus  assuming 
that  there  was  a  metaphor.  He  says  :  "  Est  vieta- 
ohora,  terrain  enim  a  ChananoBis  occupatam  vocat  syl- 
'Jam,  eo  quod  sicut  si/lva  exscindi  debet,  ut  locus  arari 
possit :  sic  exscindendi  erant  Pherizaii,  ut  eorum  ter- 
•am  oceuparent  Josephitce." 

Him  Ewald  follows,  as  Keil  has  pointed  out, 
when  he  represents  the  import  of  ver.  15  in  the 
following  manner :  "  not  at  a  loss  for  the  answer, 
Se  (Joshua)  replied  :  '  if  they  were  so  numerous 
(and  Mount  Ephraim  as  hitherto  occupied  by  them 
too  small)  then  they  need  only  move  into  the  for- 
est (i.  e.  into  the  thickly  settled  and  cultivated 
plain)   and   laboriously  cut  down   for  themselves 


there  the  tall,  profitable  trees.'  In  other  words 
they  should  enter  the  plain  surrounding  the  moun- 
tain on  which  they  dwelt,  where,  however,  the 
'  Perizzites  and  Rephaim  '  (that  is,  the  enemy)  still 
lav  in  dense  masses,  whom  the  tribe  (instead  of 
envying  other  tribes  their  inheritance),  ought 
themselves  long  ago  to  have  destroyed  and  so  to 
have  doubled  their  possession."  A  purely  arbi- 
trary explanation,  which  may  be  pardoned  to  old 
Cornelius  a  Lapide,  but  so  much  the  less  readily 
to  Ewald,  as  he  arrogates  too  much  to  himself 
when,  with  well-known  dogmatism,  he  says  (p. 
315,  note  2) :  "  Already  the  LXX.  failed  to  under- 
stand this  ancient  passage,  hard  to  be  compre- 
hended by  reason  of  its  '  biting  scorn  '  (sic  !),  and 
still  less  have  the  moderns  understood  it."  Wherein 
the  fault  of  the  LXX.  consists  in  this  respect,  we 
are  unable,  after  repeated  comparison  of  the  orig- 
inal with  their  version,  to  discover,  unless  in  the 

fact  that  the  LXX.  venture  to  render  i"l|7j?  (quite 
properly  in  our  humble  opinion)  by  ava&T)6i,  while 
Ewald  prefers  to  make  of  it  march  into  the  plain. 
Of  the  "  biting  scorn  "  of  Joshua  we  will  pres- 
ently speak  again. 

Ver.  16.  The  sons  of  Joseph  answer,  that  the 
mountain  really  will  not  suffice  for  them,   while 

the  Canaanites  in  the  valley-land  (P?23Jn"V~^3) 
have  iron  chariots.  They  appear  as  if  they  had 
not  heard  a  syllable  of  going  up  into  the  forest. 

Is  not  enough.  Here  ^^^r  is  used  as  in  Zech. 
x.  10 ;  Num.  xi.  22  (Knobel  and  Keil).  LXX. : 
ov\  opKtVfi,  according  to  the  correct  text,  instead 
of  ipeoicet.  Comp.  also  LXX..  Num.  xi.  22.  The 
iron  chariots  of  the  Canaanites  were  greatly  feared 
by  the  Israelites,  and  were  "  the  main  reason  why 
the  Hebrews  could  not  establish  themselves  in  the 
plains  (ch.  xi.  4;  Judg.  i.  19  ;  iv.  3 ;  1  Sam.  xiii. 
5).  Israel  adopted  this  species  of  weapons  not 
until  the  time  of  David  and  Solomon  (2  Sam.  viii. 
4;  1  K.  v.  6;  ix.  19;  x.  26)"  (Knobel).  That 
the  Canaanites  had  these  iron  chariots  did  not 
hinder  the  children  of  Joseph  from  "occupying 
the  forest  region  "  (Keil),  but  the  plain,  as  Kno- 
bel rightly  perceived,  since  the  "  chariot-cavalry  " 
(Winer,  ii.  671),  very  dangerous  in  the  plains, 
could  not  well  get  on  in  the  mountain,  as  the  pas- 
sage of  Vegetius  (Mil.  iii-  24),  cited  by  Winer, 
shows:  "Quadrigce  Jalcahe  ut  primo  magnum  into* 
lere  terrorem,  ita  postmodum  fuere  derisui.  Nam 
difficile  currus  faJcatus  planum  semper  inoenit  cam- 
pum  et  levi  impedimento  detinetur,  unoque  afflicto  aut 
vulnerato  equo  decipitur." 

Ver.  17.  Joshua  does  not  allow  them  to  slip  out, 
but  holds  fast  to  his  declaration  already  made,  the 
sense  of  which  has  been  exhibited  above. 

Ver.  18.  Continuation.  A  mountain  shall  be 
thine,  for  it  is  a  forest.  The  mountain  of  Eph- 
raim is  meant.  This  mountain  should  fall  to  the 
lot  of  the  strong  and  able  house  of  Joseph,  be- 
cause it  was  adapted  to  them  as  being  woodland 
to  be  cleared  up  by  them.  As  the  result  of  this 
clearing  the  one  lot  should  become  two,  as  it  were, 
to  which  Joshua  plainly  points,  ver.  17. 

Thou  shaft  cut  it  down,  and  the  out-goings 

Cl\"YS!>hl)  of  it  shall  be  thine.  We  cannot  with 
Knobel  understand  the  sense  of  these  words  so 
that  according  to  ver.  15,  the  one  of  these  out-go- 
ings or  spurs,  the  northwestern  one,  toward  Car- 
mel, and  according  to  this  verse  the  other,  north- 
eastern, Gilboa,  were  to  be  granted  in  addition  to 
what  they  had  received  ;  for  in  this  case  Joshua 


148 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


would  have  made  a  concession  to  his  fellow  tribes- 
men, and  so  broken  the  point  of  the  whole  trans- 
action. Rather,  the  sons  of  Joseph  have  indeed 
Mount  Ephraim  proper,  as  they  themselves  say 
(ver.  16),  already  in  possession,  and,  in  the  vicinity 
if  those  two  spurs  to  the  northwest  and  northeast, 
the  cities  mentioned  in  ver.  11  had  been  allotted. 
It'  now  they  have  not  room  enough,  they  should, 
partly  on  .Mount  Ephraim,  and  partly  on  the 
heights  which  rose  above  those  cities,  in  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Perizzites  and  Rephaim,  cut  down  the 
woods  and  so  make  themselves  new  abodes,  as,  mod- 
est in  his  claims,  Joshua  himself  did  (ch.  xix.  50). 
To  convince  and  encourage  them  Joshua  adds  :  — 
For  thou  wilt  drive  out  the  Canaanites,  for 
they  have  iron  chariots,  for  they  are  strong. 
"  Mate  Dalluus,  alii,  quamvis  currus  ferreos  habcunt 

et  potentes  sint.  '3  sit/infirm  nam.  Sensus :  hanc 
ipsam  ob  catisam,  quod  currus  ferreos  habent  et  po- 
tentes sunt,  vos,  Ephraimitce  et  Manassitaz,  eos  ag- 
grediamini,  quippe  qui  estis  populus  numerosus  et 
potens"(ver.  17).  So  Maurer,  and  De  Wette, 
Keil,  Knobel  likewise.     When  the  LXX.  render 

the  last  words  :   SIH  P^tH  ""S  by  <ri)  yip  imfpio- 

Xiieis  avrov,    they  either  read :    nj?v?   pTPt  ^3 

S^np,  or,  which  is  to  me  more  likely,  allow  them- 
selves a  variation.  The  Vulg.  translates  very 
freely  :  "  Et  poteris  ultra  procedure,  cum  subverteris 
Chananaium,  quern  dicis  ferreos  habere  currus  et  esse 
fortissimum." 

At  this  place  we  may  appropriately  return  to 
Ewald's  account  of  the  transaction.  He  com- 
ments on  vers.  16-18,  thus:  "but  when  to  this 
sharp  answer "  (he  means  the  decision  of  Joshua 
given  in  ver.  15),  "  they  go  on  to  reply  that,  '  that 
did  not  suit,  that  the  mountain  was  enough  for 
them,  since  the  Canaanites  living  in  the  plain  had 
the  dangerous  iron  chariots.'  Joshua  carries  still 
further  the  figure  of  forest  and  mountain,  even  to 
the  uttermost,  and,  in  order  to  finish  the  matter 
with  one  blow,  turns  off  the  importunate  petition- 
ers who  desire  much  and  yet,  out  of  vain  fear,  will 
not  exert  themselves  to  obtain  their  wish,  by  the 
still  more  pointed  insult  (sic!)  that  'they  should  by 
all  means,  since  they  were  a  very  numerous  and 
strong  tribe,  have  not  merely  one  lot !  Rather 
should  they,  besides  the  mountain  which  they  al- 
ready possessed,  and  yet  did  not  truly  possess, 
have  also  another,  namely,  that  forest,  which  they 
would  have  first  with  bitter  toil  to  clear  off  and 
make  useful,  i.  e.  the  Canaanites,  whom  to  subdue 
in  spite  of,  and  indeed  precisely  on  account  of, 
their  mighty  armor,  and  to  render  serviceable  was 
their  second  portion  yet  to  be  acquired ;  and  in 
this,  fear  and  trembling  would  be  of  no  avail ! '  A 
biting  sarcasm,  worthy  of  a  Samson  !  And  so  the 
most  ancient  legend,  as  it  appears  in  this  narra- 
tive, conceived  of  Joshua  also  as  the  hero  who  con- 
tended by  his  humiliating  wit  against  the  presump- 
tion of  the  men  of  his  tribe,  —  a  true  man  of  the 
people,  in  the  best  sense  of  the  word." 

Against  this,  aside  from  what  we  have  already 
oHid  in  opposition  to  the  figurative  interpretation 
of  the  forest  and  mountain,  two  remarks  are  ap- 
propriate:  (1)  ver.  16  is  treated  quite  arbitrarily 
when   Ewald,  in  his  note,  p.  316,  writes  :  "  In  ver. 

16,  *0  is,  against  the  Masora,  to  be  separated  as 

'  no ! '  and  N!£P^  to  be  written."  Thus  he 
would  bring  out  exactly  the  opposite  sense, 
namely,  that  the  mountain  ivas  enough  for  them, 


although  the  sons  of  Joseph,  in  ver.  14,  complain 
of  that  very  thing,  that  their  district  was  too  small 
for  so  numerous  a  people  ;  (2)  the  more  "  pointed 
insult,"  which  Ewald,  resting  on  ver.  17  and  18 
puts  into  the  mouth  of  Joshua,  presupposes  that  his 
answer  in  ver.  15  also  was  pointed,  and  moreover 
a  pointed  insult,  as  indeed  he  finds  in  the  whole 
passage  nothing  but  biting  mockery  (p.  315.  n«te 
2).  Fine  irony,  a  noble  humor,  we  also  recognrw 
in  the  replies  of  Joshua  as  well  in  ver.  15  as  in 
vers.  17,  18,  but  between  this  and  "biting  mock- 
ery "  there  is  a  great  difference.  Irony  is  mor- 
ally allowable,  mockery  and  insult  not.  He  who 
employs  the  latter  is  a  bad  man,  and  will  never  be 
regarded  as  "  a  true  man  of  the  people  in  the  best 
sense  of  the  word,"  which  the  most  ancient  myth 
is  here  said  to  have  made  Joshua.  Joshua  was 
certainly  a  true  people's  man  ;  certainly  our  author 
will,  in  this  old,  precious  narrative,  so  represent 
him,  but  as  a  people's  man  who  has  gained  his 
popularity  not  through  sharp  and  sharper  sar- 
casms, but  through  his  unselfishness  and  noble 
preeminence.  For,  that  any  one  should  have  be- 
come a  favorite  by  insulting  mockery,  would  no 
more  occur  in  Joshua's  time  than  in  ours.  We 
must,  therefore,  deny  the  biting  scorn  which  Ewald 
here  scents  out.  Malicious  teazing  lay  far  enough 
remote  from  so  noble  a  hero  as  Joshua.  He  knew 
nothing  of  it. 


HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 

The  narrative,  ch.  xvii.  14-18,  can,  on  the  one 
hand,  be  employed  to  show  Joshua  as  a  pattern 
of  an  unselfish,  noble,  and  prudent  popular  leader 
and  statesman ;  and,  on  the  other,  to  set  home  his 
decision  toward  the  house  of  Joseph,  as  an  impres- 
sive lesson  to  all  at  the  present  day  who  desire 
everything  from  the  state,  but  would  themselves 
put  forth  the  least  possible  exertion.  So  in  refer- 
ence to  the  age  in  general ;  but  the  passage  admits 
of  an  individual  application  also  to  all  idle  men 
who  will  not  labor,  for  instance,  in  new  founded 
colonies,  where  a  sermon  on  this  text  would,  under 
certain  circumstances,  be  very  much  in  place. 

Starke  :  That  is  the  way  with  the  covetous 
man,  that  the  more  he  has  the  more  he  desires  to 
have,  and  cannot  but  grudge  his  neighbor  what 
belongs  to  him.  One  should  be  content  vvith  that 
which  God  gives.  Those  who  are  appointed  to 
the  duty  of  distributing  goods  and  lands,  however 
faithfully  they  may  perform  the  service,  yet  com- 
monly get  no  great  thanks  therefor. 

An  original  remark  occurs  in  the  Bibl.  Tub.  on 
ver.  15:  It  is  a  duty  of  the  magistrate,  among 
others,  this,  namely,  for  the  benefit  of  the  inhabi- 
tants when  there  are  many  of  them,  to  prepare 
the  yet  uncultivated  land  for  cultivation,  that  the 
people  may  derive  from  it  so  much  the  more  rev- 
enue and  support. 

Lange  :  So  it  goes  also  with  many  an  insincere 
combatant  in  the  kingdom  of  God,  that_  they 
would  fain  have  many  "spiritual  gifts  but  without 
a  strife. 

Kramer  :  Prayer,  labor,  and  trust  in  God  must 
go  together,  Ps.  cxxvii  2. 

[Matt.  Henry  :  Many  wish  for  larger  posses- 
sions, who  do  not  cultivate  and  make  the  best  of 
what  they  have,  think  they  should  have  more  tal- 
ents given  them,  who  do  not  trade  with  those  with 
which  they  are  intrusted.  Most  people's  poverty 
is  the  effect  of  their  idleness  ;  would  they  aig  thei 
need  not  beg.  —  Tr.] 


CHAPTERS  XV11I.,  XIX.  149 


3.    The    Territories    of  the   Seven    remaining  Tribes :  Benjamin,   Simeon,  Zebulun 
Tssachar,  Asher,  Naphtali,  Dun  ;  and  the  Possession  of  Joshua. 

Chapteus  XVIII.,  XIX. 

a.  Setting  up  of  the  Tabernacle  at  Shiloh.     Description  of  the  Land  yet  to  be  divided 
Chapter  XVIII.    1-10. 

1  And  the  whole  congregation  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  assembled  together 
at  Shiloh,  and  set  up  the  tabernacle  of  the  congregation  there :  and  the  land  was 

2  subdued  before  them.     And  there  remained  among  the  children  of  Israel  seven 

3  tribes,  which  had  not  yet  [omit :  yet]  received  their  inheritance.  And  Joshua  said 
unto  the  children  of  Israel,  How  long  are  ye  slack  to  go  to  possess  the  land  which 

4  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  your  fathers  hath  given  you  ?  Give  out  from  among  [for] 
you  three  men  for  each  tribe  :  and  I  will  send  them,  and  they  shall  rise,  and  go 
[about]  through  the  land,  and  describe  it  according  to  the  inheritance  of  them  [their 

5  possession]  :  and  they  shall  come  again  [omit:  again]  to  me.  And  they  shall  divide 
it  into  seven  parts  :  Judah  shall  abide  in  their  coast  [stand  on  his  border]  on  the 
south,  and  the  house  of  Joseph  shall  abide  in  their  coasts  [stand  on  their  border]  in 

6  the  north.  Ye  shall  therefore  [And  ye  shall]  describe  the  land  into  seven  parts,  and 
bring  the  description  [so  Buusen,  but  properly :  them  or  it]   hither  to  me,  that  I 

7  may  cast  lots  for  you  here  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  our  God.  But  [For]  the 
Levites  have  no  part  among  you  ;  for  the  priesthood  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  is  their 
inheritance  [possession]  :  and  Gad,  and  Reuben,  and  half  the  tribe  of  Manasseh, 
have  received  their  inheritance  [possession]  beyond  [the]  Jordan  on  the  east,  which 

8  Moses  the  servant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  gave  them.  And  the  men  arose,  and  went 
away  :  and  Joshua  charged  them  that  went  to  describe  the  land,  saying,  Go,  and 
walk  through  the  land,  and  describe  it,  and  come  again  to  me,  that  I  may  here  cast 

9  lots  for  you  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  in  Shiloh.  And  the  men  went  and  passed 
through  the  land,  and  described  it  by  [the]  cities  into  seven  parts  in  a  book,  and  came 

10  again  [omit:  again]  to  Joshua  to  the  host  [camp]  at  Shiloh.  And  Joshua  cast  lots 
for  them  in  Shiloh  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  :  and  there  Joshua  divided  the  land 
unto  the  children  of  Israel  according  to  their  divisions. 

b.  The  Territory  of  the  Tribe  of  Benjamin. 

Chapter  XVIII.     11-28. 

a.  Its  boundaries. 
Chapter  XVIII.     11-20. 

11  And  the  lot  of  the  tribe  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Benjamin  came  up  according 
to  their  families  :  and  the  coast  [border]   of  their  lot  came  forth  between   the  chil- 

12  dren  of  Judah  and  the  children  of  Joseph.  And  their  border  on  the  north  side 
was  [De  Wette  :  began  ;  but  properly  :  There  was  for  them  the  border,  etc.]  from 
[the]  Jordan,  [Fay :  at  the  Jordan]  ;  and  the  border  went  up  to  the  side  of  Jericho 
on  the  north  side   [omit:  side],   and  went  up  through   [on]    the  mountains  west- 

13  ward;  and  the  goings  out  thereof  were  at  the  wilderness  of  Beth-aven.  And  the 
border  went  over  from  thence  toward  Luz,  to  the  side  of  Luz  (which  is  Beth-el) 
southward;  and  the  border  descended  to  Ataroth-adar,  near  [on]  the  hill  [mountain] 

14  that  lieth  on  the  south  side  of  the  nether  Beth-horon.  And  the  border  was  drawn 
thence,  and  compassed  the  corner  of  the  sea  [and  bent  around  toward  the  west  side] 
southward,  from  the  hill  [mountain]  that  lieth  before  Beth-horon  southward  ;  and 
the  goings  out  thereof  were  at  Kirjath-baal  (which  is  Kirjath-jearim),  a  city  of  the 
children  [sons]  of  Judah.     This  was  the  west  quarter  [side]. 

15  And  the  south  quarter  [side]  was  from  the  end  of  Kirjath-jearim,  and  the  bol- 
der went  out  on    [toward]    the  west,  and  went  out  to  the  well  [fountain]   of  the 

16  waters  of  Nephtoah.  And  the  border  came  [went]  down  to  the  end  of  the  moun- 
tain that  lieth  before  the  valley  [ravine]  of  the  son   of  Hinnom,  and  [om't :  and] 


150  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


which  is  in  the  valley  of  the  giants  [Rephaim]  on  the  north,  and  descended  to  the 
valley  [ravine]  of  Hinnom,  to  the  side  [prop. :  shoulder]  of  Jebusi  on  the  south 
[De  Wette  :  on  the  south  side  of  the  Jebusite  ;  Fay :  on  the  side  of  the  Jebusite 

17  toward  the  south],  and  descended  to  En-rogel,  and  was  drawn  from  [on]  the  north, 
and  went  forth  to  En-shemesh,  and  went  forth  toward  Geliloth,  which  is  over 
against  the  going  up  of  Adumniini,  and  descended  to  the  stone  of  Bohan  the  son 

18  of  Reuben,  And  passed  along  toward  the  side  [shoulder]  over  against  [ViaJ  [the] 

19  Arabah  [Jordan-valley]  northward,  and  went  down  unto  [the]  Arabah  :  And  the 
border  passed  along  to  the  side  [shoulder]  of  Beth-hoglah  northward :  and  the  out- 
goings of  the  border  [it,  the  border]  were  at  the  north  bay  [tongue]  of  the  salt  sea, 
at  the  south  end  of  [the]  Jordan.     This  was  the  south  coast  [border]. 

20  And  [the]  Jordan  was  the  border  of  it  [bordered  it],  on  the  east  side.  This  was 
the  inheritance  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Benjamin,  by  the  coasts  [borders]  thereof 
round  about,  according  to  their  families. 

$.  Cities  of  the  Tribe  of  Benjamin. 
Chapter  XVHI.    21-28. 

21  Now  [And]  the  cities  of  the  tribe  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Benjamin,  accord- 
ing to  their  families,  were  Jericho,  and  Beth-hoglah,  and  the  valley  of  [Emek] 

22  23  Keziz,  And  Beth-arabah,  and  Zemaraim,  and  Beth-el,  And  Avim,  and  Parah,  and 

24  Ophrah,  And  Chephar-haammonai,  and  Ophni,  and  Gaba  ;  twelve  cities  with 

25  26  [and]  their  villages:  Gibeon,  and  Ramah, and Beeroth,  And  Mizpeh, and  Chephi- 
27  28  rah,  and  Mozah,  And  Rekem,  and  Irpeel,  and  Taralah,  And  Zelah,  Eleph,  and 

Jebusi  (which  is  Jerusalem),  Gibeath,  and  Kirjath ;  fourteen  cities  with  [and] 
their  villages.  This  is  the  inheritance  of  the  children  of  Benjamin  according  to 
their  families. 

c.  The  Territory  of  the  Tribe  of  Simeon. 

Chapter  XIX.     1-9. 

1  And  the  second  lot  came  forth  to  [for]  Simeon,  even  [omit:  even]  for  the  tribe 
of  the  children  [sons]  of  Simeon  according  to  their  families  :  and  their  inheritance 
[possession]   was  within  the  inheritance   [possession]    of  the  children  of  Judah. 

2  And  they   had    in   their   inheritance  [possession],   Beer-sheba,   and    Sheba,   and 

3  4  Moladah,  And  Hazar-shual,  and  Balah,  and  Azem,  and  Eltolad,  And  Bethul,  and 
5   6  Horruah.  And  Ziklag,  and  Beth-marcaboth,  and  Hazar-susah,  And  Beth-lebaoth, 

7  and    Sharuhen :    thirteen    cities    and   their    villages :    Ain,    Remmon,    and    Ether, 

8  and  Ashan  ;  four  cities  and  their  villages  :  And  all  the  villages  that  were  round  about 
these  cities  to  Baalath-beer,  Ramath  of  the  south.  This  is  the  inheritance  [posses- 
sion] of  the  tribe  of  the  children   [sons]  of  Simeon,  according  to  their  families. 

9  Out  of  the  portion  of  the  children  of  Judah  was  the  inheritance  [possession]  of 
the  children  [sons]  of  Simeon :  for  the  part  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Judah  was 
too  large  for  them  ;  therefore  [and]  the  children  [sons]  of  Simeon  had  their  inher- 
itance [possession]  within  the  inheritance  [possession]  of  them. 

d.  The  Territory  of  the  Tribe  of  Zebulun. 
Chapter  XIX.  10-16. 

10  And  the  third  lot  came  up  for  the  children  [sons]  of  Zebulun  according  to  their 
1 L   families :  and  the  border  of  their  inheritance  was  unto  Sarid :  And  their  border 

went  up  toward  the  sea  [westward],  and  Maralah.  and  reached  to  Dabbasheth,  and 

12  reached  to  the  river  [water-course]  that  is  before  Jokneam  :  And  turned  from  Sarid 
eastward,  toward  the  sun-rising,  unto  the  border  of  Chisloth-tabor,  and  then  goeth 

13  [and  went]  out  to  Daberath,  and  goeth  [went]  up  to  Japhia.  And  from  thence 
passeth  [it  passed]  on  along  on  the  east  [toward  the  east,  toward  the  rising  of  the 
sun]  to  Gittah-hepher,  to  Ittah-kazin,  and  goeth  [went]  out  to  Remmon-methoar 

14  [Remmon  which  stretches]  to  Neah;  And  the  border  compasseth  [bent  around]  it 
on  the  north  side  [northward]  to  Hannathon:  and  the  out-goings  thereof  are  [were] 

15  in   the  valley  of  Jiphthah-el :  And  Kattath,  and  Nahallal,  and  Shimron,  and  Ida- 


CHAPTER    XTX.  151 


16  lah,  and  Beth-lehem ;  twelve  cities  with  [and]  their  villages.  This  is  the  inheri 
tance  [possession]  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Zebulun  according  to  their  families, 
these  cities  with  [and]  their  villages. 

e.  The  Territory  of  the  Tribe  of  Issachar. 

Chapter  XIX.  17-23. 

17  And  [omit:  and]   the  fourth  lot  came  out  to  [for]   Issachar,  for  the  children 

18  [sons]  of  Issachar  according  to  their  families.    And  their  border  was  toward  Jezreel 

19  20  and  Chesulloth,  and  Shunem,  And  Hapharaim,  and  Shihon,  and  Anaharath,  And 

21  Rabbith,  and  Kishion,  and  Abez,  And  Remeth,  and  En-gannim,  and  En-haddah, 

22  and  Beth-pazzez  ;  And  the  coast  [border]  reacheth  to  [struck]  Tabor,  and  Sha- 
hazimah,  and  Beth-shemesh ;  and  the  out-goings  of  their  border  were  at  [the] 

23  Jordan ;  sixteen  cities  with  [and]  their  villages.     This  is  the  inheritance  [pos- 
session] of  the  tribe  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Issachar,  according  to  their  fam 
ilies,  the  cities  and  their  villages. 

f.  The  Territory  of  the  Tribe  of  Asher. 

Chapter  XIX.  24-31. 

24  And  the  fifth  lot  came  out  for  the  tribe  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Asher  accord- 

25  ing  to  their  families.     And  their  border  was  Helkath,  and  Hali,  and  Beten,  and 

26  Achshaph,  And  Alammelech,  and  Amad,  and  Misheal ;  and  reacheth  to  [it  struck] 

27  Carmel  westward,  and  to  [omit :  to]  Shihor-libnath  ;  And  turneth  [turned]  toward 
the  sun-rising  to  Beth-dagon,  and  reacheth  to  [struck]  Zebulun,  and  to  [omit :  to] 
the  valley  [ravine]  of  Jiphthah-el,  toward  [on]  the  north  side  of  Beth-emek,  and 

28  Neiel,  and  goeth  [went]  out  to  Cabul  on  the  left  hand,  And  Hebron,  and  Rehob, 

29  and  Hammon,  and  Kanah,  even  unto  great  Zidon ;  And  then  [omit :  then]  the 
coast  [border]  turneth  [turned]  to  Ramah,  and  to  the  strong  [fortified]  city  Tyre  ; 
and  the  coast  [border]  turneth  [turned]  to  Hosah ;  and  the  out-goings  thereof  are 

30  at  the  sea  from  the  coast  to  Achzib  [in  the  district  of  Achzib]  :  Ummah  also 
[and  Ummah],  and  Aphek,  and  Rehob  :  twenty  and  two  cities  with  [and]  their  vil- 

31  lages.  This  is  the  inheritance  [possession]  of  the  tribe  of  the  children  [sons]  of 
Asher  according  to  their  families,  these  cities  with  [and]  their  villages. 

g.  The  Territory  of  the  Tribe  of  Naphtali. 
Chapter  XIX.  32-39. 

32  The  sixth  lot  came  out  to  [for]  the  children  [sons]  of  Naphtali,  even  [onui 

33  even]  for  the  children  [sons]  of  Naphtali  according  to  their  families.  And  their 
coast  [border]  was  from  Heleph,  from  Allon  to  Zaanannim,  [the  oak  of  Zaanan- 
nim],  and  Adami,  Nekeb  [or  Adami-nekeb],  and  Jabneel,  unto  Lakum  ;  and  the 

34  out-goings  thereof  were  at  [the]  Jordan:  And  then  [omit:  then]  the  coast  [border] 
turneth  [turned]  westward  to  Aznoth-tabor,  and  goeth  [went]  out  from  thence  to 
Hukkok,  and  reacheth  to  [struck]  Zebulun  on  the  south  side,  and  reacheth  to 
[struck]  Asher  on  the  west  side,  and  to  [omit :  to]  Judah  upon  [the]  Jordan  to- 

35  ward  the  sun-rising.     And  the  fenced  [fortified]  cities  are  Ziddim,  Zer,  and  Ham- 

36  37  math,  Rakkath,  and  Cinneroth,  And  Adamah,  and  Ramah,  and  Hazor,  And 

38  Kedesh,  and  Edrei,  and  En-hazor,  And  Iron,  and  Migdal-el,  Horem,  and  Beth 

39  anath,  and  Beth-shemesh ;  nineteen  cities  with  [and]  their  villages.  This  is  the  in- 
heritance [possession]  of  the  tribe  ol  the  children  [sons]  of  Naphtali,  the  cities 
and  their  villages. 

h.  The  Territory  jf  the  Tribe  of  Dan. 

Chapteb  XIX.  40-48. 

40  And  [omit :  and]  the  seventh  lot  came  out  for  the  tribe  of  the  children  [sons] 

41  of  Dan,  according  to  their  families.     And  the  coast  [border]  of  their  inheritance 


152 


THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


42  [possession]  was  Zorah,  and  Eshtaol,  and  Ir-shemesh,  And  Shaalabbim.  and  Aja- 

43  44  Ion,  and   Jethlah,   And    Elon,   and  Thimnathah,  and  Ekron,  And    Eltekeh, 

45  and   Gibbethon,  and  Baalath,   And  Jehud.  and  Bene-berak,  and   Gath-rimmon, 

46  And    Me-jarkon,    and    Rakkon,   with    the    border    before   [over    against]   Japho. 

47  And  the  coast  [border]  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Dan  went  out  too  little  for  them 
[Fay :  went  out  from  them  (»'.  e.,  the  children  of  Dan  extended  their  border  fur- 
ther) ;  De  "Wette :  and  the  border  of  the  sons  of  Dan  went  out  (afterwards) 
further  from  them  ;  Bunsen  :  and  the  border  of  the  children  of  Dan  went  yet 
further  than  this ;  Zunz :  went  beyond  these]  ;  therefore  [and]  the  children  [sons] 
of  Dan  went  up  to  fight  against  Leshem,  and  took  it,  and  smote  it  with  the  edge 
of  the  sword,  and  possessed  it,  and  dwelt  therein,  and  called  Leshem,  Dan,  after 

48  the  name  of  Dan  their  father.  This  is  the  inheritance  [possession]  of  the  tribe  of 
the  children  [sons]  of  Dan  according  to  their  families,  these  cities  with  [and]  their 

villages. 

i.  Joshua's  Possession. 

Chapter  XIX.  49,  50. 

49  [And]  when  they  had  made  an  end  of  dividing  the  land  for  inheritance  by  their 
coasts  [according  to  its  borders],  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  gave  an  inheritance 

50  [possession]  to  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun  among  them :  According  to  the  command 
[mouth]  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  they  gave  him  the  city  which  he  asked,  even  Tim- 
nath-serah,  in  mount  Ephraim  ;  and  he  built  the  city,  and  dwelt  therein. 

;'.  Conclusion. 
Chapter  XTX.  51. 


51  These  are  the  inheritances  [possessions],  which  Eleazar  the  priest,  and  Joshua 
the  son  of  Nun,  and  the  heads  of  the  fathers  of  the  tribes  of  the  children  of  Israel, 
divided  for  an  inheritance  [possession]  by  lot  in  Shiloh  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah], 
at  the  door  of  the  tabernacle  of  the  congregation.  So  [And]  they  made  an  end  of 
dividing  the  country  [land]. 


EXEGETICAL    AND  CRITICAL. 

As  chapters  xvi.  and  xvii.  belonged  together,  so 
io  these  two  chapters  xviii.  and  xix.,  which  con- 
tain the  account  of  the  allotments  of  the  remaining 
seven  tribes.  Benjamin,  Simeon,  Zebulun,  Issachar, 
Asher,  Naphtali,  and  Dan.  At  the  end  follows  a 
notice  of  the  possession  given  to  Joshua  (ch.  xix. 
49,  50),  with  the  conclusion  of  the  whole  section 
(ver.  51).  There  are  seven  tribes  only  left  to  be 
noticed,  because  the  tribe  of  Levi  was  to  receive 
no  inheritance,  as  had  been  already  before  said  (ch. 
xiii.  14,  33)  and  repeated  (ch.  xviii.  7).  This 
distribution  was  effected  at  Shiloh  (ch.  xviii.  1), 
while  Judah  and  the  house  of  Joseph  —  Ephraim 
and  Manasseh  —  had  received  their  possessions,  as 
may  be  confidently  inferred  from  ch.  xiv.  6,  in  the 
camp  at  Gilgal  (see  on  xiv.  6).  But  before  pro- 
ceeding to  divide  the  land,  twenty-one  men  were 
sent  out  to  survey  and  describe  it  (ch.  xviii.  3,  10). 

a.  Chap,  xviii.  1-10.  Erection  of  the  Tabernacle 
at  Shiloh.  Description  of  the  Land  yet  to  be  dividt  <!■ 
The  whole  congregation  comes  together  at  Shiloh, 
where  they  set  up  the  tent  of  the  congregation 
( tabernacle).  The  land  is  completely  subdued,  but 
■even  tribes  still  remain,  which  have  not  yet  re- 
ceived anv  possession,  since  the  most  powerful  tribe 
of  Judah,  Ephraim,  and  the  half  tribe  of  Manas- 
seh (to  say  nothing  of  the  tribes  east  of  the  Jor- 
dan, previously  spoken  of),  had  first  obtained  their 
portion  (vers.  1,2).  Joshua  reproaches  them  for 
their  listlessness,  and,  in  order  to  discharge  the 
•en  lining  duty  as  impartially  as  possible,  perhaps 


also  bearing  in  mind  the  complaint  of  the  sons  of 
Joseph  (ch.  xvii.  14-18),  he  provides  that  twenty- 
one  men,  three  from  each  of  the  seven  tribes,  shall 
first  "  describe  "  the  land  (vers.  3-7).  This  is  done 
(vers.  8,  9),  and  now  Joshua  casts  lots  and  distrib- 
utes the  still  remaining  territory  (ver.  10).  Eleazar 
is  not  mentioned  here,  while  in  ch.  xiv.  1,  2  [also 
xix.  51]  he  and  the  patriarchs  of  the  tribes  are  in- 
troduced with  Joshua. 

Ver.  1.  And  the  whole  congregation  of  the 
sons  of  Israel  assembled  together  at  Shiloh. 
"  The  congregation  of  the  sons  of  Israel,"  here  as 
Ex.  xvi.  1,  2,  9;  more  briefly,  "congregation  of 
Israel,"  Ex.  xii.  3,  or  merely  "  the  congregation," 
Lev.  iv.  15.     The  same  is  the  "congregation  of 

Jehovah  "  (n*T37  from  "i?2,  for  H^S*1   by  aphje- 

resis,  Gesen.).    It  is  called  also     ?K?P1    ;np 

pi?"'  convocation,  from  vn|?,  to  call  together, 
in  Kal  not  used  while  Hiphil  is  found  Num.  viii. 
9 ;  x.  7  ;  xx.  8 ;  and  Niphal,  Num.  xvi.  3,  and  in 

this  passage,  Gesen.),  Dent.  xxxi.  30 ;  !~^i~';  ^Hp, 
Num.  xvi.  3  ;  xx.  4,  or  simply  ?»3JW7i  Lev.  iv.  13, 
precisely  like  fTTOn.  Shiloh  (nbu?  or  nVtt?, 
1  K.  ii.  27,  or  iVtt?,  Judg.  xxi.  2 1 ,  "ibttJ,  Judg.  xxi 
19,  shortened  from  TiV'tP,  from  nbtt\  to  rest, 
"a  place  of  rest"),  in  Joseph.  Ant.  v.  1,  20,  21. 
SjAoOj'  (hence  pointing  back  to  the  form  P '^ 


CHAPTERS   XVIII.,  XIX. 


155 


from  which  ,3VV,B5,  1  K.  xi.  29  ;  xii.  15  ;  Neh.  xi. 

5,  with  which  Gesen.   very  aptly  compares  !T2 

and  *3v3.  ch.  xv.  51  ;  2  Sam.  xv.  12),  now  Seilun, 
Hist  correctly  made  out  in  modern  times  by  Rob- 
inson (iii.  84  ff.)  from  its  position,  which  is  accu- 
rately given  Judg.  xxi.  19.  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
already  give  the  distances  from  Neapolis  (Onom. 
art.  "  Selo  ")  incorrectly :  "  the  knights  of  the  cross, 
also,  found  Silo  at  Neby  Samwil,  where  the  monks 
and  pilgrims  continued,  with  little  variation,  to 
seek  the  place  until  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century."  About  this  time  there  appears  in  Boni- 
facius  (De  Perenni  Cnltu)  a  more  correct  view  con- 
cerning the  sites  of  the  holy  places,  but  it  was  soon 
lost  (Rob.  iii.  89).  Among  the  ruins,  to  which 
one  ascends  by  a  gentle  slope,  whose  fertile  soil, 
when  Furrer  visited  Shiloh,  was  covered  with  wheat 
fields  (p.  225),  there  are  still  found  (Rob.  /.  c.) 
many  large  stones,  and  some  fragments  of  columns 
which  indicate  the  site  of  an  ancient  town.  The 
tabernacle  stood  here  from  Joshua  to  Samuel  (Jos. 
xviii.  1  ;  1  Sam.  iv.  3).  Afterward  Shiloh  was 
rejected  by  God  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  60-68  ;  1  Sam.  iii.  4; 
Jer.  vii.  12,  1+  ;  xxvi.  6),  and  at  a  very  early  pe- 
riod utterly  destroyed  ;  for  Jerome  sa\  -  :  "  Sito 
tabernaculum  et  area  Vominifu.it,  fix  oJtaris  funda- 
menta  monstrantur  "  (von  Raumer,  p.  221  ;  Rob.  /. 
c).  Josephus  (Ant.  v.  1,  19)  assumes  that  Joshua 
brought  the  tabernacle  (tV  Upim  amif-ov)  to  shi- 
loh, because  the  place  by  its  beauty  seemed  t"  him 
appropriate,  until  an  opportunity  should  be  offered 
them  to  build  a  temple  ('hjcrovs  iara  t$v  Uphv 
ffK7]V^)V  Kara  2i\ovv  Tr6\tv,  €irtTT]8ttov  yap  eSoVei  to 
Xwpi'of  Sia  to  KaAAos,  6a»s  av  oocoSoueo/  vabv  ai»T0?, 
to  7rpayuaTa  TrapeVx*?)-  The  site  in  the  midst  of 
the  land  was  very  suitable  and  also  very  beautiful, 
so  thai  Josephus  may  at  bottom  have  very  nearly 
hit  the  truth.  How  Gen.  xlix.  10  is  to  be  explained 
does  not  concern  us  here.  See  Lange,  Com.  "» 
Gen.,  in  L,  on  the  various  interpretations  id'  this 
difficult  passage.  Finally,  let  it  be  noticed  that 
Shiloh  lies  eight  and  a  half  hours  north  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  nearly  five  hours  south  of  Shechem 
(Furrer,  p.  413). 

And  set  up  the  tabernacle  of  the  congrega- 
tion there ;  and  the  land  was   subdued  before 

them.  As  regards  the  fSiS'bnN,  Luther's 
translation  Stiftshtltte,  i.  e.  tent  of  the  covenant, 
is,  as  Gesen.  remarks,  the  Greek  erK7)ct)  toD  uup- 
ruplov,  Lat.  tabernaculum  tesiimonii,  according  to  a 

derivation  from  "TO,  testari;  cf.  TVCTSTl  ]3t?0, 
tent  of  the  law,  Num.  ix.  15.  It  is  more  probable 
that,  with  Gesen.  and  after  him  most  of  the  mod- 
erns, "I?"  S3    is  to  be  derived  not  from  TI3J   but 

from  *T3?^  (Niph.  "TC712),  and  accordingly  we 
translate  tent  of  the  congregation,  place  where  the 
^"JV.  meets.1  If  the  national  sanctuary  is  called 
also    nmiyn-jSa^    (Num.   ix.    15),   or   bflS 

1  [Professor  Plumtre  (Diet,  of  the  Bible,  p.  3152)  leads  us 
rather  to  "  the  Tabernacle  of  meeting  "  (meeting-tent?)  as 
*he  proper  equivalent  to  the  Hebrew  designation,  but  with 
ft  deeper  sense    than  would  commonly  be  attached  to  the 

phrase.     He  well  says :    "  The   primary    force  of  "T^?'1   is 

"  to  meet  by  appointment, ''  and  the  phrase  *T3?i72  7HS 
nas  therefore  the  meaning  of  "  a  place  of  or  for  a  fixed 
meeting."  ''The  real  meaning  of  the  word  is  to  be  found 
tn  what  may  be  called  the  locus  classtcus,  as  the  interpreta- 
•od  of  all  words   connected  with  the   tabernacle.  Ex    xxix. 


rVnVTl  (Num.  ix.   15;    xvii.   23;    xviii.  2),  the 

two  names  agree  well  with  each  other,  in  so  far  as 
the  tent  where  the  congregation  met  was,  at  the 
same  time,  the  tent  in  whose  most  holy  recess  the 

law  was  preserved  within  the  fr^nSn  ]T~M  (Ex. 
xxv.  22).  Concerning  the  construction  and  in- 
terior arrangement  of  the  tabernacle,  comp.  Winer 
(ii.  529  ff.)  as  well  as  Riggenbach.     The  land  was 

subdued  (Hti'lilDi  from  It'DS,  prop,  to  trei-i 
under  the  feet ;  in  the  same  sense  as  here,  Gen. 
i.   28;   Jer.   xxxiv.    16,    and   with    the   addition 

:T72^b,  2  Chr.  xxviii.  10  ;  Jer.  xxxiv.  11  ;  Neh. 
v.  6;  the  Niphal,  Num.  xxxii.  22-29,  Gesen.)  be- 
fore them.  Because  the  land  was  subdued  it  might 
be  divided. 

Ver.  3-10.  The  iuisMon  of  the  twenty-one  men 
for  the  description  of  the  laud  is  now  related. 
Knobel  refers  this  section  to  the  Jehovist,  and  to 
the  second  of  his  documents ;  on  which  compare 
the  Introduction.  But  when  Knobel  (p.  451) 
further  supposes  it  improbable  that  such  an  occu- 
pation of  the  land  would  take  place  under  Joshua, 
and  maintains  that  the  taking  up  the  land  and 
people  must  have  been  effected  at  a  later  period, 
say  in  the  time  of  Judges  i.  19-34  f.,  or  Judges  iv 
2  tf.,  we  may  urge,  against  this  totally  unsup- 
ported suggestion,  that  the  time  of  Joshua,  when 
the  (anaanites  were  filled  with  terror  and  distress 
through  the  strange  conqueror  (ch.  ii.  9-11),  and 
had  lost  all  confidence  in  themselves,  was  much 
better  suited  for  the  perilous  accomplishment  of 
such  a  result  than  the  following  age.  in  which  the 
Israelites  did  indeed  gain  victories  but  were  then 
immediately  enslaved  again  (Judg.  ii.  14-23  ;  iii.  8, 
13,  14:  vi.  l,etc).  Besides,  a  man  of  the  circum- 
spection of  Joshua  would,  surely  if  any  leader  of 
the  people,  conceive  the  idea  of  occupying  the  land 
before  he  went  forward  hap-hazard  to  the  division 
of  it.  For,  although  he  acted  under  the  divine 
command,  he  assuredly  did  not  act  without  hu- 
man consideration  which  was  not  at  all  excluded 
Hi  i'  '■  That  Joshua,  as  Josephus  (Ant.  v.  1, 
21)  of  his  own  invention  relates,  sent  with  these 
men  some  skilled  in  the  art  of  mensuration  fl7)o-oGs 
.  •  .  .  avfipas  ro'vs  t/tyieTp7)0"o/ieVous  tJji'  \oipav  av- 
Ttcv  i^etre/xipe,  TrapaSous  anrois  Tear  "yeaiuerptas 
imo-Triij.ovas),  our  text  is  altogether  ignorant. 
Josephus  may,  indeed,  as  Keil  also  (in  loc.)  ob- 
serves, have  rightly  judged  when  he  makes  the 
men  attentive  to  the  quality  of  the  soil  of  Pales- 
tine, and  assumes  that  the  several  inheritances 
were  rather  estimated  than  measured  (kuI  Siutovto, 
—  on  account  of  the  diverse  quality  of  the  soil  — 
Ttfir}rous  uaAAor  1)  fierprjTous  Tous  K\r\povs  5e?p  UTre'- 
Aa/3e,  7roAAa«is  kvbs  trkedpou  Kav  XiAlaii'  avra^iou 
yeyouevou  (Ant.  v.  1,  21). 

Ver.  3.  A  reproof  to  the  remaining  seven  tribes 
who  doubtless  could  not  yet  effectually  resolve  to 
give  up  their  previous  nomadic  life,  and  accustom 
themselves  to  settled  abodes,  especially  when  these 
would  in  great  part  have  yet  to  be  conquered. 

42-46.  The  same  central  thought  occurs  in  Ex.  xxv  22. 
'there  I  will  me'l  with  thee  '  (comp.  also  Ex.  xxx.  6,  36; 
Num.  xvii.  4).  it  is  clear  therefore  that  '  congregation  : 
is  inadequate.  Not  the  gathering  of  the  worshippers  oniy, 
but  the  meeting  of  God  with  his  people,  to  commune  with 
them,  to  make  himself  known  to  them,  was  what  the  nam* 
embodied.  Ewald  has  accordingly  suggested  Offtnbaritn^s 
ztlt  =  Tent  of  Revelation,  as  the  best  equivalent  (Altei 
thiuner,  p.  130).  This  made  the  tent  a  sanctuary.  Thus  il 
was  that  the  tent  was  the  dwelling,  the  house  of  God  (Bahr 
Symbolik,  i.  81)."  —  TE.l 


154 


THE   BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


Ver.  4.  Joshua  will  uot  longer  tolerate  this 
lethargy,  and  therefore  demands  of  each  tribe  to 
choose  three  men  whom  he  will  send  out,  and 
these  shall  rise  OOp^l)  and  go  through  the  land 
and  describe  it  according  to  their  possession. 
There  were  accordingly  7  X  3  =  21  men,  and  not 
merely  ten  as  Josephus  reports,  reckoning  one  to 
each  tribe  (Ant.  v.  1,  20),  but  in  all  ten  (v.  1-21), 
because  three  surveyors  were  included  in  the  total 
number.  In  the  description  was  included  particu- 
larly, according  to  ver.  9,  an  accurate  designation 
of  the  cities,  while  at  the  same  time  situation  and 
soil  might  be  more  particularly  taken  into  ac- 
count. Qn^TP  "'S  v,  i.  e.  "  with  reference  to  its 
being  taken  in  possession  by  the  seven  tribes" 
(Knobel). 

Ver.  5.  More  minute  statement  of  the  errand 
of  the  men  sent  out,  ver.  4.  They  should  divide 
the  remaining  land  into  seven  parts,  yet  Judah 
should  remain  on  his  border  in  the  south,  and 
the  house  of  Joseph  in  the  north  on  his  border, 
that  is  to  sav,  no  change  should  be  made  in  the 
possessions  of  these  tribes.  With  them  it  should 
remain  as  it  was. 

Ver.  6.  When  they  had  described  the  land  thus 
into  seven  parts,  they  should  bring  the  same, ;'.  e. 
the  list  as  Bunsen  for  distinctness  translates,  to 
Joshua  at  Shiloh  (ver.  4),  and  then  would  he  cast 
the  lots  before  Jehovah  their  God.  This  last 
should  be  done  at  a  consecrated  place  before  God's 
face,  that  it  might  stand  fast  inviolably. 

Ver.  7.  Reason  why  there  should  be  only  seven 
parts.  First,  the  Levites  have  no  part  among 
you;  for  the  priesthood  of  Jehovah  is  their 
possession.  Essentially  the  same  reason  for  the 
lack  of  a  possession  as  is  given,  ch.  xiii.  14,  33 ; 
yet  here  instead  of  "  the  sacrifices  of  Jehovah, 
xiii.  14,  or  simply  'Jehovah  God  of  Israel,'  xiii. 
33,  we  have  '  the  priesthood  of  Jehovah,'  "  as 
Num.  xvi.  10;  Ex.  xxix.  9;  xl.  15;  Num.  iii.  10; 
xviii.  1-7  ;  xxv.  13  "  (Knobel).  Second,  Gad,  and 
Reuben,  and  half  the  tribe  of  Manasseh,  have 
received  their  possession  beyond  the  Jordan  on 
the  east,  etc. 

Ver.  8.  At  the  departure  of  the  men  Joshua  re- 
peats his  command. 

Ver.  9.  They  go  and  describe  the  land  accord- 
ing to  the  cities  into  seven  parts  in  a  book,  i.  e. 
they  describe  it  and  divide  it  with  special  refer- 
ence to  the  cities  found  therein,  into  seven  parts. 

Rosenmiiller,  incorrectly :  "  D>"}?  ;>  per  «rbes,  i. 
e.  odditis  etiam  et  adscriptis  urbibus,  quoe  in  quaque 
regione  erant : "  the  cities  rather  give  the  proper 
ground  of  division.  How  long  a  time  the  mes- 
sengers spent  in  this  service  we  are  not  informed. 
Josephus  makes  up  a  story  of  seven  months  (Aril. 
v.  1,  21  :  Oi  Se  6.vSpes  ol  rte/up9iirret  ....  wepioS- 
tiaavrh  re  koI  Ti^Tjira^ei/oi  tV  yri",  t»  *&$&!"? 
ur/vl  iraprja-av  Trpbs  avrbv  els  iiKovv  TnJAii/,  tyta  r))r 
ffKrjxV  kiTT&Kfunv).  The  Jewish  historian  ap- 
pears to  have  been  led  to  the  seven  months  by  the 
seven  parts  into  which  the  land  was  divided.  The 
statement  is  "  of  no  value  "  (Bunsen),  and  is  "  of 
no  more  consequence  than  the  assertion  of  the 
Rabbins  that  the  division  at  Shiloh  was  made 
•even  years  after  that  at  Gilgal  "  (Keil). 

Ver.  10.  After  they  have  returned  Joshua  casts 

lots  and  effects  the  division.     On  Dnp7nD2>, 


jomp.  ch.  xi.  23 ;  xii.  7. 

o.  Ch.  xviii.  11-28.  The  Territory  of  the  Tnbe  of 
Benjamin.  First  are  given  o.  its  boundaries,  ch. 
cviii.  11-20,  then  0.  its  cities,  ch.  xviii.  21-28.     It 


was  in  general  mountainous,  in  part  very  desert 
but  in  part  also,  as  in  the  neighborhood  of  Jericho 
and  Jerusalem  (Joseph.  Ant.  v.  1,21;  Bell.Jud. 
iv.  8,  3),  a  well  cultivated,  fruitful  land.  The  land 
of  Benjamin  now  makes  the  impression  of  solitude 
and  desolation,  as  if  the  breath  of  death  rested 
upon  it  (Furrer,  p.  218-327  [Stanley,  5.  &•  P.  has 
an  instructive  chapter  on  the  Heights  and  Passes 
of  Benjamin]). 

a.  Ch.  xviii.  11-20.  Jts  Boundaries,  ver.  11. 
The  territory  of  Benjamin  lay,  according  to  this 
verse,  between  the  sons  of  Judah  on  the  south,  and 
the  sons  of  Joseph  on  the  north. 

Ver.  12.  The  border  which  is  here  drawn  is  the 
north  border,  on  the  north  side.  It  went  out 
from  the  Jordan,  and  ascended,  north  of  Jericho, 
on  to  the  mountains  westward,  i.  e.  ascended 
north  of  Jericho,  on  the  mountain  lying  west  (and 
northwest)  of  this  city,  and  already  familiar  (ch. 
xvi.  1).  Its  goings  out  were  at  the  wilderness 
of  Beth-aven.  In  ch.  vii.  2,  Beth-aven  is  clearly 
distinguished,  as  lying  east  of  Beth-el,  from  this 
latter  city  which  itself  is  often  called  by  the  proph- 
ets 1)N"iT2  (Idol-house,  Am.  iv.  5:  Hos.  iv. 
15 ;  v.  8  ;  x.  5,  8).  Since  Michmash  again,  accord- 
ing to  1  Sam.  xiii.  5,  lay  east  of  Beth-aven,  this 
place  must  have  been  situated  between  Beth-el 
and  Michmash.  Kiepert  has  introduced  Beth- 
aven  on  his  map  somewhat  to  the  northeast  of 
Michmash,  whose  immediate  surroundings,  con- 
trasted with  the  bare  and  rocky  heights  to  the  east 
and  north,  might  be  called  green  and  fertile 
(Furrer,  p.  217).  "  The  bare  and  rocky  heights" 
to  the  east  and  north  of  Michmash  are  no  other 
than  those  of  Beth-aven. 

Ver.  13.  And  the  border  went  over  from 
thence  toward  Luz,  to  the  side  of  Luz  (which 
is  Beth-el)  southward.  Here  the  difficulty  which 
we  met  in  ch.  xvi.  2  from  the  distinction  between 
Beth-el  and  Luz  falls  away,  since  it  is  said  that 
the  border  between  Benjamin  and  Ephraim  went 
over  out  of  the  wilderness  of  Beth-aven  toward 
Luz,  that  is  Beth-el,  and  more  particularly  on  the 
south  side  of  Luz,  thus  excluding  Beth-el  from 
the  cities  of  Benjamin,  while  yet,  in  ver.  22,  it  be- 
longs to  them.  In  this  way  contradiction  would 
arise  which  Knobel  seeks  to  obviate,  thus :  "  The 
author  does  not  say  that  the  border  went  merely 
to  the  south  side  of  Beth-el ;  it  went  to  the  south 

side  of  the  ridge    PrO?)  of  Beth-el,  t.  e.  toward 
Bethel."    Beth-el  0?N"'~|,2,  Gen.  xxviii.  11-19; 

xxxi.  13,  earlier  W'  =  almond  -tree),  familiar 
through  all  the  history  of  Israel,  from  the  patri- 
archs'to  the  Maccabees  (1  Mace.  ix.  50),  and  even 
later  (Joseph.  Bell.  Jud.  iv.  9,  9),  now  a  seat  of  the 
worship  of  God,  again  a  place  of  idolatry,  lies  on 
the  right  of  the  road  from  Jerusalem  toward 
Shechem  (von  Raumer,  p.  178),  is  now  called 
Beitin  (Robinson,  p.  225  ff.),  and  was  first  recog- 
nized by  the  Missionary  Nicolayson  in  1836  (von 
Raumer.  p.  174).  Ruins  cover  three  or  four  acres, 
and  there  are  interesting  remains  of  a  great  reser- 
voir which  Furrer  saw  (p.  221 ).  Beitin  lies  1,767 
feet  high,  three  and  three-quarters  or  four  hours 
from  Jerusalem  (von  Raumer,  p.  179;  Furrer,  p. 
413).  From  this  position  of  Beth-el  we  may  un- 
derstand how  the  border  went  down  CT3J)  from 
therce  toward  Ataroth-addar,  which  is  identical 
with  the  place  of  the  same  name,  ch.  xvi.  2,  but 
different  from  the  Ataroth,  ch.  xvi.  7.  "  Robin- 
son found  an  Atara  about  six  miles  south,  and  ■ 


CHAPTERS   XVIII.,  XIX. 


156 


second  one  about  four  miles  north  of  Gophna. 
The  southern  one  appears  to  be  the  same  as  Atar- 
ath-addar,  past  which  ran  the  north  border  of 
Benjamin  from  Beth-el  toward  lower  Beth-horon, 
Jus.  xvi.  2,  3,  5 ;  xviii.  13,  14."  So  von  Raumer, 
(p.  175),  with  whom  Knobel  agrees,  while  Rob- 
inson himself,  according  to  the  passage  cited  by 
Knobel  (ii.  315),  holds  that  this  southern  Atara 
cannot  be  Ataroth-addar,  because  it  lies  too  far 
within  the  territory  of  Benjamin.  He  has  been 
followed  by  Kiepert,  Van  de  Velde,  and  Menke 
on  their  maps.  Von  Eaumer,  also  has  only 
marked  this  northern  Ataroth,  and  entirely  omit- 
ted the  southern  one  which,  according  to  his  view 
and  that  of  Knobel,  should  be  =  Ataroth-addar. 
We,  like  Keil  (on  ch.  xvi.  2),  adopt  the  view  of 
Robinson. 

From  Beth-el  the  border  went  thus  northwest- 
wardly toward  Ataroth-addar,  and  thence  on  to- 
ward the  southwest,  upon  ( De  Wette :  on ;  Bunsen : 
over)  the  mountain  that  lieth  on  the  south  side 
of  the  nether  Beth-horon.  This  is  the  north 
border  of  Benjamin,  which,  as  far  as  lower  Beth- 
horon,  coincides  with  the  south  border  of  Ephraim. 

Beth-horon  CjiMTTTja  =  house  of  the  hollow) 
mentioned,  ch.  x.  11,  in  the  history  of  the  battle 
of  Gibeon,  and  in  ch.  xvi.  3-5,  as  here,  as  a  border 
city  between  Benjamin  and  Ephraim,  a  citv  of 
Levites,  ch.  xxi.  22,  fortified  by  Solomon,  1  K.  ix. 
17;  2  Chron.  viii.  5),  spoken  of  in  the  Maccabssan 
wars  (1  Mace.  hi.  15-24;  vii.  39  if. ;  ix.  50),  and 
in  the  history  of  the  wars  of  the  Jews  (Joseph. 
Bell.  Jud.  ii.  19,  18).  There  was,  as  appears 
from  ch.  xvi.  3,  5;  1  K.  ix.  17  ;  1  Chron.  vii.  24  ; 
2  Chr.  viii.  5,  as  well  as  from  the  passage  before 
us,  an  upper  and  a  lower  Beth-horon.  Both  places 
are  still  recognized.  The  upper  is  now  called  Beit 
ur  el-Forka,  the  lower  Beit  ur  et-Tahta.  The  lat- 
ter  place  stands  on  the  top  of  a  low  ridge  ( Robin- 
son, iii.  58  f.)  and  is  separated  from  the  upper 
Beth-horon  by  a  wady.  Robinson  and  his  com- 
panion passed  through  this,  and  then  began  to 
ascend  the  long  and  steep  pass.  "  The  ascent  is 
very  rocky  and  rough ;  but  the  rock  has  been  cut 
away  in  many  places  and  the   path  formed  into 

steps;  showing  that  this  is  an  ancient  road 

The  pass  between  the  two  places  was  called  both 

the  ascent  (i"n5?a)  and  descent  ("TVto)  of  Beth- 
horon,  Josh.  x.  10,  11  (Gr. :  avd&atris  ko!  xaTci/3- 
aais  riaitiuyajr,  1  Mace,  iii.  15-24)."  (Robinson, 
5S-60).  Remains  of  ancient  walls  are  found  in 
both  places  as  well  as  in  the  pass  between  them 
(iii.  58).  Eurrer  (p.  14)  found  the  hill  on  which 
stands  the  village  of  lower  Beth-horon,  partly  cov- 
ered with  olive  trees.  The  barley  fields  in  the  low 
ground  were  mingled  with  patches  full  of  dark 
green  beans.  He  also  describes  the  pass  as  "  rocky, 
steep,  and  extremely  laborious."  Seldom  does  a 
trader  drive  his  camels  through  it  (contrast  Israel's 
hope,  Is.  Ix.  5,  6,  9).  The  land  on  almost  all  sides 
is  burnt  up  like  a  desert,  through  which  no  one 
passes  (Furrer,  p.  15). 

Ver.  14.  At  this  point,  namely,  at  the  mountain 
south  of  Lower  Beth-horon,  the  boundary  line  of 
Benjamin  bends  southwardly  toward  Kirjath-baal, 
or  Kirjath-jearim,  separating  this  territory  from  that 
of  Dan  on  the  west;  while  the  border  of  Ephraim 
runs  out  in  a  northwest  direction  past  Gezer  to  the 
sea.  Of  this  west  border  of  Benjamin,  of  which  we 
Dow  read  for  the  first  time,  it  is  said :  and  the  border 

was  drawn  ("^Sril,  as  ch.  xv.  11,  and  often )  and 
Sent  around  toward  the  west  side  southward 


from  the  mountain  that  lieth  before  Beth-horon 
southward  ;  and  the  goings  out  thereof  were 
at  Kirjath-baal  (which  is  Kirjath-jearim),  a  city 
of  the  children  of  Judah.     This  was  the  west 

side.  DT"J~IS9  =  sea-side  [side  toward  the  sea]. 
HSS  is  properly  "  mouth  "  =  to  HS,  from  HSS 

(cogn.  with  nnS,  HP3)  to  blow ;  then,  like 
Lat.  ora  (from  os),  "side,"  which  is  turned  to  any 
quarter  of  the  heavens.     As  here  COVINS,  so  ver. 

15  we  have  i"ia?5  S,  and  Ex.  xxvi.  20,  ]  iB2  B 
[comp.  ver.  12  of  this  chap.].  Kirjath-baal :  see 
ch.  xv.  60. 

Ver.  15-19.  South  Border.  This  coincides  en- 
tirely with  the  north  border  of  Judah,  ch.  xv.  5-9. 

i^9^  merely  indicates  that  the  south  border 
started  from  the  west  and  ran  toward  the  east.' 
That  Kirjath-baal  (Kirjath-jearim)  belonged  to 
the  cities  of  Judah  and  not  to  those  of  Benjamin, 
is  plainly  apparent  from  ch.  xv.  60.  The  border, 
therefore,  on  Kiepert's  Map  requires  correction ; 
Menke  has  drawn  it  right. 

Ver.  20.  The  east  border  consists  of  the  Jor- 
dan. 

0.  Ch.  xviii.  21-28.  Cities  of  the  Tribe  of  Ben- 
jamin. They  fall  into  two  groups  of  twelve  and 
fourteen  cities,  the  former  lying  in  the  east,  the 
latter  in  the  west.  Jericho,  ch.  ii.  1 ,  and  often. 
Beth-hoglah,  eh.  xv.  6.  Emek  (vale  of)  keziz. 
There  is  a  Wady  el-Kaziz  east  of  Jerusalem  (Van 
de  Velde,  Mem. 'p.  328,  apud  Knobel). 

Ver.  22.  Beth-arabah,  ch.  xv.  6,  now  Kafir 
Hajla.  Zemaraim,  probably  a  place  of  ruins. 
Sumrah,  northeast  of  the  Wady  el-Kaziz,  near 
the  road  from  Jerusalem  to  Jericho,  opposite  the 
Khan  Hadschur.  See  Van  de  Velde's  Map. 
Bethel,  ver.  13. 

Ver.  23.    Avim.      Since    Avim    (CWil)  here 

follows  directly  after  Beth-el,  while  Ai  0^?)  which 
stood  near  Beth-el  (ch.  vii.  2 ;  xii.  9),  and  to  the 
east  of  it,  is  not  mentioned,  it  is  natural  with 
Knobel  to  regard  Avim  as  identical  with  Ai, 
which  is  called  also  Aiah  (Neh.  xiii.  1 1 )  and 
Aiath  (Is.  x.  23).  The  signification  of  all  these 
names  is  essentially  the  same  :  ruins,  heaps,  stone- 
heaps,  Mich.  i.  6  (see  Gesen.).  Where  Ai  lay  is 
not  accurately  made  out.  Van  de  Velde,  follow- 
ing Finn,  supposes,  as  may  be  seen  from  his  map, 
that  it  was  the  same  as  Tel  el-Hadshar  (Stone- 
hill),  thirty -five  minutes  east  of  Beth-el  (ii.  251- 
255,  and  Mem.  p.  282,  apud  von  Raumer,  p.  169). 
Robinson  (ii.  119,  312  f.)  sought  it  twice,  but  after 
all  his  investigation  only  reached  the  conclusion 
that  the  most  probable  site  of  Ai  is  the  place  of 
ruins  exactly  south  of  Deir  Dirvau,  one  hour  dis- 
tant from  Beth-el.  The  direction  would  be  south- 
east. Knobel  on  the  passage  before  us  has  not 
kept  the  two  views  sufficiently  distinct.  Furrer 
also  visited  the  region,  but  undertook  no  further 
researches.  He  too  speaks  of  "  many  stones  "  ex- 
isting there  (p.  219).  [Tristram,  168  f.  confidently 
agrees  with  Robinson's  view.]  The  tent  of  Abra- 
ham once  stood  here  between  Beth-el  and  Ai  (Gen. 
xii.  8;  xiii.  3).  The  history  of  the  conquest  of 
Ai  has  been  treated  above,  ch.  viii.  Hitiig  (ubt 
sup.  pp.  99,  100)  disputes  the  existence  of  a  city 
of  Ai  altogether,  and  proposes  the  view  that  Ai 
signifies  in  Turkish  "moon,"  and  can  therefore 
have  been  the  Scythian,  perhaps  Amoritish  name 
for  Jericho  as  Dibon  was  the  Hebraized  Dirvan 


156 


THE   BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


Council  (??).  After  the  Exile,  Benjamites  dwelt 
there  again  (Neh.  xi.  31  ;  vii.  32  ;  Ezra  ii.  28),  so 
that  the  city  had  been  rebuilt. 

Parali,  a  place  of  ruins,  Fara,  west  of  Jericho 
on  Van  de  Velde's  Map.  Ophrah,  in  Saul's  time 
attacked  by  the  Philistines  (1  Sam.  xiii.  17),  per- 
haps, as  Robinson  (ii.  124)  conjectures,  the  mod- 
ern Taiyibeh.  Von  Raumer  (p.  216,  n.,  235  c) 
suggests  that  Ophrah  may  be  the  same  as  Ephraim 
or  Ephron  (John  xi.  54). 

Ver.  24.  Chephar  -  haamonai,  Ophni,  men- 
tioned   only    here,    and     hitherto    undiscovered. 

Gaba  (VZ2)  =  nj??3  "height,"  "hill."  This 
Gaba  is  according  to  ver.  28  distinct  from  Gibeath 
or  Gibeah,  with  which  further  1  Sam.  xiii.  2,  3 ; 
Is.  x.  29  are  to  be  compared.  Now  since  between 
Anathoth  and  Michmash  (see  Kiepert's  Map) 
there  is  a  place  called  Jeba,  the  question  has  arisen 
whether  this  Jeba  was  Gaba  or  Gibeah.  Robin- 
son (ii.  114,316)  was  at  first  inclined  to  regard 
Jeba  as  =  Gibeah,  the  Gibeah  of  Saul,  but  after- 
ward became  satisfied  (comp.  Bibl.  Sac,  Aug. 
1844,  p.  598)  that  Gibeah  of  Saul  was  rather,  as 
Gross  suspected,  to  be  looked  for  on  the  hill  Tuleil 
el-Fuleh  ("  hill  of  beans,"  Rob.  p.  317),  where  von 
Raumer  also,  and  Van  de  Velde,  and  Kiepert  place 
it,  while  our  Gaba,  as  the  similarity  of  the  name 
renders  probable,  has  been  preserved  in  the  Jeba 
just  spoken  of.  Knobel  on  the  contrary  identifies 
Gaba  and  Gibeah  of  Saul  in  accordance  with  Rob- 
inson's earlier  view,  and  proposes  a  variety  of  con- 
jectures in  regard  to  Gibeath  of  ver.  28.  For  the 
distinctness  of  Gaba  and  Gibeah  of  Saul,  Is.  x.  29 
is,  we  may  remark  in  conclusion,  decisive,  a  pas- 
sage whose  vividness  of  description  Furrer  (who 
likewise  regards  the  two  places  as  clearly  different, 
pp.  212,  213,  compared  with  215,  216),  was  con- 
strained on  the  spot  to  admire  (pp.  216,  217).  To 
this  eastern  division  belong  also  the  two  cities  of 
priests,  Anathoth  and  Almon,  ch.  xxi.  18,  of 
which  more  hereafter. 

Ver.  25-28.  "The  fourteen  west  Benjamite 
cities." 

Ver.  25.    Gibeon,     1^33,   properly  the   same 

name  again  as  3723,  i"tj?23,  TO723,  quite  famil- 
iar to  us  from  the  narrative,  in  this  book,  of  the 
wiles  of  its  inhabitants  (ch.  ix.)  and  from  the  bat- 
tle at  Gibeon  (ch.  x.  1-15) ;  later  (ch.  xxi.  17)  a 
Levite  city  as  well  as  Geba.  It  is  the  modern  el-Jib 
lying  on  an  oblong  hill  or  ridge  of  limestone  rock, 
which  rises  above  a  very  fertile  and  well  cultivated 
plain  (Robinson,  ii.  135  ff.).  Of  the  fertile  plain 
Furrer  also  (p.  16)  makes  mention.  He  found  the 
hill  on  which  el-Jib  is  situated  well  cultivated  in 
terraces.  Vines,  figs,  and  olives  flourish  on  the 
eastern  slope,  while  on  the  north  the  Tel  falls  off 
somewhat  abruptly  (Fnrrer,  pp.  16,  17).  Histor- 
ical associations  with  days  subsequent  to  Joshua 
attach  to  this  place  where  stood  the  Tabernacle 
under  David  and  Solomon  (1  K.  iii.  5  ff . ;  1  Chr. 
xvi.  39  ;  xxi.  29  ;  2  Chr.  i.  3  ;  2  Sam.  xx.  9).  To 
Gibeon  belonged  Chephirah  (ver.  26),  Beeroth 
(ver.  25),  Kirjath-jearim  (ch.  xv.  9-60;  xviii.  14). 

Eamah  (^?"5  =  height,  a  frequently  occurring 
name  of  places,  on  which  compare  Gesen.),  not  to 
he  confounded  with  the  Ramah  of  Samuel  or 
Ramathaim  (von  Raumer,  p.  217,  No.  148);  near 
Gibeah  (Judg.  xix.  13  ;  Hos.  v.  8),  noted  in  the 
:ontests  with  Syria  (1  K.  xv.  17;  2  Chr.  xvi.  1' 
»nd  Assyria  (Is.  x.29) ;  the  place  where  Jeremiah 
ras  3et  free  (Jer.  xl.  1,  compared  with  xxxi.  15) 


inhabited  again  after  the  exile  (Ezra  ii.  26;  Neh. 
vii.  30;  xi.  33) ;  now  er-Ram  (Robinson,  ii.  315) ; 
a  wretched  village  north  of  Gibeah,  on  a  hill 
(Furrer,  p.  214).  Furrer  discovered  here  remains 
of  Roman  milestones,  and  supposes  that  a  Roman 
road  ran  from  Gibeah,  Rama,  Geba  down  toward 
the  narrow  pass  of  Michmash  (p.  215). 

Beeroth  mentioned,  ch.  ix.  17,  as  belonging  to 
Gibeon,  or  allied  with  Gibeon ;  home  of  the  mur- 
derers of  Ish-bosheth  (2  Sam.  iv.  2),  and  of  Joab's 
Armor-bearer  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  37),  likewise  rebuilt 
after  the  exile  (Neh.  vii.  29).  Robinson  (ii.  132) 
regards  the  present  Bireh  as  Beeroth.  a  village 
with  old  foundations,  remains  of  a  Gothic  church, 
and  about  seven  hundred  Mohammedan  inhab- 
itants. With  him  agree  Keil  and  Knobel,  while 
von  Raumer  disputes  the  view  of  Robinson  as  con- 
tradicting the  statements  of  Jerome  (p.  197,  n.  187). 
But  compare,  for  a  defense  of  Robinson,  Keil  on 
ch.  ix.  17. 

Ver.  26.  Mizpeh,  not  the  same  as  the  Mizpeh 
in  the  lowland,  ch.  xv.  38 ;  already  in  the  time  of 
the  Judges  a  place  of  assembling  for  Israel  (Judg. 
xx.  1 ;  xxi.  1 ) ;  but  specially  celebrated  on  ac- 
count of  Samuel  (1  Sam.  vii.  5-15;  x.  17)  ;  after 
the  fall  of  Judah,  the  seat  of  the  Chaldsean  gov- 
ernor Gedaliah  (2  K.  xxv.  23,  25  ;  Jer.  xl.  6  ff. , 
xli.  1  ff.);  now  the  Nebi  Samwil,  i.  e.  prophet 
Samuel,  five  hundred  feet  above  the  level  of  the 
plain,  2,484  feet  above  the  sea  (von  Raumer,  after 
Symonds,  p.  213),  with  a  very  rich  and  extensive 
prospect  (Robinson,  ii.  143,  144).  Here  they 
would  have  it  that  Samuel  was  buried  under  the 
half-  decayed  mosque  on  the  mountain.  Thus 
Nebi  Samwil  would  be  =  the  Rama  of  Samuel. 
Robinson  has,  however,  among  others,  shown  that 
this  is  not  so,  but  that  Mizpeh  is  probably  to  be 
sought  here.  He  is  followed  by  Keil,  Knobel, 
Tobler,  Van  de  Velde,  Kiepert,  Furrer  (p.  212). 
The  last  named  writer  from  the  Scopus  near  Jeru- 
salem perceived  Nebi  Samwil  in  the  northwest, 
"  the  high  watch-tower  of  the  land  of  Benjamin." 

Chephirah,  like  Beeroth  belonging  to  Gibeon 
(ch.  ix.  17  ;  Ezr.  ii.  25) ;  the  present  place  of  ruins 
Kefir  on  the  mountain  east  of  Ajalon  (Jalo).  See 
Robinson  (Later  Bibl.  Res.  p.  146).     The  name  is 

related  to  "133,  village,  instead  of  which  ~',S3 
occurs,  Neh.  vi.  2.  Mozah,  mentioned  only  here 
and  unrecognized. 

Ver.  27.  Rekem,  Irpeel,  and  Taralah,  also 
unrecognized,  and  like  Mozah  mentioned  only  in 
this  place,  —  a  proof  again  of  the  integrity  of  the 
LXX.  in  ch.  xv.  59. 

Zelah  (3?7.?i  rib,  side),  burial-place  of  Saul 
and  Jonathan  (2  Sam.  xxi.  14)  ;  unknown;  and 
so  with  Eleph.  — Jebusi,  I.  e.  Jerusalem.  See  ch. 
xv.  8. 

Gibeath  (n?2|).    This  is  the  Gibeah  of  Saul 

(b^SEJ  H5723,  1  Sam.  x.  26  ;  xi.  4 ;  xv.  34,  and 
often)  ;  as  was  already  shown  above  on  ver.  24,  to 
be  sought  on  the  hill  Tuleil  el-Ful.  Here  occurred 
before  Saul's  time  the  outrage  reported  in  Judg. 
xix.  which  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  the  city, 
and  the  extirpation  of  the  Benjamites  except  six 
hundred  (Judg.  xx).  Comp.  also  Hos.  ix.  9;  x. 
9.  After  Saul's  death  its  inhabitants  hung  seven 
of  his  descendants,  on  the  mountain  of  Gibeah  (2 
Sam.  xxi.  6-9),  but  Mephibosheth  was  spared 
Furrer  accomplished  the  way  from  Jerusalem  to 
Tel  el-Ful,  on  foot,  in  one  hour  and  twenty-five 
minutes    (p.   412).     He   found  the   summit   com 


CHAPTEKS  XVIII.,  XIX. 


157 


pletely  strown  with  ruins.  There  the  traveller  was 
rewarded  with  a  wide  and  glorious  prospect 
scarcely  inferior  to  that  of  Mizpeh.  "  The  land 
of  Benjamin  with  its  many  famous  old  cities  lay 
spread  out  around  me.  Over  the  heights  of  Hiz- 
meh,  Anathoth,  and  Isawijeh,  the  eye  swept  down- 
ward to  the  Jordan  valley,  which  here  appeared 
more  beautiful  than  on  the  mount  of  Olives.  In 
the  southeast  the  dark  blue  of  the  Dead  Sea 
enlivened  wonderfully  the  stiff  yellow  mountain 
rocks  of  its  neighborhood.  On  the  far  distant 
horizon  the  mountain  chains  of  Moab  were  traced 
'n  soft  and  hazy  lines.  Northward  lay  Ramah  and 
the  hill  of  Gelia.  Further  west  and  around  toward 
the  south  followed  Gibcon,  '  the  glorious  height,' 
Mizpeh,  the  queen  among  the  mountains  of  Ben- 
jamin, and  then  in  the  south,  the  most  beautiful 
of  all,  the  Holy  City  "  (pp.  212,  213).  Excellently 
descriptive  ! 

Kirjath,  not  to  be  confounded  with  Kirjath- 
jearim,  ver.  14,  ch.  xv.  60,  which  belonged  to 
Judah.  Perhaps,  as  Knobel  conjectures,  Kerteh, 
west  of  Jerusalem  (Seholtz,  Reise,  p.  161). 

c.  Ch.  xix.  1-9.  The  Territory  of  the  Tribe  of 
Simeon.  The  second  lot  came  out  for  the  tribe  of 
Simeon,  who,  since  the  portion  assigned  to  the 
tribe  of  Judah  was  too  large  for  them  (ver.  9),  re- 
ceived their  possession  out  of  that  of  Judah ;  con- 
cerning which  comp.  Gen.  xlix.  7.  Two  groups 
of  cities  are  enumerated,  one  of  thirteen  or  four- 
teen (comp.  on  this  difference,  ch.  xv.  32),  all  lying 
in  the  land  of  the  south,  the  other  of  four  cities. 
Of  these  latter,  Ashan  and  Ether  lay,  according 
to  ch.  xv.  42,  in  the  Shephelah.  When  now  Ain 
and  Rimmon,  which  in  ch.  xv.  32  are  ascribed  to 
the  Negeb,  are  here  placed  with  Ashan  and  Ether, 
the  author  seems,  as  Knobel  remarks,  to  refer 
them  here  to  the  Shephelah  also.  "  The  dividing 
line  between  the  Negeb  and  Shephelah  was  not  so 
accurately  determined."  The  province  of  Simeon, 
although  only  the  cities  and  villages  are  men- 
tioned, appears  to  have  been  a  continuous  one, 
namely  the  Negeb,  with  a  small  part  of  the  She- 
phelah, while  the  Levites,  as  we  learn  from  ch.  xxi. 
acquired  particular  cities  with  their  appurtenant 
pasture-ground  throughout  the  whole  land.  The 
list  of  the  abodes  of  Simeon  is  found  again,  1  Chr. 
iv.  28—32,  with  slight  deviations  (see  Keil,  p.  420). 
The  explanations  concerning  the  places  see  on  ch. 
xv   24-32,  42. 

d.  Ch.  xix.  10-16.  The  Territory  of  the  Tribe  of 
Zebulun.  The  third  lot  fell  to  Zebulun  (Gen.  xlix. 
13;  Deut.  xxxiii.  19),  the  hounds  of  which,  from 
the  data  given,  can  be  but  imperfectly  determined. 
Josephus  (Ant.  v.  1,  22)  assigns  the  sea  of  Gennes- 
aret  as  the  eastern  border,  Carmel  and  the  sea 
as  the  western.  He  says :  ZafiovAwiTai  5f  t^v 
ii4rpT)(Tiv  pexpt  T  evvntjapiT  l?>os  ,  Ka6r}Kouaaf  5e  Trepl 
Kdpu.ri\oy  Kal  daWafrtraf  i\axov.  In  general  this 
statement  agrees  with  our  book,  only  Zebulun  ap- 
pears not  to  have  reached  to  the  sea.  His  prov- 
ince was,  especially  in  the  interior  where  it  em- 
braced the  beautiful  valley  el-Buttauf  (Robinson, 
iii.  189),  fertile,  toward  the  sea  of  Gennesaret 
mountainous  but  pleasant  and  well  cultivated, 
higher  than  the  plain  of  Jezreel  and  lower  than 
the  mountains  of  Xaphtali  :  "  a  land  of  mountain 
terraces"  (Knobel  [cf.  Robinson,  iii.  190]). 

Ver.  10  South  Border,  given  as  at  ch.  xvi.  6  ; 
xix.  33,  from  a   central   point   toward  west   and 

»st.  It  went  to  Sand.  Where  this  Sarid  ("T"W) 
lay  cannot  be  made  out.  Von  Raumer  is  entirely 
iilVut  concerning  it ;  Masius  and  Rosemiiller  seek 


the  place  south  of  Carmel,  near  the  Mediterranean 
Sea,  which  however  does  not  answer  well  on  ac- 
count of  ver.  11  ;  Keil  and  Knobel,  just  on  ac- 
count of  this  verse,  place  it  more  in  the  interior, — 
north  or  east  of  Legio  (Lejijim)  in  the  plain  of 
E>draelon  (Keil),  or  one  hour  southeast  of  Naz- 
areth (Knobel).  The  latter,  however,  supposes  no 
place  to  be  intended  but,  since  Sarid  may  signify 

brook,  incision  (according  to  T^tP ',  perforaoit,  and 

^7"?)  incidit),  "  the  southern  mouth  of  the  deep 
and  narrow  wady  descending  from  the  basin  of 
Nazareth."  It  is  possible  that  Sarid  lay  here,  and 
was  named  after  the  mouth  of  this  wady.  But 
that  this  itself  was  intended  appears  to  me  con- 
trary to  all  analogy  in  the  other  determinations  of 
boundary. 

Ver.  11.  From  hence  the  boundary  went  up  to- 
ward the  sea  (westward),  and  (more  particularly) 
toward  Maralah,  and  struck  Dabbasheth  and 
struck  the  water-course  that  is  before  Jokneam. 
Maralah  is  unfortunately  altogether  unknown  ;  per- 
haps on  account  of  i~l  ~ 37,  to  which  Keil  calls  atten- 
tion, to  be  sought  somewhere  on  Carmel.  Dabbash- 
eth (j™I???5?,  camel's  hump,  Is.  xxx.  6,  therefore  a 

name  like  CDtO)  perhaps  situated  on  the  height 
of  Carmel  (Keil).  Knobel  refers  to  Jebata  (Rob- 
inson, iii.  2U1 )  between  Mujeidil  and  Kaimon.  near 
the  edge  of  the  mountains  which  border  the  plain 
of  Jezreel,  or  to  Tel  Tureh  somewhat  further 
toward  the  southwest  (Robinson,  Later  Bib/.  Re* 
p.  115).  These  are  pure  conjectures  without  anj 
firm  foundation.  The  water-course  thai  is  before 
Jokneam  (see   ch.   xii.  22)  is,  without  doubt,  the 

Kishon,  fllUyj?,  ('.  e.  which   curves,  winds  about, 

from  tP-lp),  now  Nahr  el-Mukattaa  (Mukattua) 
with  clear,  green  water  (von  Raumer,  p.  50).  "  It 
flows  through  the  slender  valley  which  separates 
Carmel  from  the  hills  lying  along  to  the  north  of 
it.  Dense  oleander  thickets  skirt  the  bed  of  the 
brook,  and  follow  its  pleasantly  winding  course 
(Furrer,  p.  280).  The  Kishon  is  historically  cele- 
brated for  the  events  recorded,  Judg.  iv.  7,  13  ;  v. 
21  (comp.  Ps.  lxxxiii.  10),  and  1  K.  xix.  40.  With 
reference  to  Judg.  v.  9,  Furrer  observes,  "  The 
water  flowed  in  a  swift  stream  of  about  a  foot  in 
depth,  strong  enough  to  carry  away  corpses." 
Differing  from  all  other  commentators,  Knobel 
will  see  nothing  of  the  Kishon  here,  but  thinks  of 
the  Wady  el-Milh  on  whose  eastern  bank  Kaimea 
(Jokneam)  should  lie.  The  grounds  of  his  view 
are  given  in  his  Commentary,  p.  458. 

Ver.  12.  As  the  border  turned  from  Sarid  west- 
ward, so  also  it  turned  from  the  same  point  toward 
the  east  :  Eastward,  toward  the  sun-rising,  unto 
the  border  of  Chisloth-tabor,  and  went  out  to 
Daberath.  and  went  up  to  Japhia.     C/i/sioth-tabor 

(-QJjTrvbpS,     like    P"???,    ch.  xv.  10,  trom 

vD^\  to  be  strong),  probably  =  jTvpS,  ver.  18, 
in  the  tribe  of  Issachar  ;  now  Iksal,  Ksal,  Zal,  on 
a  rocky  height  west  of  Tabor,  with  many  tombs 
in  the  rock  (Rob.  iii.  182).  The  rocky  height  on 
which  it  stands  lies  more  in  the  plain  (Rob.  /.  c). 
Daberath,  a  Levitical  city,  eh.  xxi.  28 ;  1  Chron. 
vi.  72,  pertaining  to  Issachar ;  now  Deburijeh,  a 
small  and  unimportant  village  "  lying  on  the  side 
of  a  ledge  of  rocks  directiy  at  the  foot  of  Tabor  " 
(Rob.  iii.  210).  Furrer  describes  its  situation  thus 
"A  little  valley  running  north  and  south  divides 


158 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


Tabor  from  the  low  hills  in  the  west.  Near  the 
mouth  of  this  wady,  in  the  northeast  arm  of  the 
valley  of  Jezreel,  lies  the  village  of  Deburijeh  " 

(p.  306).  Japkia  (V?*,  "glancing,"  Gesen.). 
.Tata,  somewhat  over  half  an  hour  southwest  of 
Nazareth  in  another  valley.  It  contains  thirty- 
houses  with  the  remains  of  a  church  and  a  couple 

of  solitary  palm  trees The  Japha  fortified 

by  Josephus  was  probably  the  same,  a  large  and 
Btrong  village  in  Galilee,"  afterward  conquered  by 
Trajan  and  Titus  under  the  orders  of  Vespasian 
(Rob.  iii.  200).     When  it  is  said  of  the  border  that 

it  ascended  (f/?)  toward  Japhia,  this  is  correct, 
for  "  Monro  ascended  the  Galilean  mountains 
from  the  plain  of  Jezreel,  '  in  a  ravine '  toward 
Jaffa"  (Monro,  i.  276  ap.  von  Eaumer,  p.  128). 
With  this  comp.  Knobel's  remark  :  """IvS  stands 
correctly,  since  according  to  von  Schubert,  iii.  169, 
the  valley  of  Nazareth  lies  about  four  hundred 
feet  higher  than  the  plain  at  the  western  foot  of 
Tabor." 

Ver.  13.  From  Japhia  the  border  ran  still  in  an 
easterly  direction  :  Eastward,  toward  the  rising 
(of  the  sun),  to  Gittah-hepher,  to  Ittah-kazin, 
and  went  out  to  Remmon,  which  stretches  to 

Neah.  Gath-hepher  (ngrTTUJia,  fT|  with  H 
local),  the  birth-place  of  the  prophet  Jonah  (2  K. 
xiv.  25),  whose  grave  is  shown  in  a  mosque  =  el 
Meschad,  one  hour  northeast  of  Nazareth  (Rob. 
iii.  209).  Robinson  says  concerning  it  (note,  p. 
209) :  "At  el-Meshhad  is  one  of  the  many  tombs 
of  Neby  Yunas.  the  prophet  Jonah ;  and  hence 
modern  monastic  tradition  has  adopted  this  vil- 
lage as  the  Gath-hepher  where  the  prophet  was 
bom  (2  K.  xiv.  25  ;  Quaresimus,  ii.  855)."  Ittah- 
kazin  ^SjrrtJTO,,  nV  with  n  local),  un- 
known. The  name  signifies,  "  time  of  the  judge." 
Remmon,  a  city  of  Levites,  ch.  xxi.  35  ;  1  Chron. 
vi.  62,  perhaps'  the  present  Rummaneh,  north  of 
Nazareth  (Rob.  iii.  194,  195;  von  Raum.  p.  138). 
Which  extends  to  Neah.  Thus,  according  to  the 
very  simple  and  therefore  obvious  conjecture  of 

Knobel:    "MHO  n3S"1.      The  LXX.  made  a 

proper  name  out  of  "'SriSH,  A/i/uaflapht,  Vulg. 
Amthar.  Fiirst  renders  the  participle  by  "  marked 
off,  staked  out."  With  him  agree  Knobel  and 
Bunsen.  Gesenius,  Rosenmiiller,  De  Wette,  on 
the  other  hand,  translate  it,  "  which  stretches  to- 
ward." Since  "Wn  everywhere  else  is  employed 
of  the  boundary,  we  side  with  Knobel.1  Neah 
(rt2?2,  perhaps  "inclination,"  slope,  declivity, 
r.  V>0,  Gesen.),  unknown  ;  "perhaps  the  same  as 
?S">173,  ver.  27,  which  lay  south  of  Jiphtha-el,  as 

they  said  also  riTT  for  btOPi  ch.  xv.  11" 
(Knobel). 

Ver.  14.  And  the  border  bent  around  it 
(Neah |  northward  to  Hannathon:  and  the  out- 
goings thereof  were  in  the  valley  of  Jiphthah- 
el  (God  opens).  Compassed  Neah,  not  Rimmon 
(Keil),  and  went  in  a  northerly  direction  toward 

Hannathon  (]»"!3n,  pleasant),  in  which  Knobel 
and  Keil  ( Bihl.  Com.  ii.  1 ,  in  loc. )  suspect  the  New- 
Testament  Cana  (John  ii.  1,  11  ;  iv.  46;  xxi.  2)  ; 

1  [The  author  translates  precisely  with  Gesenius  ,  indeed 
•here  seems  to  be  little  difference  in  conception  between 
tb*se  "ritics.  —  Tg.] 


the  present  Kana  el-Jelil  between  Jefat  and  Rum 
maneh.  Jiphtha-el  (  xSVTriE*)  is  perhaps  tha 
Japata  defended  by  Josephus,  now  Jefat,  midway 
between  the  sea  of  Tiberias  and  the  Bay  of  Accho 
(von  Raumer,  p.  129;  Knobel  and  Keil).  The 
valley  would  be,  according  to  this  view,  the  great 
Wady  Abilie,  which  commences  above  in  the  hills 
near  Jefat  (Rob.  Later  Bib.  Res.  p.  1 03  f.).  It  emp- 
ties into  the  Nahr  Amar  (Belus),  as  Van  de  Velde's 
map  clearly  shows.  Comp.  ver.  27.  Keil  remarks 
very  correctly,  "  that  this  verse  should  describe  the 
northern  boundary,"  but,  as  is  to  be  inferred  also 
from  the  other  expressions  of  Keil,  does  this  very 
imperfectly. 

Ver.  15.  This  verse  beginning  with  }  is  evi- 
dently a  fragment.  There  must  something  before 
have  fallen  out,  in  favor  of  which  is  the  circum- 
stance also,  that  at  the  close  of  the  verse  twelve 
cities  and  their  villages  are  summed  up,  while  only 
five  are  named.  We  must  conclude,  as  Keil  also 
assumes,  that  there  is  here  a  chasm  in  the  text 
where  we  are  left  in  the  lurch  even  by  the  LXX., 
who  at  ch.  xv.  59  offered  so  helpful  a  supplement. 
Probably  there  has  dropped  out  (a)  the  statement 
of  the  west  border,  which  Knobel  also  feels  to  be 
wanting ;  (6)  the  enumeration  of  seven  cities  among 
which  it  is  likely  that  Nazareth  would  not  have 
failed  to  be.  In  respect  to  this  last  city,  it  cannot 
help  striking  one  without  needing  to  agree  with 
Jerome  on  ch.  xv.  59,  that  here  Nazareth  is  want- 
ing as  there  Bethlehem.  As  regards  the  missing 
west  border,  it  is  indicated  ver.  27,  in  connection 
with  Asher,  but  "  in  a  very  general  and  vague 
manner."    The  five  cities  are  :  Kattath.  perhaps  = 

^■£H!3  (ch.  xxi.  34),  Kireh,  a  place  of  ruins  one 
and  a  half  hour's  south  of  Kaimon  (Knobel,  on 
the  authority  of  Bob.  Later  Bill.  Res.  p.  116). 
Nahallal  or  Nahalol,  a  Levitical  city,  ch.  xxi.  35 ; 
Judg  i.  30  ;  unknown.  Shimron  (ch.  xi.  1),  like- 
wise. Idalah,  the  same.  Beth-lehem,  now  Beit- 
lahm,  west- northwest  of  Nazareth  (Rob.  Later 
Bibl.  Res.  p.  113) ;  von  Raumer,  p.  122. 

e.  Ch.  xix.  17-23.  The  Territory  of  the  Tribe  of 
Issaehar.  The  borders  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar 
are  not  particularly  noted  by  the  author,  having 
been  given  by  him  in  connection  with  the  other 
tribes,  except  the  eastern  part  of  the  north  border 
and  the  east  border,  ver.  22.  Issachar  touched  in 
the  north  on  Zebulun  and  Naphtali ;  in  the  west 
on  Asher  and  Manasseh  ;  in  the  south  likewise  on 
Manasseh  in  part,  and  in  part  also  (see  the  maps) 
on  Ephraim ;  in  the  east  on  the  Jordan.  Its  most 
important  and  most  beautiful  section  of  country 
was  the  fertile  plain  of  Jezreel  (von  Raumer, 
Palest,  p.  39  ff. ;  Ritter,  xvi.  689  ff. ;  Furrer,  p. 
258  ff.).  Josephus  observes  concerning  the  boun- 
daries, merely :  Kal  utri  roinots  'Itraxapij,  Kap- 
jUtjAov  Te  opos  Kal  tov  iroTQ.fj.ov  tov  fir/KOvs  notno-afitvn 
TcppLOva,  to  5*  lrafivpwv  (Tabor)  6pos  tov  nKdrovs 
[Ant.  v.  1,  22). 

Ver.  IS.  Jezreel  (vtW"?p.),  "i.e.,  God's  plant 

ing.  Esdraela,  among  the  Greeks,  from  which 
Stradela ;  at  the  time  of  the  crusades,  Little  Ge- 
rinum  (Parvum  Gcrinum)  ;  now  Zerin "  (von 
Raumer,  p.  157).  It  stands  on  the  brow  of  a  very 
steep  rocky  slope  of  one  hundred  feet  or  more  to- 
ward the  northeast,  commanding  a  wide  and  nobla 
view  of  the  country  around  in  all  directions  (Rob. 
iii.  161  ff).  The  present  village  is  small  and  poor. 
The  inhabitants  live  in  constant  strife  with  the 
Bedouins  of  the  plain  of  Jezreel,    *-ho,  with  vio> 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


156 


lence  or  craft,  practice  incessant  provocations  ami 
robberies  on  the  wretched  people  (Furrer,  pp.  262- 
264).  The  splendid  site  induced  Ahab  and  his 
house  to  reside  here,  perhaps  more  especially  in 
the  summer  (Keil),  to  keep  court,  1  K.  xviii.  45, 
46;  xxi.  I  ff. ;  2  K.  viii.  29  ;  ix.  15-37;  x.  1-11. 
Hosea  refers  to  the  blood-guiltiness  of  Jezreel  (ch. 
i.  4, 11 ;  ii.  22).  Chesulloth  =  Chisloth-tabor,  ver. 
12 

Shunem,  C31JP   (prop.,  according  to  Gesenius, 

"  two  resting-places,"   for   C^S/IET,  for   which,  as 

Eusebius  informs  ns,  D/1"^  also  was  employed), 
now  Solam  or  Sulem  (Rob.  iii.  169),  on  the  de- 
clivity at  the  western  end  of  Mount  Duhy  (little 
Hermon),  over  against  Zerin,  but  higher.  Furrer 
required  one  and  a  half  hours  between  Zerin  and 
Shunem.  The  ground  in  the  broad  valley  rose 
and  fell  in  gentle  undulations.  The  village  itself 
lies  behind  tall  cactus  hedges  and  trees  (Furrer,  p. 
264,  265).  Here  the  Philistines  encamped  before 
Saul's  last  battle  (1  Sam.  xxviii.  4).  Shunem  was 
the  home  of  Abishag  (1  K.  i.  3).  In  the  house  of 
a  Shunamite  woman  Elisha  often  lodged,  and  her 
son  he  raised  from  death  (2  K.  iv.  8-37  ;  viii.  1-6). 
Shunem  (Shulem)  was  probably  also  the  birth- 
place of  the  Shulamite  (Cant.  vi.  12). 

Ver.  19.  Chepharaim,  perhaps  =  Chepher,  the 
residence  of  a  Canaanitish  king  mentioned  ch.  xii. 
17;  according  to  the  Onom.,  Affarea,  according  to 
Knobel,  Afuleh,  west  of  Shulem,  and  more  than  two 
hours  northeast  of  Lejun.     Shihon,  not  found. 

Anahaxath.  According  to  Knobel  either  Xa'- 
nrah,  on  the  east  side  of  Little  Hermon  (Rob. 
Later  Bibl.  Res.  p.  339)  on  an  elevation,  or  —  since 
Cod.  A  of  the  LXX.  gives  instead  of  this  name, 

PeviB  and  'A/SjWe'fl,  therefore  HJITIS  —  Arraneh, 
north  of  Jenin,  in  the  plain  (in  Seetzen,  ii.  156  ; 
Rob.  iii.  157,  160). 

Ver.  20.  Rabbith,  "  conjecturably  Arabboneh, 
somewhat  further  toward  the  northeast  on  Gilboa, 
in  Rob.  iii.  158"  (Knobel). 

Kislnon,  a  Levitical  city,  ch.  xxi.  28,  is  errone- 
ously called  BTJi?.,  1  Chr.  vi.  57  (Knobel,  Keil). 
The  site  is  unknown. 

Abez,  not  identified. 

Ver.  21.  Remeth,  "or  Ramoth,  or  Jarmuth, 
belonging  to  the  Levites  (ch.  xxi.  29  ,  1  Chron.  vi. 
58);  the  name  signifies  height"  (Knobel).  Con- 
cerning Knobel's  further  conjectures,  see  Keil,  Bib. 
Com.  on  the  0.  T.  ii.  145,  rem.     Unknown. 

En-Gannim,  □<22"]>??,  i.  e.,  Garden-spring,  a 
Levitical  city,  ch.  xxi.  29,  "  without  doubt,"  as 
Knobel  rightly  says,  "  the  present  Jenin."  For, 
according  to  Robinson  (iii.  155),  this  town  lies  in 
the  midst  of  gardens  of  fruit-trees,  which  are  sur- 
rounded by  hedges  of  the  prickly  pear  ;  but  having 
for  its  most  remarkable  feature  a  beautiful,  flow- 
ing, public  fountain,  rising  in  the  hills  back  of  the 
town,  and  brought  down  so  that  it  issues  in  a 
noble  stream  in  the  midst  of  the  place.  Furrer 
describes  it  as  an  important  place  on  the  border  of 
the  Samaritan  mountain,  and  mentions  not  only 
the  copiousness  of  the  water,  but  the  fruitfulness 
of  the  gardens  there  (p.  257).  In  Josephus  (Ant. 
xx.  6,  1 ;  Bell.  Jud.  iii.  3,  4),  En-gannim  is  called 
Tfala,  from  which  Jenin  has  come,  as  Robinson 
rightly  conjectured  (iii.  156,  note  1). 

En-Haddah  and  Beth-pazzaz,  not  yet  identi- 
Sed.  En-haddah  may  have  been  the  same  as 
Judeideh  or  Beit  Kad,  Kadd  on  Gilboa  (Rob.  iii. 
157 ,,  Knobel. 


Ver.  22.  And  the  border  struck  Tabor  and 
Shahazimah,  and  Beth-shemesh ;  and  the  out- 
goings of  their  border  were  at  the  Jordan.  In 
this  the  eastern  part  of  the  north  border  is  given. 
The  western  point  of  beginning  was  Tabor,  here 
probably  not  the  mountain  of  this  name,  but  a 
city  lying  on  this  mountain  (Knobel  and  Keil), 
which  was  given  to  the  Levites  (1  Chr.  vi.  62 1. 
Remains  of  walls  have  been  found  there  by  Seet- 
zen, Robinson  (iii.  213  ff.),  Buckingham,  Ruseg- 
ger,  and  most  recently  Furrer  (p.  307  ff.)  Tb.E 
largest  and  best  preserved  mass  of  ruins  is  fcund, 
according  to  Furrer's  representation,  on  the  south- 
east corner  of  the  plateau  of  the  mountain,  where 
the  large  closely-jointed  blocks  of  cut  stone  lie 
firmly  one  upon  the  other,  from  fifteen  to  twenty 

feet  high.  Shahazimah  ( the  Kethib  reads  Q-"KnE7) 
=  heights,  therefore  a  city  lying  on  a  height,  per- 
haps Hazetheth,  on  the  hills  east  of  Tabor  toward 
the  Jordan  (Knobel).  Beth-shemesh,  not  to  be  con- 
founded with  Beth-shemesh  in  the  tribe  of  Judah 
(ch.  xv.  10,  mentioned  besides  in  Judg.  i.  33),  per 
haps  =  Bessum  (Rob.  iii.  237 ),  a  conjecture  of  Kno 
bel's  with  which  Keil  agrees.  "  The  eastern  portion 
of  the  north  border  of  Issachar  toward  Naphtali 
may  have  run  from  Tabor  northeastward  through 
the  plain  to  Kefr  Sabt,  and  thence  along  the  Wady 
Bessum  to  the  Jordan.  But  how  far  the  territory 
of  Issachar  extended  down  into  the  Jordan  Valley 
is  not  stated"  (Keil). 

Sixteen  cities.  The  number  is  correct  if  Tabor 
is  taken  as  a  city.  This  city  would  then  be  as- 
cribed here  to  Issachar,  while  in  1  Chron.  vi.  62  it 
is  reckoned  to  Zebulun ;  not  a  remarkable  thing 
in  the  case  of  a  border  town. 

/.  Ch.  xix.  24-31.  The  Territory  of  the  Tribe  of 
Asher.  The  fifth  lot  fell  to  the  tribe  of  Asher, 
which  received  its  territory  on  the  slope  of  the 
Galilean  mountains  toward  the  Mediterranean; 
in  general,  likewise,  a  very  beautiful  and  fertile 
region,  whose  olive  trees  (Dent,  xxxiii.  24)  were 
formerly  famous  for  their  rich  product.  Even  yet 
there  are  in  that  region  "  ancient  olive  trees,  large 
gardens  with  all  kinds  of  southern  fruit  trees,  and 
green  corn-fields"  (Furrer,  p.  291).  From  the 
Franciscan  cloister  at  Accho  "  the  eye  sweeps  east- 
ward over  the  wide,  fertile,  grassy  plains  up  to  the 
mountains  of  Galilee  "  (ibid.  p.  294).  Here  Asher 
had  his  beautiful  possession.  This  was  the  koiAoj 
of  which  Josephus  speaks  :  TV  8e  a-ro  tou  Kapuv- 
kov,  Koi\t£$a  Trpoaayopfvofxtvrjy  8ia  rb  teal  roiaiirtji 
tlvai,  Atrripirai  (pcpovrai  tratrav  r^]v  «V1  SiSutfo: 
TeTpa/jLuernv  (Ant.  v.  1,  22).  The  description  be- 
gins in  the  vicinity  of  Accho  (ver.  25),  goes  first 
toward  the  south  (vers.  26,  27),  then  northward 
(vers.  28-30). 

Ver.  25.  Helkath,  a  city  of  the  Levites,  ch.  xxi. 
31  =  Jelka  or  Jerka,  northeast  of  Accho  (Robin 
son  iii.  App.  p.  133),  on  the  slope  of  the  moun- 
tains by  a  little  wady. 

Hah,  passed  over  by  von  Raumer,  possibly  Julia 
or  Gnlis,  in  the  same  region,  somewhat  to  the 
southwest  of  Helkath  and  more  toward  the  sea. 

Beten  (IP?-  Belly,  =  Valley,  xoiKas,  Gesen. 
with  which  the  designation  used  by  Josephus  for 
the  whole  region  is  suggestively  accordant),  not 
yet  identified  ;  according  to  the  dnom.  called  Beth 
beten  or  BejSeTeV,  eight  Roman  miles  east  of  Ptole- 
mais.  Von  Raumer  (p.  121,  Rem.  18,  E.)  inquires 
whether  it  is  identical  with  Ekbatana  not  far  from 
Ptolemais  (Plin.  v.  17,  5  ;  Reland,  p.  617). 

Achshaph,  ch.  xi.  1  ;  xii.  20. 

Ver.  26.     A lammelech.    The  name  is  preserved 


160 


THE  BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


in  the  Wady  el-Malek  which  empties  into  the 
Kishon  from  the  northeast. 

Amad.  Knobel  supposes  this  to  be  the  modern 
Haifa,  about  three  hours  south  of  Accho,  on  the 
sea,  called  by  the  ancients  Sycaminon,  i  e.  Syca- 
more-town, since  the  Hebrew  name  "fj?0?  must, 
according  to  the  Arab.,  be  interpreted  by  Syco- 
moms.  Knobel  further  tliinks  that  since  d  passes 
into  r,  for  which  Ex.  ii.  15  is  cited,  the  old  name 
Amad  may  be  preserved  in  Ammara  as  the  coun- 
try people  call  Haifa. 

Misheal,  a  Levitical  city  (ch.  xxi.  30;  1  Chr. 
vi.  59),  according  to  the  Onom.  s.  v.  Masan,  situ- 
ated on  the  sea,  juxta  Carmelum.  This  suits  with 
the  following  statement  of  the  direction  of  the 
boundary  :  and  struck  Carmel  westward  and 
Shihor-libnath.  —  Shihor-libnath.     The  brook  of 

Egypt  was  called  simply    nrPIP,  ch.  xiii.  8.  Here 

jy  H3?v  W  is  intended  not  the  Belus  (Xahr 
Raaman),  which  empties  into  the  Mediterranean 
north  of  Carmel,  but,  from  the  direction  which  the 
description  takes,  and  with  respect  to  ch.  xvii.  10, 
a  stream  south  of  Carmel,  and  quite  probably 
the  Xahr  Zerka  or  Crocodile  Brook.  Its  name 
Zerka,  "  blue,"  bluish  stream,  as  Knobel  and  Keil 

suppose,    might    answer    both    to    the    ~11iT,^,1 

"  black,"  and  to  the  i"^?7i  "white." 

Ver.  27.  Erom  that  point  the  border  returned 
toward  the  sunrising,  to  Beth-dagon.  This 
Beth-dagon,  different  from  the  Beth-dagon  in  the 
Shephelah  which  was  assigned  to  Judah,  ch.  xv. 
41,  has  not  been  discovered.  Proceeding  in  a 
northeasterly  direction  the  border  struck  Zebulun 
and  the  ravine  of  Jiphtha-el,  that  is,  according 
to  the  explanations  on  ver.  14,  the  Wady  Abilin, 
to  the  north  of  Beth-emek  and  Neiel.  —  Beth-emek 
is  not  identified.  Neiel  is  perhaps  the  same  as  Xeah, 
ver.  13.  —  Erom  hence  the  border  went  out  to  Ca- 
bul  on  the  left  hand.  i.  e .  "  on  the  north  side  of  it. 
Cabul,  northeast  of  the  Wady  Abilin,  four  hours 
southeast  of  Accho  still  bears  the  same  name ;  in 
the  LXX.  Ka/3ciA;  in  Josephus  nd/n)  KaBw\a  (  fit. 
§43).    Comp.  Robinson,  Later  Bibl.  Res.  p.  88. 

Vers.  28-30.  The  main  province  proper  of  the 
tribe  of  Asher  having  been  marked  out  in  the  pre- 
ceding verses,  the  northern  district  is  now  more 
particularly  defined  (Knobel). 

Ver.  28.  Hebron,  probably  a  mistake  of  the 
copyist  for  Abdon,  which  is  named  eh.  xxi.  30 ; 

1  Chr.  vi.  59,  among  the  Levitical  cities  CP?57  = 

T1"T?^).  Not  yet  recognized  ;  neither  is  Rehob, 
Hammon,  or  Kanah.  See  Conjectures  in  Knobel, 
pp.  464,  465  ;  and  Keil,  Bibl.  Com.  ii.  2,  in  I.  [also 
Diet,  of  the  Bible].  The  limitation  even  unto 
Great  Zidon  indicates  that  these  places  are  to  be 
sought  for  in  that  direction.  Concerning  Sidon, 
see  on  ch.  xi.  8. 

Ver.  29.  From  Sidon  the  border  returned 
southward  toward  Raman  and  to  the  fortified 
city  of  Tyre  (Zur).  Ramah  is,  according  to 
Robinson  (Ltitrr  Bibl.  Res.  p.  63),  Rameh,  south- 
east of  Tyre,  on  a  solitary  hill  (hence  the  name) 
in  the  midst  of  a  basin  of  green  fields  and  sur- 
rounded by  greater  heights.  ~l"  'V^1?  "  '  For- 
Iress  of  Zor,'  I.  «.  Tyre,  is  not  the  island  of  Tyre, 
jut  the  city  of  Tyre  standing  on  the  main  land, 
now  Sur"  (Keil).  At  present  the  once  mighty 
Tyre  is  a  "  small  and  wretched  "  town,  in  respect  to 
irbich  the  predictions  of  the  prophets   have  been 


fulfilled  (Is.  xxiii.  7,  8;  Ezek.  xxvi.  12,  27).  Foi 
the  future  also  "  she  seems  destined  to  remain  nec- 
essarily a  miserable  market  spot  "  (Furrer,  p.  385). 

The  site  is  a  noble  one.     The  name  "i-    signifies 

-fflS 


' rock ' 


Xotice  the  alliteration 


~1-.  Comp.  further,  Ritter,  Erdk.  xvii.  p.  320 
ft",  and  Movers,  Phonizier,  ii.  1,  118ff.  (in  Keil). 
Now  the  border  turned  toward  Hosah,  which  is  un- 
known, and  finally  ran  out  to  the  sea  in  the  region 
of  Aehzib.  "  Achziph.  Hrec  est  Ecdippa  in  none 
milUario  Ptolemaidis  peryentibus  Tyrum'  (Onom.), 
Now  Zib,  three  hours  north  of  Accho ;  the  'Apx-fi  or 
'Aktiitovs  of  Josephus  {Ant.  v.  1,  22).  Another 
Aehzib  belonged  to  Judah,  ch.  xv.  44.     The  name 

is  probably  =  to2*3S.  "  Winter-brook,"  Gesen.  In 
fact,  "  Pococke  saw  [ap.  Ritter,  xvi.  811)  a  brook 
pass  along  on  the  south  side,  over  which,  a  beauti- 
ful bridge  having  an  arch  crossed."  By  a  wide 
circuit  the  author  has  arrived  again  at  the  vicinity 
of  Accho. 

Ver.  30.  Finally  he  names  still  three  cities  by 
themselves,  Ummah  and  Aphek,  and  Rehob,  of 
which  only  the  Aphek  on  Lebanon,  ch.  xiii.  14, 
can  with  certainty  be  made  out,  as  was  there  stated. 
Possibly,  nay  probably,  Ummah  and  Rehob  also 
lay  in  that  mountain   region.     It  is  to  be  noted 

that  the  name  Rehob  (2n~,  from  -L1"^'  "  to  be 
wide,  spacious")  occurs  twice  in  the  territory  of 
Asher,  namely,  here  and  in  ver.  28  above.    (It  is  a 

name  precisely  analogous  to  n?"!2  and  nQ^)), 
The  total  twenty-two  does  not  agree  with  the  enu- 
meration, as  is  often  the  case. 

g.  Ch.  xix.  32-39.  The  Territory  of  the  Tribe 
of  Naphtali.  The  sixth  lot  came  to  the  tribe  of 
Xaphtali,    which   is  designated  in  Gen.    xlix.   21 

as  the  "  hind  let  loose  "  (nrPlblp  H^'S).  Theii 
province  was  bounded  east  by  the  sea  of  Gennesaret 
and  the  Jordan,  west  by  Asher,  south  by  Zebulun 
and  Issachar.  In  the  north  it  reached  far  up  into 
Ccele-syria,  and  so  to  the  very  extremity  of  west 
Palestine.  The  possession  of  the  tribe,  through 
which  runs  the  mountain  of  Naphtali  rising  to  the 
height  of  3,000  feet  —  the  modern  Jebel  Sated, — 
sinks  down  on  the  west  into  the  plain  on  the  sea, 
while  in  the  east  it  falls  oft'  to  the  Jordan  valley  and 
the  sea  of  Merom.  The  -oil  is.  generally  speaking, 
fruitful,  the  natural  scenery  of  great  beauty.  Comp. 
besides  the  former  travellers,  Furrer,  pp.  306-331, 
for  the  vicinity  of  the  sea  of  Merom.  p.  361  ft". 

Ver.  33.  Knobel  assumes  that  here,  as  in  ver. 
Hi  and  ch.  xvi.  6,  the  author,  proceeding  from  a 
central  point,  describes  the  west  border  first  toward 
the  north,  then  toward  the  south.  To  us  it  ap- 
pears more  simple,  since  Heleph  is  not  repeated 
like  Sarid  (vers.  10,  12),  to  understand  with  Keil 
that  in  ver.  33  the  west  border  toward  Asher,  with 
the  north  and  east  border  is  described,  in  ver.  34 
the  south  border. 

Heleph  is  unknown.  On  the  other  hand  we 
know  from  Judg.  iv.  1 1 ,  where  Allon,  the  Oak,  i.e., 

according  to  Gen.  xii.  6,  the  oak  forest  IT1  -S 
taken  collect.)  near  Zaannanim  lay,  namely,  by 
Kadesh  northwest  of  the  sea  of  Merom.  Here  Sis- 
era  was  slain  (Judg.  iv  21)  by  Jael,  the  wife  of 
Heber  the  Kenite,  who  had  pitched  his  tent  there 

(Judg.   iv.    11).     The   name  =*??""    is   dtrivec" 

from  l?",  "  to  wander,"  a  place,  therefore,  where 
the   tents  of  the  wanderers,  the   nomads,  stanc" 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


ltil 


Such  a  noniadi;  herdsman  was  Hcber.  Even  to 
the  present  day  the  Bedouins  more  or  less  friendly 
disposed  wander  about  in  the  north  of  Palestine, 
in  the  plain  of  Jezreel,  on  Gilboa,  and  on  Tabor. 
Comp.  Furrer,  p.  311,  and  often.  Robinson  notices 
the  oaks  growing  in  this  region  (iii.  p.  370;  Later 
Bib/.  Res.  p.  365  [Stanley,  5!  <$•  P. pp.  142, 355  n.]). 
Furrer  clearly  perceived  from  Tibnin,  looking  east- 
ward, near  the  elevated  Biraschit,  the  mighty  Mes- 
siah-tree, "  a  solitary,  majestic  oak"  (indicated  on 
Van  de  Velde's  Map).  Forests,  however,  nowhere 
met  the  view,  however  eagerly  he  sought  to  dis- 
cern them.  He  is  led  accordingly  to  the  remark : 
"  Other  travellers  have  praised  the  abundance  of 
trees  in  northern  Galilee.  They  could  not,  I  think, 
have  followed  my  road.  An  atmosphere  of  death 
seemed  to  me  to  lie  on  the  holy  land  here  as  in 
Benjamin  "  (Furrei,  p.  337). 

Adami-nekeb  (Spil.n'^O^S,  •"■  e-  Adamiof  the 
depth,  hollow,  "  of  the  pass  "  (Knobel  and  Keil). 
The  name  "2"TS  (reddish)  recalls  CIS,  eh.  iii. 
16. 

Jabneel,  Lakum,  like  the  preceding,  unrecog- 
nized, although  Knobel  thinks  he  has  found 
Adami-nekeb  in  Deir-el-ahmar,  ;'.  e.  red  cluster, 
three  hours  northwest  ofBaalbec.  See  particulars, 
Knobel,  p.  466  ;  a  different  view,  Keil,  ii.  1,  p.  149. 

And  the  outgoings  thereof  were  at  the  Jor- 
dan (ver.  22).  The  upper  Jordan  is  meant,  the 
Nahr  Hasbany.  as  a  source  of  the  Jordan,  comp. 
Num.  xxxiv.  10-12. 

Ver.  34.  And  the  border  returned  westward, 
i.e.  from  the  Jordan,  the  border,  namely,  the  south 
border  of  Naphtali  turned  back,  probably  follow- 
ing the  Wady  Bessum  westward  to  Aznath-tabor. 

2t£7,  as  in  ver.  12.  Aznath-tabor  is,  according  to 
the  Onom.  a  "  vims  adregionem  Dioccesarece  pertinens 
in  campestribus."  Not  discovered.  From  this  notice 
it  stood  near  Diocresarea  =  Sepphoris  =  Sefurieh, 
perhaps,  as  Knobel  and  Keil  suppose,  southeast  of 
this  city,  toward  Mount  Tabor.  Thence  it  ran  on 
to  Hukkok,  which  cannot  be  identified. 

And  struck  Zebulun  on  the  south,  and  struck 
Asher  on  the  west,  and  Judah  ;  the  Jordan  (was) 
toward  the  sun-rising.  The  south  and  west  bound- 
ary is  to  be  understood,  which  grazed  Zebulun  in 
the  >outh,  and  Asher  and  Judah  in  the  west,  while 
the  Jordan  is  noticed  as  the  east  border.  Great 
difficulties  are  raised  by  the  enigmatical  nTWPS, 
The  LXX.  do  not  have  it,  but  read  :  Kal  avva^ia 
t£  Za&v\itii>  curb  vorou.  Kai  rep  'Acrrjp  trvva^ei  Kara 
daAdfTcrav,  Kal  6  'lopbdvris  curb  c\vara\uiv  j]\iov.  Either 
the  word  was  wanting  in  their  text,  or,  which  is 
more  likely,  they  left  it  out  because  they  knew  not 
what  to  do  with  it.  The  Vulgate  translates,  dis- 
regarding the  punctuation  of  the  Masoretes  :  "  Et 
in  Juda  ad  Jordanem."  This  Luther  [and  the 
Eng.  Ver.]  followed;  but  von  Rautner  (p.  233  rt'.) 
has  labored  to  show  that  this  Judah  on  the  Jordan 
consisted  in  the  sixty  Jair  villages  on  the  east  side 
of  the  Jordan.  His  reason  is  that  Jair,  who  is 
brought  in,  eh.  xiii.  40;  Num.  xxxii.  41,  contra 
morem  (i.  e.  contrary  to  the  rule  proposed  Num. 
xxxvi.  7,  as  a  descendant  of  Manasseh,  from 
Machir  the  Manassite)  was  actually,  according  to 
1  Chr.  ii.  5.  21  f.,  descended  through  Hezron,  on 
his  father's  side,  from  Judah,  and  therefore  to  be 
lesignated  properly  and  regularly  a  descendant 
of  Judah.  Keil  also  has  adopted  this  view,  which, 
however,  after  all  the  care  with  which  von  Raumer 
has  labored  to  develope  it,  appears  not  sufficiently 


established  by  that  solitary  passage  in  Chronicles 
combined  with  Josephus.  Ant.  viii.  2,  3.  Rather  "  it 
is  hard  to  believe  that  the  possession  of  Jair,  which 
belonged,  from  ch.  xiii.  30,  to  Manasseh,  could 
have  borne  the  name  of  Judah  "  (Bun-en).  Not 
more  satisfactory  are  the  attempts  of  older  writers  ; 
of  Masius,  who  supposes  that  a  narrow  strip  of  the 
land  of  Naphtali  stretched  along  down  the  west 
shore  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee  to  Judah  ;  of  Bachiene, 
who  places  a  city  Judah  on  the  Jordan  ;  of  Keland, 
who  says  that  sometimes  all  Palestine,  the  whole 
land  of  the  twelve  tribes,  was  called  Judaea,  there- 
fore the  land  east  of  the  Jordan  might  be  so  called. 
Hence  alterations  of  the  text  have  been  resorted  to. 

From  the  omission  of  mirQl  1)V  the  best  Co- 
dices of  the  LXX.  ( Vat.,  Alex.,  and  Aid.),  Clericus 
had  proposed  to  treat  it  simply  as  not  belonging  to 
the  text.     Maurer,  followed  "by  Bunsen,  referring 

to  ch.  xvii.  10 ;  xix.  22,  would  read  cb:Q2,  and 
translates  accordingly:  "  et  terminus  eorum  erat 
Jordanus  ab  oriente."      Concerning  the  LXX.   his 

says  briefly  and  well :  "  Sept.  mi!T31  suo 
Marie  omiserunt,  cfr.  ad  vers.  15,  30,  38  al."  Kno- 
bel  thinks  "it  would  be  more  suitable   to   read 

"Oi^ttP?,  since  Naphtali  bordered  on  Issachar 
on  the  west  and  south."  He  says  further,  "  If  we 
retain  ilTirPH,  we  must  assume  that  the  part  of 
Issachar  bordering  on  Naphtali  was  called  Judah, 
of  which,  however  there  is  no  evidence."  But  what 
if  not  an  adjacent  portion  of  Issachar,  but  a  place 
in  Asher,  which  was  mentioned  immediately  before 

iTJVISt,  was  so  called  ?  And  this  appears  in  fact 
to  have  been  the  case,  for  on  Van  de  Velde's  Map 
there  is  a  place  north  of  Tibnin  marked  el-Jehudt- 
jeh,  in  whose  name  the  old  name  has  been  pre- 
served, since  Jehudijeh  might  come  from  m:l^, 

as  well  as  from  Tin*,  ch.  xix.  45  (see  below). 
Furrer  reached  this  Jehudijeh  from  Tibnin  in  an 
hour  (p.  339  1.  11,  compared  with  1.  4  from  bot- 
tom). After  first  descending  the  steep  path,  which 
winds  down  along  the  west  slope  from  Tibnin,  he 
went  up  then  out  of  the  ravine  (the  Wady  llmah 
is  meant)  toward  the  west,  and  came  to  the  little 
village  Jehudijeh,  "Jews  village,"  surrounded  by 
many  trees.  Of  ruins,  Furrer  found  there  a  finely 
chiseled  block  of  stone  which  he  regards  as  the 
slight  trace  of  a  synagogue.  In  this  manner  we 
may  solve  the  riddle,  simply  and  easily,  as  it  seems 
to  us,  without  any  change  of 'the  text  and  hoi  ding  fast 
the  Masoretic  punctuation.  If,  however,  we  were  to 
change  the  text,  Maurer's  conjecture  would  de- 
serve the  preference  over  that  of  Knobel,  because 

rmrP2%  from  the  similarity  of  the  letters,  might 

very  easily  have  arisen  from  □7;Q:n,  which  is  not 

the  case  with  ""OtPtm. 

Ver.  35-39.  Fortified  Cities  of  Galilee,  ver  34 
Ziddim,  unknown.  Zer,  likewise  unknoni 
Hammath,  to  be  kept  distinct  from  the  often  men 
tioned  Hamath,  the  northern  boundary-town  of 
Palestine;  a  Levitical  city,  eh.  xxi.  32,  called 
also  Hammoth-dor  or  Hammon  (1  Chr.  vi.  61). 
The  name  indicates  warm  springs,  such  as  existed 
at  Ammaus  south  of  Tiberias  ('A/t/iaovs  in  Joseph 
Ant.  xviii.  2,3;  Bell  Jud.  iv.  1,3;  see  Menke's 
Map  v.,  side  map  of  Galilee),  and  still  exist. 

Rakkath,  situated,  as  the  Jews  have  thought 
on  the  site  of  the  later  Tiberias. 


162 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


Cinneroth  (iTJ33  or  nn33,  ch.  xi.  2  ;  Targ. : 

ID^?,  -IDia"1?,  10133,  IWijmfc,  Joseph.  Be/7, 
/urf.  iii.  10,  7,  8),  the  city  already  mentioned,  ch. 
xiv.  2,  which  gave  name  to  the  beautiful  and  fer- 
tile plain,  pictured  by  Josephus  (/.  c.)  in  the  most 
splendid  colors,  and  to  the  sea  (ch.  xii.  3  ;  xiii.  27  ; 
Num.  xxxiv.  11),  but  which  has  itself  disappeared. 
Knobel  supposes  the  Khan  Minijeh  to  be  the  place 
where  it  stood.  The  plain,  which  is  about  an  hour 
long  and  twenty  minutes  broad,  extends  from  near 
Mejdel  to  Khan  Minijeh.     Comp.  further  Furrer, 

p.319ff. ;  Robinson,  iii.  290).  i"H33  signifies  prob- 
ably "  low  ground,"  a  hollow,  koi\o.s,  from  232 
(Knobel). 

Verse  3fi.     Adamah,  unknown.     Raman,   the 

firesent  Rameh,  southwest  of  Sated,  on  a  plain,  a 
arge,  beautiful  village  surrounded  with  planta- 
tions of  olive  trees.     Hazor,  see  on  ch.  xi.  1. 

Ver.  37.  Kadesh,  see  on  ch.  xii.  22.  Edrei, 
not  to  be  confounded  with  Edrei  in  Bashan,  ch. 
xii.  4,  unknown.  En-hazor,  doubtless  Ain  Hazur 
south  of  Rameh. 

Ver.  38.  Iron,  now  Jaron,  Jarun,  on  a  height 
northwest  of  el-Jisch  (Giscala)  in  a  fertile  and  cul- 
tivated region  with  ruins  near  by.  Seetzen,  ii.  p. 
123  f. ;  Van  de  Velde,  Narr.  i.  174  ff.,  apud  Knobel. 
Migdal-el  (bs-bjTS.^,  God's  tower).  The 
name  speaks  for  Magdala  (Matt.  xv.  39),  now  el- 
Mejdel,  which  it  is  supposed  to  be  by  Gesen.  and 
Robinson  (iii.  278),  only  it  is  remarkable  that 
Migdal-el  was  not  before  (ver.  35)  included  in  the 
cities  lying  on  the  Sea  of  Gennesaret,  rather  than 
here  among  such  as  lie  further  west.  On  this  ac- 
count Knobel,  contrary  to  the  Masoretic  pointing 

12S"7"T30,  joins  it  with  the  following  C^n,  and 
then  finds  the  place  in  Mejdel  Kerura,  west  of 
Rama,  three  hours  east  of  Accho  ( Robinson,  Later 
Bibl.  Res.  p.  86).     Too  far  west. 

Horem,  unless  one  accepts  Knobel's  combina- 
tion, not  yet  found.  So  with  Beth-anath  (Judg. 
i.  33),  and  Beth-shemesh,  which  is  different  from 
Beth-shemesh  in  Judah  (ch.  xv.  10),  and  Beth- 
shemesh  in  Issachar  (ver.  22).  Nineteen  cities. 
The  number  detailed  is  sixteen. 

g.  Ch.  xix.  40-48.  The.  Territory  of  the  Tribe  of 
Dan.  This  tribe  received  the  seventh  lot,  which 
fell  to  them  in  "pleasant  places"  (Ps.  xvi.  6), 
west  of  Benjamin,  north  of  judah,  south  of  Eph- 
raim.  Their  country  lay  mostly  in  the  Shephelah, 
but  hindered  by  the  Amorites  (Judg.  i.  34)  from  tak- 
ing possession  of  their  province,  the  warlike  tribe  con- 
quered, besides,  a  small  tract  far  up  in  the  moun- 
tains of  the  north  (Judg.  xviii.  1  ff.).  Josephus 
does  not  mention  this  (Ant.  v.  1,  27),  but  our 
author  does  (ver.  47). 

Ver.  41 .  Zorah,  Eshtaol,  and  Ir  -  shemesh, 
three  cities  of  Judah  which  were  yielded  to  the 
Danites,  but  of  which  they  did  not  occupy  Irshe- 
mesh,  a  city  assigned  to  the  Levites  (ch.  xxi.  16). 

Ver.  42.  Shaalabbin  (fab^E?  0r  lia^I?5, 
Gesenius  :  place  of  jackals,  comp.  757:ltl',"""!"n, 
ch.  xv.  28),  2  Sam.  xxiii.  32;  1  Chr.  xi.  33 ;  1  K. 
iv.  9  ;  now  Salbit  (Robinson,  Later  Bibl.  Res.  p. 
144,  n.  3  [Selbit].     Ajalon,  ch.  x.  12. 

Jethlah.  According  to  Knobel  contained  in 
the  Wadv  Atallah  west  of  Jalo  (Ajalon)  (Robin- 
son, Later  Bibl.  Res.  pp.  144,  145). 

Ver.  43.  Elon,  perhaps  Ellin  (Robinson,  iii.  An. 
p.  120).  Thimnatbah,  ch.  xv.  10.  Ekron,  ch. 
xv.  11. 


Ver.  44.  Eltekeh,  a  city  of  *'.e  Levites,  ch  xxi 
23,  otherwise  unknown. 

Gibbethon,  ch.  xxi.  23,  a  Identical  city  also. 
Mentioned  1  K.  xv.  27  ;  xvi.  15, 17,  in  the  contest! 
with  the  Philistines ;  not  yet  discovered  in  modern 
times. 

Baalatb,  fortified  by  Solomon,  1  K.  ix.  18  ;  un- 
known. Whether  identical  with  Baala,  ch.  xv 
11  '!  (Knobel). 

Ver.  45.  Jehud,  very  probably  el  -  Yehudijeh, 
two  hours  north  of  Ludd  (Robinson,  iii.  45),  in  a 
beautiful,  well-cultivated  plain. 

Bene-berak,  now  Ibn  Abrak,  one  hour  to  the 
west  of  Yehudijeh. 

Gath-rimmon,  a  Levitical  city,  ch.  xxi.  24  ;  1 
Chr.  vi.  54,  to  be  sought  according  to  the  Onom. 
in  the  vicinitv  of  Thimnah,  but  not  vet  discovered 
(Keil). 

Ver.  46.  Me-jarkon  (aquce  fiavedinis,  yellow 
water),  unknown. 

Rakkon  ("pp?  from  pp^  =  TlyH,  "cheek," 
Gesen.)  unknown. 

With  the  border  before  Japho.  These  words 
indicate  that  Me-jarkon  and  Rakkon  are  to  be 
sought  in  the  region  of  Japho. 

Japho  03^,  beauty)  is  mentioned  elsewhere  in 
the  0.  T.  only  1  K.  v.  9 ;  2  Chr.  ii.  16;  Ez.  iii. 
7 ;  Jon.  i.  3.  Under  the  Greek  name  of  Iojitttj, 
Lat.  Joppe,  it  occurs  often  in  the  books  of  Macca- 
bees (1  Mace.  x.  74,  76 ;  xii.  34 ;  xiv.  15,  34  ;  xv. 
28,  35  ;  2  Mace.  xii.  3-7),  and  in  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  (ch.  ix.  36-43 ;  x.  5,  8,  23,  32 ;  xi.  5). 
The  place  is  now  called  Jaffa,  in  which  the  old 
name  Japho  is  preserved,  and  it  has,  since  the 
times  of  the  Crusaders  to  the  present  day  been  the 
landing-place  of  pilgrims  who  go  thence  to  Jeru- 
salem. The  population  amounts  to  not  far  from 
five  thousand  souls,  including  about  three  thousand 
Mohammedans,  six  hundred  Christians,  and  only 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty  Jews  (von  Raum. 
p.  205).  The  city  is  very  old,  built,  as  the  an- 
cients thought,  before  the  Flood :  "  Est  Joppe  ante 
diluvium,  ut  ferunt  condita"  (Pomp.  Mela,  i.  11); 
"  Joppe  Pho?nicum  antiquior  terrarum  inundatione,  ut 
ferunt"  (Plin.  Hist.  Nat.  v.  13)  (apud  von  Rau- 
mer,  p.  204).  On  the  east  the  town  is  surrounded 
by  a  wide  circle  of  gardens  and  groves  of  noble 
trees.  Oranges,  almonds,  figs,  apricots,  peaches, 
pomegranates,  apples  and  plums,  sugar-cane  and 
cotton,  all  flourish  admirably  here  ( Furrer,  pp.  6, 
7).  Even  to  these  gardens  extended,  according  to 
the  passage  before  us,  the  territory  of  Dan.  Con- 
cerning Joppa,  comp.  further,  Ritter,  xvi.  574  ff. 
[Gage's  transl.  iv.  253-259]),  Winer  in  the  Real- 
ivoiterbuch,  Robinson,1  Tobler,  Wanderung,  and 
Nazareth,  nebst  Anhang  u.  s.  w.,  p.  302.  This 
author  found  civilization  so  far  advanced  there  in 
1865  that  houses  were  numbered,  and  "  in  genuine 
Arabic  numerals,"  and  their  "  gates  named,  e.  g. 
Tarif  el-Baher,  Sea-gate." 

And  the  border  of  the  children  of  Dan  went 
out  from  them,  ;'.  e.  the  children  of  Dan  extended 
their  territory  as  is  related  in  Judg.  xviii ;  not, 
however,  in  the  immediate  vicinity,  but  rather, 
after  having  through  five  scouts  become  satisfied 
of  the  feasibility  of  their  undertaking  (Judg.  xviii. 

7-10),  at  the  foot  of  Anti-Lebanon  in  Laish  (0/^7, 

Judg.  xviii.  7,  27),  or  OtP?,  as  the  place  is  called 

1  [Robinson  gives  no  original  information  eor  lerning 
Joppa  ;  see  iii.  31,  note.  — Tb.] 


CHAPTER  XX. 


163 


in  the  latter  half  of  our  verse.  The  reason  for 
this  migration  lay  in  the  pressure  of  the  Amorites 
who  did  not  allow  the  Danites  to  spread  them- 
selves in  the  plain  (Judg.  i.  34).  With  the  peace- 
ful and  quiet  Sidonians  they  were  able  more 
easily  to  deal  and  then  conquer  them  also.  For 
the  children  of  Dan  went  up  to  fight  against 
Leshem,  and  took  it.  and  smote  it  with  the 
edge  of  the  sword,  and  possessed  it,  and  dwelt 
therein,  and  called  Leshem  Dan,  after  the 
name  of  Dan  their  father.  This  Leshem  or  Lais 
which  was  called  Dan  by  the  Danites,  and  perpro- 
lepsin,  is  called  so  also  in  Gen.  xiv.  14,  is  preserved 
in  the  present  name  of  the  place,  Tel  el-Kadi  ( hill  of 

the  judge),  hill  of  Dan,  for  7"tJ  means  judge,  as 
Wilson,  ii.  172,  apud  von  Raumer,  p.  125,  Rem. 
24  a,  has  pointed  out,  and  with  this  Gen.  xlix.  16 
may  be  compared.  It  is  a  pleasant  green  hill  of 
not  more  than  twenty  or  thirty  feet  in  height  on 
the  north  side,  while  toward  the  south  it  falls  ort' 
to  a  considerably  greater  depth  (Furrer,  p.  365, 
366).  Furrer  saw  no  trace  of  an  ancient  city  ex- 
cept some  heaps  of  stones  near  the  southwest 
edge.  The  same  traveller  describes  very  vividly 
the  capture  of  Leshem  by  the  Danites,  p.  367. 
Comp.  Robinson,  iii.  351, 358  ;  Later  Bibl.  Res.  p. 
392  ;  Ritter,  xv.  p.  207  [Gage's  transl.ii.  204-207] , 
von  Raumer,  p.  125.  The  name  was  most  famil- 
iar from   the    expression   "from  Dan  to  Beer- 


sheba,"  Judg.  xx.  1  ;  1  Sam.  iii.  20 ;  xxx.  30 ;  i 
Sam.  xvii.  11.  Jeroboam  established  here  the  wor- 
ship of  the  calves,  the  "  Neo-Israelitish  worship," 
1  lv.  xii.  28,  29.  Jehu  was  still  devoted  to  it,  2  K. 
x.  29  ;  Am.  viii.  13,  14.  May  not  the  old  name 
Leshem  have  been  retained  in  that  of  the  middle 
source  of  the  Jordan,  el-Leddan  (Keil,  i.  2,  p.  53) ' 

I.  Ch.  xix.  49,  50.  Joshua's  Possession.  Ac- 
cording to  his  desire,  the  moderation  of  which  has 
already  been  alluded  to,  ch.  xvii.  14  ff.,  Joshua  re- 
ceived, after  the  land  had  been  divided,  Timnath- 
serah  (remaining  portion,  Gesen.),  or  Timnath- 
heres  (portion  of  the  sun),  as  a  possession,  on 
Mount  Ephraim.  There  on  the  mountain  Gaash 
was  he  buried,  ch.  xxiv.  30  ;  Judg.  ii.  8,  9.  It  is 
now  Tibneh  between  Gophnah  and  el-Mejdel, 
first  discovered  by  Smith  in  1843  on  an  affluent  of 
the  Wady  Belat.  The  ruins  are  of  considerable 
importance ;  the  tombs  there  are  similar  to  the 
royal  tombs  at  Jerusalem  (Bib.  Sacra,  1843,  p. 
484  fF.  in  von  Raumer,  p.  166).  Robinson,  Later 
Bibl.  Res.  p.  141.  Ritter,  xvi.  p.  562  ff.  [Gage'» 
transl.  iv.  246  £].  The  place  is  not  to  be  con- 
founded with  Timnath  (ver.  43)  ch.  xv.  10. 

le.  Ch.  xix.  51.  Conclusion.  This  general  re 
mark  in  closing  the  narrative,  directly  refers,  by 
the  statement  that  the  division  was  made  in  Slu- 
loh,  only  to  ch.  xviii.  1 ,  because  there  the  majority 
of  the  tribes  had  received  their  portions. 


4.  Appointment  of  the  Cities  of  Refuge. 

Chapter   XX. 

a.  The  Command  of  God  to  Joshua. 

Chapter  XX.   1-6. 

1  The  Lord  also  [And  Jehovah]  spake  unto  Joshua,  saying,  Speak  to  the  children 

2  [sons]  of  Israel,  saying,  Appoint  out  [Appoint]   for  you  [the]  cities  of  refuge, 

3  whereof  I  spake  unto  you  by  the  hand,  of  Moses :  that  the  slayer  that  killeth 
[smiteth]  any  person  unawares  [by  mistake]   and  unwittingly,  may  flee  thither 

4  and  they  shall  be  your  refuge  from  the  avenger  of  blood.  And  when  he  that  doth 
flee  unto  one  of  those  cities  shall  stand  at  the  entering  of  the  gate  of  the  city,  and 
shall  declare  his  cause  [speak  his  words]  in  the  ears  of  the  elders  of  that  city,  they 
shall  take  him  into  the  city  unto  them,  and  give  him  a  place,  that  he  may  dwell 

5  among  them.  And  if  the  avenger  of  blood  pursue  after  him,  then  they  shall  not  de- 
liver the  slayer  up  into  his  hand  ;  because  he  smote  his  neighbor  unwittingly,  and 

6  hated  him  not  beforetime.  And  he  shall  dwell  in  that  city,  until  he  stand  before 
the  congregation  for  judgment,  and  until  the  death  of  the  high  priest  that  shall  be 
in  those  days  :  then  shall  the  slayer  return,  and  come  unto  his  own  city,  and  unto 
his  own  house,  unto  the  city  from  whence  he  fled. 

b.  Fulfillment  of  this  Command. 

Chapter  XX.  7-9. 

7  And  they  appointed  [consecrated]  Kedesh  in  Galilee  in  mount  Naphtali,  and 
Shechem  in  mount  Ephraim,  and  Kirjath-arba,  (which  is  Hebron)  in  the  mountain 

3  of  Judah.  And  on  the  other  side  [of  the]  Jordan  by  Jericho  eastward,  they  assigned 
[appointed  ver.  2]  Bezer  in  the  wilderness  upon  the  plain  [the  table  land]  out  of 
the  tribe  of  Reuben,  and  Ramoth  in  Gilead  out  of  the  tribe  of  Gad,  and  Golan  is 


164 


±HE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


Bashan  out  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh.  These  were  the  cities  appointed  [prop,  of 
appointment]  for  all  the  children  of  Israel,  and  for  the  stranger  [sojourner]  thai 
sojourneth  among  them,  that  whosoever  killeth  [smiteth]  any  person  at  unawares 
[by  mistake]  might  flee  thither,  and  not  die  by  the  hand  of  the  avenger  of  blood 
until  he  stood  before  the  congregation. 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

Ch.  xn.  contains  the  designation  of  the  free  cities 
for  homicides  as  Moses  had  already  (Nam.  xxxv. 
9-34;  Dent.  xix.  1-13)  ordained.  There  were  to 
be  six  of  them  (Num.  xxxv.  6,  13 ;  Deut.  xix.  3-9) 
and  they  were  taken  from  the  number  of  the  Le- 
vitieal  cities  (Num.  xxxv.  6).  The  way  to  them 
must  be  prepared  (Deut.  xix.  3),  that  the  fugitive 
might  as  quickly  as  possible  reach  his  asylum. 

a.  Ch.  xx.  1-6.    God's  Command  to  Joshua,  vers. 

I,  2.  Recollection  of  the  ordinance  established  by 
God  through  Moses  (Num.  xxxv.  9  ff. ;  Deut.  xix. 
5  IF.,  with  which  Gen.  ix.  5  tf. ,  and  Ex.  xxi.  12-14 
maybe  further  compared).     The  cities  are  called 

^  <r?*?L'  37-  The  root  t27f7  signifies  (1.)  to  draw 
together,  to  contract  ones  self,  (2. )  to  draw  in,  hence 
to  receive  (a  fugitive),  as  in  the  Chal.  (Gesen.) 
[The  meaning  of  the  noun  comes  near  to  asylum]. 

Ver.  3.     In  these  cities  the  man-slayer  (C1*P~\ 

from  nS"^,  prop.  "  to  break  or  crush  in  pieces") 

might  flee,  yet  only  the  one  who  smote  (i"'?^)   a 

$oul  by  mistake  (ni2t£72,  from  22tp,  to  go  astray, 

to  err,"  for  which  in  Num.  xxxv.  22,  J?nE3    [in 

a  twinkling]  stands).  Knobel  remarks  on  n33tj?2, 

on  Lev.  iv.  2  :  "  This  expression,  as  well  as   3JIE' 

and  n2t£7,  occurs  in  reference  to  transgressions  of 
the  divine  law  which  are  committed  without  con- 
sciousness of  their  being  unlawful,  and  which  are 
only  afterwards  recognized  as  sins  (vers.  13,  22.  27, 
v.  18;  xxii.  14),  e.g.,  of  sins  of  the  congregation 
without  their  knowledge  (Num.  xv.  24  ff.),  or  even 
of  unlawful  conduct  which  lias  resulted  from  some 
weakness,  carelessness  (ch.  v.  15),  or  which  was 
occasioned  by  some  tut  fortunate  accident  (Num.  xxxv. 

II,  15,  22  f. ;  Josh.  xx.  3,  9).  Hence  it  stands  in 
general  for  unpremeditated  sins  in  opposition  to 

np"J  "Tj?i  i.  e.,  violent  intentional  sins,  which 
must  be  punished  with  death  (Num.  xv.  27-31), 
and  could  not  be  expiated  with  sacrifices."     Thus 

it  is  added  here  also,  unwittingly  U"~IV1"N73?, 
without  his  knowing  it).  Now  for  those  who  had 
slain  any  person  by  mistake,  without  intending  it, 
these  cities  should  be  for  a  refuge  from  the  avenger 

of  blood.  He  is  —  ~^T^  '^-,  LXX.  o  ayx^T^vayv 
to  afua  luyxiGTcvs.  whence  ayxtcrevcii,  is  the  near- 
est of  kin,  according  to  Ammonius  the  one  en- 
titled to  the  heirship,  different  from  avyyeveTs, 
who  have  no  such  right,  and  from  olieetot,  related 
by  marriage,  Herod,  x.  80.  The  word  ayx'o-Teiui 
occurs  frequently  in  the  LXX.  still  also  in  Isseus, 
Orat.  Att.n.  11,  and  inEurip.  Trach.  243).  Vulg.  : 

•Mtor sanguinis.      -K2    signifies  properly  to  demand 
back,  reclaim  what  belongs  to  one,  hence,  in  con- 
nection with    E^,  to   require,    revenge  the   blood  J 
which  has  been  stolen  by  the  murderer.     As  such 
a.  reclamation  in  reference  to  real  estate  belonged  ] 
•o  the  family  (Lev.   xxv.  35;  Ruth  iv    4-6),  so  ■ 


that  they  alone  had  a  light  to  repurchase  it ;  so 
also  the  reclamation  for  the  blood  of  a  member  of 
a  family  was  a  duty  of  the  family,  and  thev  akrae 
had  a  right  in  regard  to  it.  Precisely  so  was  it  with 
the  duty  of  marrying  a  brother's  widow  (Deut. 
xxv.  5;"  Matt.  xx"ii.   23  ff.  ;  Mark  xii.   19;  Luke 

xx.  28)  which  is  expressed  Ruth  iii.  13  by  -S3. 
On  the  custom  itself  of  vengeance  for  blood  [t'u: 
vendetta],  see  the  Theological  and  Ethical. 

Ver.  4.  More  particular  directions,  not  given 
in  the  passages  of  the  Pentateuch,  how  the  man- 
slayer  should  proceed  on  his  arrival  at  the  free 
city.  He  must  remain  standing  at  the  entering 
of  the  gate  of  the  city,  i.  e.  ante  portam  (Vulg.), 
and  state  his  case  before  the  ears  of  the  elders  of 

that  city.  Then  they  shall  gather  him  pEDN?) 
into  the  city,  and  shall  give  him  a  place,  that 
he  may  dwell  among  them,  i.  e.  assign  to  him 
a  habitation. 

Vers.  5,  6.  He  might  not  be  delivered  to  the 
avenger  of  blood,  but  might,  according  to  ver.  6, 
to  the  congregation,  that  is,  as  appears  from  Num. 
xxxv.  24  ft",  to  the  congregation  of  his  own  city, 
who  should  hold  judgment  upon  him,  and  either, 
if  they  found  him  guilty,  give  him  up  to  the 
avenger  of  blood,  or,  if  they  esteemed  him  innocent, 
send  him  back  to  the  city  of  refuge,  where  he  must 
remain  until  the  death  of  the  anointed  high-priest 
(Num.  xxxv.  25),  that  is,  of  the  ruling  high-priest. 
After  the  death  of  the  latter  there  follows,  some- 
what as  upon  the  death  of  an  anointed  prince,  an 
amnesty,  and  the  man-slayer  is  at  liberty  to  return 
to  his  home.  If,  however,  lie  presumptuously  leaves 
his  asylum  sooner,  he  is  exposed  to  the  anger  of 
the  avenger  (Num.  xxxv.  26,  28). 

b.  Ch.  xx.  7-9.  Fulfillment  of  this  Command, 
ver.  7.    They  consecrated  to   this  use  six  cities. 

C<T'.[7r'!  as  Keil  rightly  notices,  is  not  merely  to 
set  apart,  but  to  set  apart  something  to  a  holy  des- 
tination from  the  remaining  mass  of  things.  "  The 
free  cities  "  as  Ranke  says  ( Untersuch.  uber  den 
Pentateuch,  ii.  316,  apitrl  Keil,  pp.  36.3),  "are  in- 
tended to  keep  the  people  and  land  of  Jehovah  pure 
from  blood  guiltiness.  They  exist  as  a  monument 
of  Jehovah's  love  for  his  chosen."  Hence  not  cities 
at  random  but  Levitical  cities  were  chosen  (Num. 
xxxv.  6). 

Kedesh    in    Galilee.      Ch.   xii.    22 ;  xix.   37. 

'*  .'|,  from    *   |,  signifies  a  ring,  Esth.  i.  6  ;  Cant. 

v.  14,  then  circle,  section  of  land,  like  "  2-.  In 
particular  it  is  a  circuit  of  twenty  cities  (1   K.  ix. 

11)  in  the  tribe  of  Naphtali.  '  '2Ti  within  whose 
borders  many  heathen  still  dwelt,  and  hence  called, 

Is',  viii.  13,  E^ISn  2  (comp.  Matt.  iv.  15,  TaAiAaio 
ruiv  i8va>v).  From  it  the  name  Galilee,  which  oc- 
curs in  the  translation  here  and  in  ch.  xxi  32,  has 
been  formed.  Shechem,  ch.  xvii.  7.  Ktrjatn- 
arba,  ch.  xv.  13.  The  three  cities  of  refuge  west 
of  the  Jordan  thus  lay  so  distributed  that  one 
(Kedesh)  was  found  in  the  north,  one  (Shechem) 
in  the  centre,  and  one  (Kirjath-arba  =  Hebron) 
in  the  southern  part  of  the  land. 


CHAPTER   XX. 


165 


Ver.  8.  East  of  the  Jordan  there  are  likewist 
three  which  Moses  had  already  (Deut.  iv.  41-43 
established. 

Bezer,  perhaps  identical  with  Bozra  ( Jer.  xlviii 
24),  but  not  to  be  identified  more  particularly,  al- 
though we  may,  as  Knobel  remarks  on  Num.  xxxii. 
38,  compare  the  place  of  ruins  Burazin,  some  way 
east  of  Heshbon  in  the  plain  (Robinson,  App.  p. 
170).  or  Berza  (Robinson,  ibid.). 

Ramoth  rnGilead,  the  same  city  which  is  called, 
ch.  xiii.  26,  Ramath-Mizpeh,1  now,  as  was  shown  at 
the  place  cited  (comp.  also  Knobel  on  Num.  xxxii. 
42,  p.  1 83),  es-Salt,  and  therefore  not  to  be  placed  so 
far  northward  as  on  Menke's  Map  iii. ;  comp.  Gen. 
txxi.  49. 

Golan  in  the  country  of  Gaulanitis  (Jaulan) 
not  yet  discovered  by  modern  travellers,  but  in  the 
time  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome  called  a  K<i/j.i\  y.cylar-i\ 
and  villa  pragrandis.  Since  Ramoth  in  Gilead  lay 
in  the  middle  of  the  land,  Bezer  probably  in  the 
south,  and  Golan  in  the  north,  there  seems  to  have 
been  a  similarly  fit  distribution  of  the  cities  to  that 
which  we  have  noticed  in  West  Palestine.  But 
while  they  were  enumerated  there  from  north  to 
south,  these  are  mentioned,  as  in  Deut.  iv.  43,  in 
the  opposite  order. 

Ver.  9.  These  were   the  cities  appointed,  — 

rni^an    "HS,    the  Vulgate,   rightly :   civitatt  s 

constitutes,  cities  of  appointment  (from  f?J*  to  ap- 
point), i.  e.,  which  were  appointed  in  order  that 
every  one  ....  might  flee  thither ;  Kimchi,  in- 
accurately ;  urbes  congregationis  (with  reference  to 

the  signification  of  ~^>  in  Niph.);  Gesen.,  not 
precisely  :  urbes  asyli,  for  in  that  view  they  are 
called,  ver.  3,  Elb^an  ^V.  Luther  [and  Eng. 
Vers.]  translated  quite  rightly :  these  were  the  cities 
appointed  for  all  the  children  of  Israel,  etc. 


DOCTRINAL  AND  ETHICAL. 

So  long  as  no  organized  commonwealth  exists 
among  a  people,  a  common  consciousness  of  right 
develops  itself  first  in  that  sphere  of  society  which 
is  immediately  given  by  the  divine  order  of  nature 
—  the  family.  It  will  therefore  interpose  when  the 
right  of  one  of  the  members  is  violated,  whether 
in  the  loss  of  material  goods  through  robbery,  or 
by  injury  to  body  and  life.  So  we  find  vengeance 
for  blood,  not  only  among  the  Hebrews,  Arabs, 
Persians,  but  also  among  the  Greeks,  with  tin- 
Germanic  and  Slavic  peoples,  in  the  infancy  of 
their  development,  as  now  among  savage  nations. 
The  theocratic  legislation  found  the  custom  existing, 
and  sought,  without  attempting  to  abolish,  to  restrain 
k.     This  purpose  was  served  by  the  free  cities,  as 

1  (Oeborc'e  large  map  makes  them  distinct  places.  — Ta.J 


also  by  the  other  restricting  appointments  in  the 
passages  of  the  law  quoted  above,  as  well  as  in 
this  passage.  It  deserves  to  be  carefully  consid- 
ered also,  that  according  to  the  view  of  the  O. 
T.,  in  a  case  of  manslaughter,  not  merely  the 
family  to  which  the  slain  man  belonged  was  in- 
jured, but  God  himself  in  whose  image  man  was 
created  (Gen.  ix.  6).  On  this  account  the  real 
avenger  of  blood,  as  is  said  just  before,  is  God 
himself  (Gen.  ix.  5;  Ps.  ix.  13;  2  Chron.  xxiv. 
22).  He  avenges  the  murdered  man  even  on 
brutes  (Gen.  ix^;  Ex.  xxi.  28,  29).  Since  God 
is  wronged  in  intentional  murder,  even  the  altar 
itself  affords  no  protection  to  the  slayer  (Ex.  xxi. 
14),  ransom  is  not  allowed  (Num.  xxxv.  31),  the 
land  even  is  defiled  and  cannot  be  purified  from 
the  blood  which  has  been  shed  in  it,  without  the 
blood  of  him  who  has  spilled  it  (Num.  xxxv.  33). 
The  legislation  of  the  O.  T.  is.  therefore,  on  this 
side,  much  stricter  than  the  Greek,  Roman,  or 
German  idea  of  right.  These  allowed  ransom,  and 
regarded  consecrated  places  as  places  of  asylum 
even  for  the  intentional  murderer  (comp.  Winer, 
Healw.,  art.  "  Ereistatt  ").  On  the  other  hand,  it 
appears  much  more  humane  and  equitable  in  re- 
garding God  himself  as  the  proper  avenger  (see 
Gen.  ix.  5  ff.,  and  comp.  Lange  on  the  passage), 
in  distinguishing  between  premeditated  and  unin- 
tentional homicide,  and  in  requiring  punishment 
of  the  perpetrator  only,  not  at  all  of  his  relations. 
Comp.  on  this  subject  the  art.  "  Blutracher"  by 
Oehler  in  Herzog's  Realencyk.  ii.  260  ff.,  also  Winer, 
art.  "  Blutracher,"  Keil,  Com.  on  Josh,  in  loc,  [and 
Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  arts.  "Blood,  Avenger 
of,"  and  "  Cities  of  Refuge."  —  Te.] 


H05IILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

The  chapter  is  suitable  to  be  treated  as  a  Bible 
lesson,  to  show,  with  reference  to  the  passages 
Gen.  ix.  5  ff. ;  Ex.  xxi.  12-14 ;  Num.  xxxv.  9  ff. ; 
Deut.  xix.  1  ff.,  how  solemnly  and  strictly,  and  at 
the  same  time  how  justly  and  mildly,  the  0.  T. 
legislation  spoke  concerning  violence  to  human 
life  ;  how  it  in  part  clung  still  to  the  patriarchal 
institutions,  but  in  part  prepared  for  a  better  order ; 
in  particular,  how  this  arrangement  for  free  cities 
put  a  check  on  family  revenge,  and  endless,  bloody 
quarrels.  For  the  practical  application,  the  fol- 
lowing comments  of  Starke  give  hints :  The  name 
of  the  Lord  is  a  strong  rower  and  safe  refuge  ;  the 
righteous  flee  thereto  and  are  protected,  Prov.  xviii. 
19  ;  Ps.  xviii.  2,  3.  —  The  blood  of  a  man  is  highly 
esteemed  before  God ;  he  who  sheds  it  has  God's 
wrath  upon  him,  Gen.  iv.  10;  ix.  6;  Gal.  v.  21; 
Rev.  xxii.  15.  —  God  has  no  pleasure  in  sin,  Ps.  v 
5,  nor  delight  in  the  deal  h  of  the  sinner,  Ezek.  xviii 
23,  24. 


166  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


5.  Appointment  of  the  Cities  for  the  Priests  and  Levites. 
Chapter  XXI. 

a.  Demand  of  the  Levites  that  Cities  should  be  given  them. 
Chapteb  XXI.  1-3. 

1  Then  [And]  came  near  the  heads  of  the  fathers  of  the  Levites  unto  Eleazar  the 
priest,  and  unto  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun,  and  unto  the  heads  of  the  fathers  of  the 

2  tribes  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel ;  And  they  [omit :  they]  spake  unto  them  at 
Shiloh  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  saying,  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  commanded  by  the 
hand  of  Moses  to  give  us  cities  to  dwell  in,  with  the  suburbs  [and  their  pasture- 
grounds  ;  De  Wette :  their  circuits  ;  Bunsen  :  common-pastures  ;  Knobel :  driving- 

3  grounds]  for  our  cattle.  And  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  gave  unto  the  Levites 
out  of  their  inheritance  [possession],  at  the  commandment  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah], 
these  cities  and  their  suburbs  [pasture-grounds]. 

b.  General  Account  of  the  Levitical  Cities. 
Chapter  XXI.   4-?. 

4  And  the  lot  came  out  for  the  families  of  the  Kohathites  :  and  the  children  [sons] 
of  Aaron J  the  priest,  which  were  of  the  Levites,  had  by  lot  out  of  the  tribe  of 
Judah,  and  out  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon  [the  Simeonites],  and  out  of  the  tribe  of  Ben- 

5  jamin,  thirteen  cities.  And  the  rest  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Kohath  had  by  lot  out 
of  the  families  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  and  out  of  the  tribe  of  Dan,  and  out  of  the 

6  half-tribe  of  Manasseh,  ten  cities.  And  the  children  [sons]  of  Gershon  had  by  lot 
out  of  the  families  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar,  and  out  of  the  tribe  of  Asher,  and  out 
of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali,  and  out  of  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh  in  Bashan,  thirteen 

7  cities.  The  children  [sons]  of  Merari  by  their  families  had  out  of  the  tribe  of 
Reuben,  and  out  of  the  tribe  of  Gad,  and  out  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun,  twelve  cities 

8  And  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  gave  by  lot  unto  the  Levites  these  cities  with 
[and]  their  suburbs  [pasture-grounds],  as  the  Lord  commanded  by  the  hand  of 
Moses. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

p  Ver.  4.     S  "O?^  *7X)\  strictly  :  and  there  were  for  the  sons  of  Aaron      .         by  the  lot  thirteen  cities.     And 
■o  through  the  following  verses  to  the  7th  inclusive.  —  Tb.] 

c.  Cities  of  the  Children  of  Aaron  ( Cities  of  the  Priests). 

Chapteb  XXI.    9-19. 

9  And  they  gave  out  of  the  tribe  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Judah,  and  out  of  the 
tribe  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Simeon,  these  cities  which  are  here  mentioned  by 

10  name  [which  were  called  by  name],  Which  the  children  [sons]  of  Aaron,1  being  of 
the  families  of  the  Kohathites,  who  were  of  the  children  of  Levi,  had :  for  theirs 

11  was  the  first  lot.     And  they  gave  them  the  city  of  Arba  the  father  of  Anak  (which 
city  is  Hebron)  in  the  h\\\-country  [on  the  mountain]  of  Judah,  with  the  suburbs 

12  thereof  [and  its  pasture-grounds]  round  about  it.     But  [And]  the  fields  of  the  city, 
and  the  villages  thereof,  gave  they  to  Caleb  the  son  of  Jephunneh  for  [in]  his  pos- 

13  session.     Thus  [And]  they  gave  to  the  children  of  Aaron  the  priest,  Hebron  with 
her  suburbs,  to   be  a  city  [the  city]  of  refuge 2  for  the  slayer ;  and  Libnah  with 

14  her   suburbs,  And  Jattir  with   her   suburbs,   and  Eshtemoa   with   her   suburbs, 

15  16  And  Holon  with  her  suburbs,  and  Debir  with  her  suburbs,  And  Ain  with  hei 
suburbs,  and  Juttah  with  her  suburbs,  and  Beth-shemesh  with  her  suburbs  ;  nine 

1 7  cities  out  of  those  two  tribes.     And  out  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  Gibeon  with  her 
1?  suburbs,  Geba  with  her  suburbs,  Anathoth  with  her  suburbs,  and  Almon  with  her 
1 9  suburbs  ;  four  cities.     All  the  cities  of  the  children  of  Aaron,  the  pi  ests,  were 
thirteen  cities  with  their  suburbs. 


CHAPTER   XXI.  167 


TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

[-  /er.  10.  M  ^3^  V*  ^n^H,  as  in  verse  4,  properly  :  And  there  was  for  the  sons  of  Aaron  [sc.  the  lot,  see  exeg.  not*], 
or.  there  were  [the  cities].     The  subject  in  any  case  has  to  be  supplied,  on  account  of  the  parenthesis  at  the  end  of  ths 

verse.  —  Tr.] 

[-  Ver.  13.  Hebron  the  city  of  refuge  for  the  slayer,  and  its  pasture-grounds.  It  may  be  remarked,  once  for  all,  that 
"  suburbs  "  in  the  version,  should  uniformly  throughout  the  chapter  be  understood  in  the  sense  which  we  have  hitherto 
indicated  by  substituting  ff  pasture-grounds."     The  a  with  "  which  precedes  it  should  as  uniformly  be  "and."  —  Tr.1 

d.  Cities  of  the  remaining  Kohathites. 
Chapter  XXL  20-26. 

20  Arid  the  families  of  the  children  of  Kohath,  the  Levites  which  [who]  remained 
of  the  children  of  Kohath,  even  [omit :  even]  they  had  the  cities  of  their  lot  out 

21  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim.  For  [And]  they  gave  them  Shechem  with  her  suburbs 
in  mount  Ephraim,  to  be  a  city   [the  city]  of  refuge '  for  the  slayer  ;  and  Gezer 

22  with  her  suburbs,  And  Kibzaim  with  her  suburbs,  and  Beth-horon  with  her  sub- 

23  urbs  ;  four  cities.     And  out  of  the  tribe  of  Dan,  Eltekeh  with  her  suburbs,  Gib- 

24  bethon  with  her  suburbs,  Aijalon  with  her  suburbs,  Gath-rimmon  with  her  sub- 

25  urbs ;   four  cities.     And   out  of  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh,  Tanach  with    her 

26  suburbs,  and  Gath-rimmon,  with  her  suburbs  ;  two  cities.  AH  the  cities  were  ten 
with  their  suburbs,  for  the  families  of  the  children  of  Kohath  that  remained. 

TEXTUAL    AND    GRAMMATICAL 

[  1  Ver.  21.  Heb.  nearly  as  in  ver.  13.  And  they  gave  them  the  city  of  refuge  for  the  slayer,  Shechem  ami  its  pas- 
ture-grounds, on  Mount  Ephraim.  —  Tr.] 

e.  The  Cities  of  the  Gershonites  (comp.  ver.  6). 
Chapter  XXI.  27-33. 

27  And  unto  the  children  [sons]  of  Gershon,  of  the  families  of  the  Levites,  out 
of  the  other  [omit :  other]  half-tribe  of  Manasseh  they  gave  Golan  in  Bashan  with 
her  suburbs,  to  be  a  city  of  refuge  for  the  slayer,1  and  Beesh-terah  with  her  sub- 

28  urbs  ;  two  cities.      And  out  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar,  Kishon  with  her  suburbs, 

29  Dabareh  with  her  suburbs,  Jarmuth  with  her  suburbs,  En-gannim  with  her  sub- 

30  urbs  ;  four  cities.     And  out  of  the  tribe  of  Asher,  Mishal  with  her  suburbs,  Abdon 

31  with  her  suburbs,  Helkath  with   her  suburbs,  and  Rehob  with  her  suburbs  ;  four 

32  cities.  And  out  of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali,  Kedesh  in  Galilee  with  her  suburbs, 
to  be  a  city  of  refuge  for  the  slayer  ; 2  and  Hammoth-dor  with  her  suburbs,  and 

33  Kartan  with  her  suburbs  ;  three  cities.  All  the  cities  of  the  Gershonites,  accord 
ing  to  their  families,  were  thirteen  cities  with  their  suburbs. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL 

[1  Ter.  27.  As  in  ver.  21 :  The  city  of  refuge  for  the  slayer,  Golan,  in  Bashan,  etc.  — Ta-J 
[2  Ver.  32.  As  in  ver.  27.  —  Tr.] 

/.  The  Cities  of  the  Merarites  (comp.  ver.  7). 
Chapter  XXI.  34-42. 

34  And  unto  the  families  of  the  children  [sons]  of  Merari,  the  rest  of  the  Levites, 
out  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun,  Jokneam  with  her  suburbs,  and  Kartah  with  her  sub- 

35  36  urbs,  Dimnah  with  her  suburbs,  Nahalal  with  her  suburbs  ;  four  cities.  And  out 
of  the  tribe  of  Reuben,  Bezer  with  her  suburbs,  and  Jahazah  with  her  suburbs, 

¥!  38  Kedemoth  with  her  suburbs,  and  Mephaath  with  her  suburbs  ;  four  cities.  And 
out  of  the  tribe  of  Gad,  Ramoth  in  Gilead  with  her  suburbs,  to  be  a  city  of  refuge 

39  for  the  slayer ; '  and  Mahanaim  with    her    suburbs,  Heshbon  with  her    suburbs, 

40  Jazer  with  her  suburbs  ;  four  cities  in  all.  So  all  the  cities  [All  the  cities]  for 
the  children  [sons]  of  Merari  by  their  families,  which  were  remaining  of  t^e  fami- 

41  lies  of  the  Levites,  were  by  their  lot  twelve  cities.2     All  the  cities  of  the  Levites 


168 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


within  the  possession  of  the  children  of  Israel  were  forty  and   eight   cities  with 

42  their  suburbs.  These  cities  were  every  one  with  their  suburbs  round  about  them. 
Thus  were  [So  to]  all  these  cities. 

TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL 

[  1  Ver.  38.  As  in  vers.  27,  32.  —  Tr.] 

[3  Ver.  40.  Heb.  with  broken  construction  :  and  their  lot  was  twelve  cities.  —  Tr.] 

g.  Conclusion. 
Chapter  XXI.   43-46. 

43  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  gave  unto  Israel  all  the  land  which  he  sware  [had 

44  sworn]  to  give  unto  their  fathers  :  and  they  possessed  it,  and  dwelt  therein.  And 
the  Lord  [Jehovah]  gave  them  rest  round  about,  according  to  all  that  he  sware 
[had  sworn]  unto  their  fathers  :  and  there  stood  not  a  man  of  all  their  enemies 
before   them ;  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  delivered  all  their  enemies  into  their  hand. 

45  There  failed  not  aught  of  any  good  thing  which  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  had  spoken 
unto  the  house  of  Israel ;  all  came  to  pass. 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

The  chapter  contains  the  catalogue  of  the  Le- 
vitical cities,  which  were  appointed  according  to 
the  regulations  already  given  by  Moses,  Num. 
xxxv.  1  ff.  There  were  forty-eight  of  them  in  all, 
of  which  six  were  at  the  same  time  (ch.  xx.)  cities 
of  refuge.  On  Kiepert's  Wall  Map  they  are  dis- 
tinguished by  a  colored  line  drawn  under  each  [on 
Clark's  Bible  Atlas  of  Maps  and  Plans,  by  being 
printed  in  small  capitals,  and  on  Menke's  by  a  dis- 
tinguishing mark]. 

The  list  of  the  Levitical  cities  is  given  also  in 
1  Chron.  vi.  39-66,  with  several  in  part  easily  re- 
movable deviations,  due  probably,  as  Keil  sup- 
poses (ii.  1,  p.  156,  note),  to  another  documentary 
source.  The  chronicler  names  only  forty-two 
cities,  although  he  also  relates  ver.  45  ff.  that  the 
children  of  Aaron  had  received  thirteen,  the  other 
Kohathites  ten,  the  Gershonites  thirteen,  the  Me- 
rarites  twelve  cities,  in  all  therefore  forty-eight. 
Omitted  are  (1)  Jutta  in  Judah,  (2)  Gibeon  in 
Benjamin,  (3)  Eltekeh  in  Dan,  (4)  Gibbethon  in 
Daii,  (5)  Jokneam  in  Zebulun,  (6)  Nahalal  in 
Zelmlun.  Knobel  seeks  the  reason  in  mere  negli- 
gence on  the  part  either  of  the  chronicler  himself 
or  of  a  transcriber.  Judging  somewhat  more  leni- 
ently, we  may  find  the  explanation  in  an  oversight, 
well'  deserving  excuse  amid  so  many  names.  If, 
further,  the  author  of  Chronicles  gives  to  some  ex- 
tent different  names,  many  of  them  exhibit  faulty 

readings,  as  ~OT  for   TT3?i!l  (ver.  25),  ^1U.  for 

^tTJ?  (ver.  29),  etc.,  but  others,  on  the  contrary, 

the  true  reading,  as  )&$  for  T.V  (ver.  16),  O^1?? 

'or   TiEPV"12    (ver.  25),    and    W  for  n?a^ 


(ver.  35).  In  other  places  he  shows  only  different 
forms  of  the  same  name,  as  the  examples  cited  by 

Keii,  m$?y  for  liabs,  ba?  a  for  Wd,  -pan 

for  "^S^  nan,  and  many  others  (Keil,  ub.  sup.). 
Some,  finally,  are  probably  different  designations 
of  the  same  city,  as  Q2ap>  for  O^^,  ni»SH 

for  nW£,  and  D3S  for  a^T?'  (1  Chron.  vi. 
53,  58  [Eng.  68,  73]  compared  with  Josh.  xxi.  22, 
29. 

a.  Vers.  1-3.  Demand  of  the  Levites  that  Cities 
should  be  given  to  them.  The  account  which  we  have 
here  of  the  application  of  the  heads  of  the  tribe 
(Ex.  vi.  14,  25)  reminds  us  of  ch.  xiii.  6,  where  it 
is  similarly  told  concerning  Caleb,  that  he,  accom- 
panied by  members  of  his  tribe,  brings  to  mind  the 
promise  "that  had  been  given  him  by  Moses.  Cal- 
vin regards  it  as  probable  that  the  Levites  had 
been  forgotten,  adducing  in  support  of  this  :  "  Sic 
enitn  accidere  sotet,  ditm  quisque  ad  sua  curanda  at- 
tentus  est,  utjratrumobliviscatur."  Considering  the 
great  respect  in  which  their  fellow  tribesman  of 
that  day,  Eleazar,  was  held,  and  that  he  himself 
shared  in  the  distribution  of  the  land,  we  may 
much  rather  assume  with  Masius  (in  Keil,  p.  155), 
"  illos,  cum  res  ad  earn  opportunitatem  perductat  fuis- 
sent,  accessisse  ad  divisores  communi  suorum  tribuhum 
nomine  ul  designatas  ab  illis  urbes  sortirenlur."  They 
had  not  deemed  it  opportune  to  urge  their  claim 
before. 

b.  Vers.  4-8.  Account  of  the  Levitical  cities  in 
general.  According  to  Ex.  vi.  16-20,  and  Num.  iii. 
17-19,  compared  with  1  Chron.  v.  27-vi.  34  [Eng. 
vi.  1-49],  we  have  the  following  family-tree  for  the 
Levites,  to  keep  which  before  the  eyes  may  help  to 
understand  the  following  allotment :  — 


1.  Gershon. 


2.  Kohath. 


3.  Merari  (Ex.  vi.  16 ;  Num.  iii.  17). 


1.  Amram. 


2.  Izhar 


3.  Hebron 


4.  TJzzdel  (Es.  vi.  18 ;  Num.  iii.  19). 


I.  Aaron 


2.  Moses  (Ex  vi.  20). 


Aaron's  posterity  received  the  priesthood,  Num. 
iviii.  1,  2,  7  (1  Chron.  vi.  49).  All  the  other  Le- 
rites    hence  the  descendants  of  Moses  also,  were 


appointed,  Num.  xviii.  3-6  (1  Chron.  vi.  33  [48]) 
to  the  inferior  service  of  the  sanctuary.  The  chil- 
dren of  Israel,  according  to  Num.  xxxr.  6  ff.,  de 


CHAPTER  XXI 


169 


termined  what  cities  the  families  of  the  Levites 
ihoull  receive,  but  the  lot  decided  which  of  these 
lities  each  particular  family  should  have. 

Ver.  4.  The  first  lot  came  out  for  the  families 
of  the  Kohathites,  and,  among  these,  for  the 
sons  of  Aaron  the  priest,  of  the  Levites.  They, 
namelv,  the  proper  priests,  received  thirteen  cities 
in  the  territory  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  Simeon,  and 
Benjamin.  Upon  which  Calvin  remarks  :  "  Quod 
non  contigit  fortuito  eventu :  quia  Dens  pro  admirabili 
sua  consilio  in  ea  sede  eos  locavit,  ubi  statuerat  tern- 
plum  sibi  eligere." 

Ver.  5.  The  other  Kohathites,  that  is,  the  pos- 
terity  of  Izhar,  Hebron,  Uzziel,  and,  in  the  line  of 
Amram,  those  of  Moses,  shared  ten  cities  in  the 
land  of  Ephraim,  Dan,  and  Manasseh  west  of  the 
Jordan. 

Ver.  6.  The  Gershonites  received  eighteen  cities 
of  Issachar,  Asher,  Naphtali,  and  Manasseh  east 
of  the  Jordan. 

Ver.  7.  To  the  Merarites  were  allotted  twelve 
cities  out  of  Reuben,  Gad,  and  Zebulun. 

c.  Vers.  9-19.  The  Cities  of  the  Sons  of  Aaron 
(cities  of  the  priests).  In  vers.  9-1 6  are  mentioned 
the  cities  which  the  Aaronides  received  in  the  coun- 
try of  Simeon  and  Judah,  then  in  vers.  17-19  the 
four  cities  of  Benjamin.  That  they  had  so  many 
was  reasonable  in  view  of  the  future  increase  of 
the  posterity  of  Aaron. 

[Keil,  Bill.  Comm.  ii.  1,  pp.  155, 156,  says  on  this 
topic  :  "  This  number  for  the  cities  allotted  to  the 
Levites  will  not  appear  too  large  if  we  consider, 
that  (1)  most  of  the  cities  of  Canaan,  to  judge 
from  the  great  number  in  so  small  a  country,  could 
not  have  been  very  large  ;  (2)  the  Levites  were  not 
the  sole  occupants  of  these  cities,  but  had  only  the 
necessarj  abodes  in  them  for  themselves,  and  pas- 
ture for  their  cattle  iu  the  vicinity,  while  the  re- 
maining space  was  for  the  other  tribes;  (3)  that 
the  twenty-three  thousand  male  persons  which  the 
Levites  numbered  in  the  second  census  in  the 
steppes  of  Moab,  when  distributed  among  thirty- 
live  cities,  would  give  to  each  six  hundred  and 
fifty-seven  males,  or  about  thirteen  hundred  male 
and  female  Levites.  On  the  other  hand,  the  allow- 
ance of  thirteen  cities  to  the  priests  has  raised  ob- 
jections tending  to  the  supposition  that,  since 
Aaron,  in  Joshua's  time,  couid  scarcely  have  had 
so  numerous  a  posterity  from  his  two  remaining 
sons  as  to  fill  two,  not  to  speak  of  thirteen  cities, 
therefore  the  catalogue  betrays  a  document  of  a 
much  later  date  (Maurer  and  others).  But  in  this, 
not  only  is  there  ascribed  to  those  who  effected  the 
division,  the  monstrous  short-sightedness  of  assign- 
ing to  the  priests  their  abodes  with  reference  merely 
to  their  necessity  at  that  time,  and  without  regard 
to  their  future  increase,  but  also  of  having  taken 
the  size  of  the  cities  as  much  too  important,  and 
the  number  of  the  Levites  as  much  too  small. 
But  it  was  not  at  all  designed  that  the  cities  should 
be  filled  with  the  families  of  the  priests.  And 
although  the  poll-list  of  the  priests  then  living  is 
nowhere  given,  still,  if  we  remember  that  Aaron 
died  in  the  fortieth  year  of  the.  exodus,  at  the  age 
of  one  hundred  and  twenty-three  years  (Num. 
xxxiii.  38),  and  so  was  already  eighty-three  years 
old  when  they  left  Egypt,  it  will  appear  that  there 
might  be  now,  seven  years  after  his  death,  descend- 
ants of  the  fourth  generation.  But  his  two  sons 
had  twenty-four  male  offspring  who  founded  the 
twenty-four  classes  of  priests  instituted  by  David 
M  Chron.  xxiv.).  If,  then,  we  allow  only  six 
males  respectively  to  each  of  the  following  genera- 
ions,  the   third   generation  would   already  have 


numbered  one  hundred  and  forty  foin  persons, 
who,  ranging  from  twenty-five  to  thirty-five  years 
of  age  at  the  distribution  of  the  land,  might  now 
have  had  eight  hundred  and  sixty-four  male  chil- 
dren. Thus  the  total  number  of  male  persons  of 
the  priestly  class  might  at  that  time  have  amounted 
to  over  one  thousand,  or  to  at  least  two  hundred 
families."  —  Tr.] 

Ver.  9.  The  cities  were  called  by  name,  that 
is,  they  indicated  them  by  their  names,  "  specified 
them  by  name  "  (Knobel). 

Ver.  10.  The  subject  of  the  principal  sentence  is 

7"V13,  which  must  be  supplied  from  the  parenthet- 
ical explanatory  sentence  ("for  theirs  was  the  first 
lot").  The  awkwardness  of  the  construction  re 
minds  us  of  ch.  xvii.  1. 

Vers.  11,  12.  The  first  city  named  is  Hebron, 
here  also  as  in  ch.  xv.  13,  and  often,  called  the  city 
of  Arba.    When  this  Arba  is  here  called  the  father 

of  Anok,  P"0??,  but  elsewhere  always  the  father  of 

Anak  (PJ?  'Ei/an),  the  T^^V.  is  undoubtedly  a 
mere  variety  of  pronunciation  of  the  same  name. 
The  A  sound  ea.-ily  passes  over,  in  the  German 
dialects  also    into  the  0  sound.     At  Hebron   the 

Levites  received,  besides  the  city,  only  O^^O 

(from  C~|)  to  drive),  the  "  drives,"  the  pasture- 
grounds,  but  not  the  tillable  land  which,  with  the 
villages  thereon,  belonged  to  Caleb  (ch.  xiv.  12). 

Compare  also  in  reference  to  the  Q^ttHJri  ver.  3, 
as  well  as  Num.  xxxv.  2. 

Ver.  13  repeats  the  sense  of  ver.  11  on  account 
of  the  parenthetical  remark  in  ver.  12.  Libnah 
(ch.  xv.  42  ;  x.  29) ;  Jattir  (ch.  xv.  48)  ;  Eshte- 
moa  (ch.  xv.  50)  ;  Holon  (ch.  xv.  51 )  ;  Debir  (ch. 
xv.  15,  49  ;  x.  38) ;  Ain  (ch.  xv.  32) ;  Jutta  (ch. 
xv.  55)  ;  Bethshemesh  (ch.  xv.  10).  Of  the  cities 
so  far  enumerated  six,  Hebron,  Jattir,  Eshtemoa, 
Holon,  Debir,  Jutta,  lay  on  the  mountain  of  Judah ; 
two,  Libnah  and  Beth-shemesh,  in  the  lowland,  to 
which  is  added  one  city  of  Simeon,  Ashau  in  the 

lowland  ()^^'  ch.  xv.  42  ;  xix.   7,  as  should  be 

read,  1  Chron.  vi.  44  (59),  instead  of  V.V- 

Ver.  1 7  ff.  The  four  Levitical  cities  in  Benjamin, 
Gibeon  (ch.  ix  3  ff. ;  x.  1  ff. ;  xviii.  25),  Geba  (ch. 
xviii.  24),  Anathoth,  and  Almon.  The  two  latter 
are  wanting  in  the  list  of  the  cities  of  Benjamin, 
and  are  therefore  still  to  be  spoken  of  here.     Ana 

thoth  (nV"Q37),  Jeremiah's  birth-place  (Jer.  i.  1 ; 
xx  ix.  27).  whose  inhabitants,  however,  hated  him 
(Jer.  xi.  21 ),  and  were  therefore  threatened  by  the 
indignant  prophet  (Jer.  xi.  22,  23),  lies  one  hour 
and  a  quarter  (Furrer  one  hour  and  seventeen 
minutes)  northeast  of  Jerusalem,  and  is  now  called 
Anata,  built  "on  a  height  rising  a  little  above  the 
table-land."  As  traces  of  its  antiquity,  Furrer, 
who  made  a  trip  thither  from  Jerusalem  (pp.  75- 
80),  found  in  a  house  stones  with  jointed  edges, 
three  feet  long  and  one  and  a  half  feet  wide  (p. 
77).  Robinson  (who  first  recognized  in  Anata  the 
ancient  Anathoth,  while  ecclesiastical  tradition  had 
chosen  for  it  another  site,  near  the  village  of 
Kuryet  el-Enab,  about  three  hours  from  Jerusalem 
on  the  road  to  Ramleh,  and  had  called  it  Jeremiae) 
also  notices  ancient  remains  of  walls,  fid,  like 
Furrer,  praises  the  prospect  from  this  place  (Rob. 
ii.  109,  110;  Furrer,  p.  77).  The  statements  of 
Joseph.  [Ant.  x.  7,  3),  of  the  Onom.,  and  of  Jerome 
in  the  Comm.  in  Jer  1,  on  the  distance  of  Ana- 


170 


THE   BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


thoth  from  Jerusalem  have  been  provt  I  correct 
(see  von  Raumer,  p.  171).  Almon  (T"3ySi  1 
Chron.  vi.  45  (60)  H^bs),  now  Almit  (Rob.  Later 
Bibl.  Res.  287)  or  el-Mid,  as  Tobler  writes  it 
(Denkbl.  p.  631,  note  1),  situated  a  little  to  the 
northeast  of  Anathoth.  A  place  of  ruins. 
Ver.  19.  Thirteen  cities  in  all. 

d.  Vers.  20-26.  The  Cities  of  the  remaining  Ko- 
hathites.  Of  these  there  were  ten,  namely,  four  in 
Ephraim  (ver.  «a),  four  in  Dan  (ver.  24),  two  in 
west  Manasseh     rer.  25). 

Vers.  20-22.  a.  Four  Cities  in  Ephraim,  She- 
chem  (ch.  xvii.  7),  Gezer  (ch.  x.  33;  xvi.  3), 
Kibzaim  (instead  of  which  1  Chron.  vi.  53  (68)  has 

DV!2(T,  not  discovered.  That  Kibzaim  and  Jok- 
i in-.- l i ri  may  be;  as  Knobel  and  Keil  suppose,  differ- 
ent names  of  the  same  place,  is  confirmed  perhaps 
by  the  fact  referred  to  by  Gesenius  in  his  Lex.,  that 

D3?P|T,  "  gathered  by  the  people,"  from  r.  i"IO|?. 
and  D^23|7  from  V?I5'  t0  c°llect.  cognate  with 
n^Uf?,  Ezek.  xxii.  20,  "  have  a  quite  similar 
etymology."  The  fourth  city  is  Beth-horon. 
"  Whether  the  upper  or  lower  city,  is  not  said  " 
(Keil). 

Vers.  23,  24.  0.  Four  Cities  in  Dan,  Eltekeh, 
Gibbethon  (ch.  xix.  44),  Arjalon  (ch.  x.  12 ;  xix. 
42),  Gath-rimmon  (ch.  xix.  45). 

Ver  25.  7.  Two  Cities  in  West  Manasseh;  Ta- 
nach  (ch.  xii.  21  ;  xvii.  11).  Gath-rimmon,  an 
old  mistake  in  copying  for  0^73  (1  Chron.  vi. 
55  [70]),  that  is  Ibleam  (ch.  xvii.  11). 

Ver.  26.  In  all,  ten  cities. 

e.  Vers.  27-33.  The  Cities  of  the  Gershonites. 
Thirteen,  again,  as  with  the  sons  of  Aaron  (vers. 
4,  19),  namely,  two  in  East  Manasseh  (ver.  2), 
four  in  Issachar  (ver.  28),  four  in  Asher  (ver.  30), 
three  in  Naphtali  (ver.  32). 

Ver.  27.  a.  Two  Cities  in  East  Manasseh.    Golan 

(ch.  xx.  8  ;  Deut.  iv.  43).  Beesh-tera  (rH^tpV?, 

cont.  from  T^tPE-jTa,  that  is,  House  of  As- 

tarte;  called  1  Chron.  vi.  56  (71)  jTnPltp??.  It 
was  plainly  a  city  with  a  temple  of  Astarte,  per- 
haps the  Ashteroth-Kamaim  mentioned  in  Gen. 
xiv.  5  as  the  residence  of  Og,  king  of  Bashan ,  the 
6ite  of  which  cannot  now  be  determined.  In  any 
case,  we  must  not,  as  Keil  and  Knobel  observe, 
think  of  the  present  Busra  in  the  east  of  Hauran 
(as  Reland  does,  pp.  621,  662),  for  this  was  called 
even  from  ancient  times  B<f<r<ropa,  Boaopi  ( 1  Mace. 

v.  26  ;  Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  8,  3),  hence  as  now  i"HV3, 
which  the  Greeks  and  Romans  corrupted  into 
BddTpc  (Knobel).  But  we  must  not  either  refer 
as  Knobel  would,  to  a  Bostra  or  Bustra  on  Mount 
Hermon,  north  of  Banias,  since  the  territory  of 
the  tribes  did  not  extend  so  far  north.  Knobel, 
indeed,  assumes  this  when  he  discovers  Baal-gad 
in  Heliopolis  ;  which  view  we  have  attempted  to 
disprove  in  ch.  xi.  17.  The  site  of  this  Beeshterah, 
therefore,  must  be  regarded  as  not  yet  ascertained. 
That  the  name  Beeshtera  should  occur  more  than 
once,  and  therefore  on  Mount  Hermon,  is  owing  to 
ie  wide  spread  of  the  worship  of  Astarte  through 
that  region.  So  much  the  more  difficult  will  it  be 
to  make  out  the  situation  of  our  city. 

Vers.  28,  29.  3.  Four  Cities  in  Issachar:  Kishon 
jch.  xix.  20),  Dabareh  (ch.  xix.  12),  Jarmuth, 
Bn-gannim  (ch.  xix.  21). 


Vers.  30,  31.  7.  Four  Cities  in  Asher:  Misha) 
(ch.  xix.  26),  Abdou  (ch.  xix.  28),  Helkath  (ch. 
xix.  25),  Rehob  (ch.  xix.  28). 

Ver.  32.  8.  Three  Cities  in  Naphtali:  Kedesh 
(ch.  xix.  37),  Hammoth-dor,  called  Hammath  in 
ch.  xix.  35,  and  Hammon  in  1  Chron.  vi.  61  (76), 

Kartan  C!^Hi?>  according  to  Keil  contracted  from 

lyn-lf?  =  GYV-i-,  1  Chron.  vi.  61  (76),  like  Do- 
than,  2  K.  vi.  13,  from  Dothain,  Gen.  xxxvii.  17), 
not  named  among  the  cities  of  Naphtali.  Knobel 
says :  "  Perhaps  Katanah,  with  ruins,  northeast 
from  Safed,"  in  Van  de  Velde,  Mem.  p.  147. 

Ver.  33.  Thirteen  cities  in  all. 
/  Vers.  34-42.  The  Cities  of  the  Merarites.  They 
acquired  twelve  cities  (ver.  40),  namely,  four  in  the 
tribe  of  Zebulun  (ver.  34),  four  in  the  tribe  of 
Reuben  (ver.  36),  and  four  in  the  tribe  of  Gad; 
mostly  therefore  in  eastern  Palestine. 

Vers.  34,  35.  a.  Four  Cities  in  Zebulun :  Jokneam 
(ch.  xii.  32;  xix.  11),  Kartah  (ch.  xix.  15),  Dim- 
nan,  perhaps  =  ^-P*3!  or  isiS"!  (ch.  xix.  13 ;  1 
Chron.  vi.  62).  So  Knobel  and  others.  Keil 
questions  the  identity,  because  in  the  passage 
quoted  from  the  Chronicles  the  text  is  undoubt- 
edly corrupt,  since  it  presents  not  four  but  only 
two  cities,  Rimmono  and  Tabor.  Nahalal  (ch.  xix. 
15).     Instead  of  this  Tabor,  1  Chron.  vi.  62. 

Vers.  36,  37.  $.  Four  Cities  in  Reuben:  Bezer 
(ch.  xx.  8;  Deut.  iv.  43),  Jahazah,  Kedemotb, 
and  Mephaath  (ch.  xiii.  18).  Both  verses  are 
supported  by  the  majority  of  Codd.,  are  not  want- 
ing in  the  early  translations,  and  correspond  to 
the  statements  of  vers.  7,  40,  41.  When  Rabbi 
Jacob  ben  Chasim  omitted  them  in  his  great  Rab- 
binic Bible  of  the  year  1525,  on  the  authority  of 
the  Masora,  he  proceeded  altogether  without  right, 
cf.  Knobel,  p.  474 ;  Keil,  Bibl.  Com.,  p.  155,  Anm. 
2  ;  and  Com.  on  Josh.,  p.  457,  note  ;  also  De  Rossi, 
Varue  Lectionet,  ad  h.  1.,  and  J.  H.  Michaelis,  note 
to  his  Heb.  Bibl.,  ed.  Halle  (ap.  Keil,  /.  c). 

Vers.  38,  39.  7.  Four  Cities  in  the  Tribe  of  Gad: 
Ramoth  in  Gilead  (ch.  xx.  8;  xiii.  26),  Maha- 
naim  (ch.  xiii.  26),  Heshbon  (ch.  xiii.  17),  Jazer 
(ch.  xiii.  25). 

Ver.  40.  Twelve  cities  in  all. 

Vers.  41,  42.  End  of  the  list  of  Levitical  cities. 
There  were  forty-eight  of  them,  as  had  been  com- 
manded, Num.  xxxv.  6,  and  as  is  here  again  men- 
tioned.    Each  one  had  its  pasture-ground ;  "I  ? 

"^S,  city  city,  i.  e.,  each  city  according  to  the 
manner  of  distributive  numerals,  Gesenius,  Gram. 
§  118,  5. 

jr.  Vers.  42-45.  Conclusion.  He  refers  to  what 
God  had  said  to  Joshua,  ch.  i.  2-6,  when  he  directed 
him  to  take  possession  of  the  land. 

Ver.  43.  Jehovah  gave  Israel  the  land  which  he 
had  sworn  to  their  fathers  (Gen.  xii.  7;  xv.  18; 
Num.  xi.  12;  xxxii.  11;  Deut.  xxxi.  21).  And 
they  possessed  it,  and  dwelt  therein.  The  same 
expression  is  used  ch.  xix.  47. 

Ver.  44.  And  he  gave  them  rest  round  about, 
as  he  likewise  had  sworn  to  their  fathers  (Ex. 
xxxiii.  14;  Deut.  iii.  20;  xxv.  19).  Their  ene- 
mies could  not  stand  against  them,  and  although 
these  were  not  yet  entirely  subjugated,  as  appears 
from  Judg.  i..  they  dared  no  enterprise  against  the 
Israelites  while  Joshua  lived  (Judg.  ii.  6  if.).  Aa 
Rahab  said  to  the  spies  (ii.  9),  a  terror  had  fallen 
on  the  Canaanites. 

Ver.  45.    The  good  words  not   one  of  which 


CHAPTER    XXII.  171 


failed  (?DJ,  fell),  j.  e.,  remained  unfulfilled  (ch. 
xxiii.  14),  are  God's  promises.  Comp.  on  this 
in  the  New  Testament,  2  Cor.  i.  20,  "  God  is  in  his 


promises  truthful,  and  keeps  them,  only  that  we 
through  unbelief  and  indifference  ourselves  stand 
in  the  way,"  Osiander. 


SECTION    THIRD. 

The  Release  of  the  Two  and  a  Half  Transjordanic  Tribes.    Joshua's  Farewell  D» 
course.     His  Death  and  that  of  Eleazar. 

Chapters  XXII.-XXIV. 

1.   The  Release  of  the  Two  and  a  Half  Transjordanic  Tribes. 

Chapter   XXII. 

a.  Joshua's  Parting  Address. 

Chapter  XXII.  1-8. 

1  Then  Joshua  called  the  Reubenites,  and  the  Gadites,  and  the  half-tribe  cf  Manas- 

2  seh,  And  said  unto  them,  Ye  have  kept  all  that  Moses  the  servant  of  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  commanded  you,  and  have  obeyed  [hearkened  to]  my  voice  in  all  that  I 

3  commanded  you :  Ye  have  not  left  your  brethren  these  many  days  unto  this  day, 
but  [and]  have  kept  the  charge  of  [omit :  of]  the  commandment  of  the  Lord  [Je- 

4  hovah]  your  God.  And  now  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  hath  given  rest 
unto  your  brethren,  as  he  promised  [spoke  to]  them :  therefore  [and]  now  re- 
turn ye,  and  get  you  unto  your  tents,  and  [omit :  and]  unto  [into]  the  land  of  your 
possession,  which  Moses  the  servant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  gave  you  on  the  other 

5  side  [of  the]  Jordan.  But  [Only]  take  diligent  heed  to  do  the  commandment  and 
the  law,  which  Moses  the  servant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  charged  [commanded]  you, 
to  love  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God,  and  to  walk  in  all  his  ways,  and  to  keep  his 
commandments,  and  to  cleave  unto  him,  and  to  serve  him  with  all  your  heart,  and 

6  with  all  your  soul.     So  [And]  Joshua  blessed  them,  and  sent  them  away  ;  and  they 

7  went  unto  their  tents.  Now  [And]  to  the  one  half  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh,  Moses 
had  given  possession  in  Bashan  :  but  [and]  unto  the  other  half  thereof  gave  Joshua 
among  their  brethren  on  this  [the  other]  '  side  [of  the]  Jordan  westward.  And  [and 
also]  when  Joshua  sent  them  away  also  [omit :  also]  unto  their  tents,  then  he 

8  blessed  them,  And  he  [omit :  he]  spake  unto  them,  saying,  Return  with  much 
riches  unto  your  tents,  and  with  very  much  cattle,  with  silver,  and  with  gold,  and 
with  brass,  and  with  iron,  and  with  very  much  raiment:  divide  the  spoil  of  your 
enemies  with  your  brethren. 

TEXTUAL  AND    GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.  7.  —  "Q3JJ2  as  ~Q???>  ca-  T-  li  except  that  the  latter  is  defined  by  7V2P  ;  here  it  is  "on  (lit.  out  of)  th* 
)lher  side  "  with  reference  to  Bashan   east  of  the  Jordan,  which  has  just  been  mentioned.  —  Tr.] 

6.  Return  Homeward  of  the  Two  and  a  Half  Tribes.     Erection  of  an  Altar  on  the  Jordan. 

Chapter  XXII.  9,  10. 

9  And  the  children  [sons]  of  Reuben,  and  the  children  [sons]  of  Gad,  and  the' 
half-tribe  of  Manasseh  returned,  and  departed  from  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel 
out  of  Shiloh,  which  is  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  to  go  unto  the  country  [into  the 
land]  of  Gilead,  to  the  land  of  their  possession,  whereof  they  were  possessed  [in 
which  they  had  possessions],  according  to  the  word  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  by  the 


172  THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


10  hand  of  Moses.  And  when  they  came  unto  the  borders  of  [into  the  circles1  of 
the]  Jordan,  that  are  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  the  children  [sons]  of  Reuben,  and 
the  children  [sons]  of  Gad,  and  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh  built  there  an  altar  by 
[the]  Jordan,  a  great  altar  to  see  to  [an  altar  great  to  behold]. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.  10.  —  *n  i*Tl  7*  -".  "circles,  circuit,  region  ;  "  see  the  exeg.  note.  That  this  district  is  said  to  have  been 
In  the  f'land  of  Canaan,'-  which  is  in  general  strongly  distinguished  from  the  table-land  east  of  the  Jordan,  certainly 
favors  the  supposition  that  the  altar  in  question  was  erected  on  the  west  side  of  the  river  "till  everything  else  is  against 
It,  and  we  cauuot  but  think  that  the  recent  commentators,  against  many  of  the  oldei  -\nd  against  Josephus,  have  too 
readily  assumed  that  it  was  so.  It  is  in  itself  highly  improbable  that  the  Gileadites  -mould  have  built  an  altar  with 
their  design  on  ground  not  belonging  to  them,  where  they  could  have  no  control  over  its  safety,  and  where  it  is  impos- 

Bible  to  see  how  it  could  bear  witness  for  tkem.     And  the  expressions  in  ver.  11,   3  V™^    '"^    '^,  "  over  against  the 

land  of  Canaan,''  and  Ws  \33  ""Ql?  •S,  both  naturally  point  to  the  other  side,  and  can  only  with  a  degree  of  vio 
lence  be  understood  of  a  locality  in  the  fullest  sense  within  and  of  the  land  of  Canaan.  Consider  further  that  there  was 
no  mention  by  the  Israelites  of  simply  destroying  the  altar,  which  would  on  this  supposition  be  easy,  and  in  their  state 
of  mind  very  natural  (as  indeed  they  would  not  have  allowed  if  to  be  built  without  explanation  on  their  territory),  but 
that  the  ambassadors  must  pass  over  into  Gilead  to  treat  of  the  matter,  and  that  there  to  all  appearance  the  naming  of 
the  altar  took  plnce,  and  there  will  appear  to  be  more  reasons  for  the  view  of  those  who  place  the  altar  on  the  east  bank 
of  the  Jordan  than  against  it.  May  not  the  solution  of  the  difficulty  lie  in  the  extension  of  the  "land  of  Canaan,"  in 
ver.  10,  so  as  to  include  the  whole  of  the  Ghor  (ancient  Arabah),  overlooking  the  river,  for  the  moment,  as  a  boundary, 
and  making  the  boundary  between  Canaan,  the  "low  country,"  and  Gilead  to  be  the  wall  of  eastern  mountains  which 
fences  in  the  Jordan  Valley?     This  being   conceded,  the  phrase    "over  against,"  quasi   "fronting."  in  ver.  11,  and 

W*  3  ™Q1?~7K  (English  version,  "at  the  passage  of,"  etc.),  "  to  the  other  side  with  reference  to  the  sons  of  Israel," 
might  both  be  understood  in  their  most  usual  sense.  Certainly  some  notice  ought  to  be  taken  of  the  probabilities  for 
this  opinion.  —  Ta.] 

c.  Embassy  from  Israel  to  the  Two  and  a  Half  Tribes  on  account  of  the  Altar. 

Chapter  XXTI.  11-20. 

11  And  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  heard  say,  Behold,  the  children  [sons]  of 
Reuben,  and  the  children  [sons]  of  Gad,  and  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh,  have  built 
an   [the]  altar  over  against  the  land  of  Canaan,1  in  the  borders  [circles]  of  [the] 

12  Jordan,  at  the  passage  of  [opposite  to]  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel.  And  when 
the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  heard  of  it,  the  whole  congregation  of  the  children 
[sons]  of  Israel  gathered  themselves  together  at  Shiloh,  to  go  up  to  war  against 

13  them.  And  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  sent  unto  the  children  [sons]  of  Reuben, 
and  to  the  children  [sons]  of  Gad,  and  to  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh  into  the  land 

14  of  Gilead,  Phinehas  the  son  of  Eleazar  the  priest,  And  with  turn  ten  princes,  of  each 
chief  house  '2  a  prince  throughout  [for]  all  the  tribes  of  Israel ;  and  each  one  was 
an  [a]  head  of  the  house  of  their  fathers  [the  head  of  their  chief  houses]  a  among 
the  thousands  of  Israel. 

15  And  they  came  unto  the  children  [sons]  of  Reuben,  and  to  the  children  [sons] 
of  Gad,  and  to  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh,  unto  the  land  of  Gilead,  and  they  spake 

16  with  them,  saying.  Thus  saith  the  whole  [all  the]  congregation  of  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah], What  trespass  is  this  that   ye  have  committed  against   the  God  of  Isrt. 
to  turn  away  [return]  this  day  from  following  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  in  that  ye  havr* 

17  builded  you  an  altar,  that  ye  might  rebel  this  day  against  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  ?  Is 
the  iniquity  3  of  Peor  too  little  for  us,  from  which  we  are  not  cleansed  until  this 
day,  although  there  was  a  plague  [and  the  plague  was]  in  the  congregation  of 

18  the  Lord  [Je'..<>vahl.  But  that  ye  must  turn  away  this  day  from  following  the 
Lord  [Jehovahj  T  and  it  will  be,  seeing  ye  rebel  to-day  against  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah], that  to-morrow  he  will  be  wroth  with  the  whole  congregation  of  Israel. 

19  Notwithstanding  [And  truly],  if  the  land  of  your  possassion  be  [is]  unclean, 
then  [omit :  then]  pass  ye  over  unto  the  land  of  the  possession  of  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah] wherein  the  Lord's  [Jehovah's]  tabernacle  dwelleth,  and  take  possession 
among  us  :  but  rebel  not  against  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  nor  rebel  against  us,  in  build- 

2"  ing  you  an  altar  beside  the  altar  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  our  God.  Did  i.ot  Achan 
the  son  of  Zerah  commit  a  trespass  in  the  accursed  thing  [in  what  was  devoted], 
ard  wrath  fell  on  all  the  congregation  of  Israel  ?  and  that  man  perished  not  alone 
in  his  iniquity. 


chapter  xxn.  178 


TEXTUAL   AND    GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.  11.  — ,K,  Htn  a  place  to  which  one  has  come  :  "  comp.  7,  letter  B,  also  Greek  ew,  «  for  ev.  In  all  this 
however,  the  idea  of  motion  is  not  wholly  lost,  namely,  "  a  motion  that'preceded  "  (Gesen.  Lex.  p.  52  B).  —  Te.] 

p  Ver.  14.  —  2K  fTf»3,  "house  of  a  father,''  and  jTQS  j"V2,  "house  of  the  fathers,"  =  father-house,  father- 
houses.  On  the  use  of  the  genitive  plural  instead  of  the  plural  of  the  noun  limited,  see  Gesen.  Lex.  s.  v.  jT*2  (11), 
p.  129.  — Te.i 

[8  Ver.  17.  —  Q  "pVVlS,  prop,  an  adverbial  ace.,  "in  respect  to  "  the  iniquity,  et«.  The  sense  of  the  question 
Is,  "  Had  we  not  enough  of  the  iniquity  ?  "'  etc.  Zunz"s  version  appears  to  take  the  last  member  of  the  verse  singularly, 
as  giving  a  vivid  designation  of  the  time  of  the  transgression  :  als  die  Seuche  war,  etc.  "  And  "  (1)  need  not  be  under* 
stood  here  as  zz  "although,"  but  more  naturally  in  its  proper  sense  :  "  and  the  plague  [for  which]  was  upon  the  congi*. 
gation  (not  the  particular  sinners)  of  Jehovah."  The  next  verse  (18)  then  proceeds:  And  (nearly  zz  and  yet)  ye  are 
turning  away  this  day  from  after  Jehovah.  Or,  if  we  suppose  a  somewhat  more  free  combination  of  clauses,  than  ia 
often  met  with  in  this  style  of  Hebrew  writing,  we  may  consider  the  two  verses  as  making  up  a  compound  sentence,  in 
which  one  question  runs  through  to  the  end  of  the  first  member  of  ver.  18.  We  should  then  translate  thus ;  is  the 
Iniquity  of  Peor  too  little  for  us,  from  which  we  are  not  cleansed  until  this  day,  and  [for  which]  the  plague  waa  on 
the  congregation  of  Jehovah,  —  and  are  ye  turning  away  this  day  from  afJSr  Jehovah  ?  And  it  will  be  (q.  d.,  the  result 
Is)  ye  will  rebel  to-day  against  Jehovah,  and  to-morrow  upon  the  whole  congregation  of  Israel  he  will  break  forth." 
—  Te.] 

d.  Apology  of  the  Two  and  a  Half  Tribes  for  Building  the  Altar. 

Chapter  XXII.  21-31. 

21  Then  [And]  the  children  [sons]  of  Reuben,  and  the  children  [sons]  of  Gad,  and 
the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh  answered,  and  said  [spake]  unto  the  heads  of  the  thou- 

22  sands  of  Israel,  The  Lord  God  of  gods,  the  Lord  God  of  gods  [God,  God  Jeho- 
vah, God,  God  Jehovah,  or,  the  God  of  gods,  Jehovah,  etc.],  he  knoweth,  and  Israel 
he  shall  know  ;  if  it  be  [was]  in  rebellion,  or  [and]  if  in  transgression  [trespass] 

23  against  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  (save  us  not  this  day,)  That  we  have  built  us  an  altar 
to  turn  [return]  from  following  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  or  [and]  if  to  offer  thereon 
burnt-offering,  or  [and]  meat-offering,  or  [and]  if  to  offer  [make]  peace-offerings 

24  thereon,  let  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  require  it  ;  And  if  we  have  not  rather  [omit :  rather] 
done  it  for  fear  of  this  thing  [done  this  from  concern,  for  a  reason],  saying,  In  time 
to  come  your  children  [sons]  might  [will]  speak  unto  our  children  [sons],  saying, 

25  What  have  ye  to  do  with  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel  ?  For  [And]  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  made  [the]  Jordan  a  border  between  us  aud  you,  ye  children 
[sons]  of  Reuben  and  children  [sons]  of  Gad ;  ye  have  no  part  in  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah] :  So  [And]  shall  your  children  [sons]  make  our  children  [sons]  cease  from  fear- 

26  ing  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  Therefore  [And]  we  said,  Let  us  now  prepare  to  build 
us  an  altar  [let  us  now  do  for  ourselves  to  build  the  altar],  not  for  burnt-offering, 

27  nor  for  sacrifice  :  But  that  it  may  be  a  witness  between  us  and  you,  and  between  our 
generations  after  us,  that  we  might  do  the  service  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  before 
him  with  our  burnt-offerings,  and  with  our  sacrifices,  and  with  our  peace-offerings  ; 
that  your  children  [sons]  may  not  say  to  our  children  [sous]  in  time  to  come,  Ye 

28  have  no  part  in  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  Therefore  [And]  said  we,  that  it  shall  be, 
when  they  should  [shall]  so  say  to  us  or  [and]  to  our  generations  in  time  to  come, 
that  we  may  [will]  say  again  [omit :  again],  Behold  [See]  the  pattern  of  the  altar 
of  the  Lord   [Jehovah],  which  our  fathers  made,  not  for  burnt-offerings,  nor  for 

29  sacrifices  ;  but  it  is  a  witness  between  us  and  you.  God  forbid  [Far  be  it  from  us] 
that  we  should  rebel  against  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  turn  this  day  from  following 
the  Lord  [Jehovah],  to  build  an  altar  for  burnt  offerings,  and  for  meat-offerings,  or 
[and]  for  sacrifices,  beside  the  altar  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  our  God,  that  is  before 
his  tabernacle  [dwelling]. 

30  And  when  Phinehas  the  priest,  and  the  princes  of  the  congregation,  and  heads 
of  the  thousands  of  Israel  which  toere  with  him,  heard  the  words  that  the  children 
[sons]  of  Reuben,  and  the  children  [sons]  of  Gad,  and  the  children  [sons]  of  Ma- 

31  nasseh  spake,  it  pleased  them  [was  good  in  their  eyes].  And  Phinehas  the  son 
of  Eleazar  the  priest  said  unto  the  children  [sons]  of  Reuben,  and  to  the  children 
[sons]  of  Gad,  and  to  the  children  [sons]  of  Manasseh,  This  day  we  perceive  that 
the  Lord  [Jehovah]  is  among  us,  because  ye  have  not  committed  this  trespass 


174 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


against  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  :  now  ye  have  delivered  [then  did  ye  deliver]  th« 
children  [sons]  of  Israel  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]. 

e.  Return  of  the  Embassy.     Naming  of  the  Altar. 

Chapter   XXIL  32-34. 

82  And  Phinehas  the  son  of  Eleazar  the  priest,  and  the  princes,  returned  from  the 
children  [sous]  of  Reuben,  and  from  the  children  [sons]  of  Gad,  out  of  the  land 
of  Gilead,  unto  the  land  of  Canaan,  to  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel,  and  brought 

33  them  word  again.  And  the  thing  pleased  [was  good  in  the  eyes  of]  the  children 
[sons]  of  Israel :  and  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  blessed  God,  and  did  not  intend 
to  go  up  [Heb.  nearly  :  did  not  say  they  would  go  up]  against  them  in  battle,  to 
destroy  the  land  wherein  the  children  [sons]  of  Reuben  and  [the  sons  of]   Gad 

34  dwelt.  And  the  children  [sons]  of  Reuben  and  the  children  [sons]  of  Gad  called 
the  altar  Ed  [  Witness  ;  or,  more  probably,  omit :  Ed]  :  for  it  shall  be  a  witness 
[it  is  a  witness]  between  us  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  is  God. 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

The  author  of  chaps,  xiii.-xxi.  having  given  the 
report,  distinguished  by  his  valuable  and  accurate 
statements,  of  the  division  of  the  land,  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  cities  of  refuge  and  the  Levitical  cities, 
relates  to  us  in  the  three  following  chapters,  which 
close  the  book,  the  release  of  the  two  and  a  half 
transjordanic  tribes,  transcribes  Joshua's  last  dis- 
courses to  the  people,  and  finally  gives  account  of 
his  death  and  that  of  Eleazar. 

Chap.  xxii.  itself  falls  naturally  into  the  following 
smaller  sections:  (a.)  Joshua's  farewell  discourse 
to  the  two  and  a  half  tribes,  vers.  1-8 ;  (6.)  Return 
of  these  tribes  to  their  home.  Erection  of  an  altar 
on  the  Jordan,  vers.  9,  10 ;  (c.)  Embassy  from  Israel 
on  account  of  this  altar,  vers.  11-20;  (d.)  The 
apology  of  the  eastern  tribes,  vers.  21-31 ;  (e.)  Re- 
turn of  the  embassy,  vers.  32-34. 

a.  Vers.  1-8.  Joshua's  Farewell  Discourse  to  the 
Two  and  a  Half  Tribes  from  across  the  Jordan. 
Joshua  acknowledges  their  obedience  to  Moses  and 
to  his  own  commands  (ver.  2),  and  further,  that 
they  had  faithfully  stood  by  their  brethren  and  kept 
the  commandment  of  God  (ver.  3).  As  now  Jeho- 
vah had  given  rest  to  the  others,  they  might  return 
to  their  tents  in  the  land  of  their  possession  already 
given  to  them  by  Moses  beyond  the  Jordan  (ver. 
2).  To  this  he  "adds  the  admonition  that  they 
should  continue  to  observe  the  commandment,  to 
serve  God  in  unchanging  love,  with  their  whole 
heart  and  their  whole  soul.  Still  further  are  they 
called  upon  to  share  their  rich  booty  with  their 
brethren  (ver.  8).  That  he  sent  them  away  with 
his  blessing  is  twice  related  (vers.  6  and  7  b).  A 
geographical  notice  is  inserted  (ver.  7). 

Ver  1.  TS,  almost  certainly  not  immediately  at 
the  end  of  the  war,  but,  from  the  connection  in 
which  this  narrative  occurs,  and  according  to  ver. 
4,  not  until  after  the  division  of  the  land  was  com- 
pleted. 

Ver.  2.  They  have  kept  their  obligations  to 
Moses  (Num.  xxxii.  20  ff.)  and  to  Joshua  himself 
,'ch.  i.  16  ff.). 

Ver.  3.  Still  further,  they  had  kept  what  was  to 
oe  kept,  the  commandment  of  Jehovah.  On 
1  rn?B  rgptpn  -iaa?,  vid.  Gen.  xxvi.  5  ;  Lev. 
nii  35. 

Ver.  4.  Comp.  ch.  i.  15,  n-TTO  y^S,  vers.  9, 


10 ;  Gen.  xxxvi.  43  ;  Lev.  xiv.  34 ;  xxv.  24,  and 
often. 
Ver.  5  recalls  Deut.  iv.  2,  29 ;  vi.  5 ;  viii.  6.    On 

the  infin.  form.  fOilS,  cf.  Gesen.  §  133 ;  Ewald, 
§  238  a ;  Knobel  on  Deut.  i.  27. 

Ver.  6  properly  closes  in  its  first  half  the  ac- 
count of  the  sending  away  of  the  two  and  a  half 
tribes,  while  ver.  7  adds  a  notice  which  was  given 
in  a  similar  way  ch.  xiv.  3,  xviii.  7,  and  was 
therefore  not  necessary.  Keil,  in  his  earlier  com- 
mentary on  Joshua,  noticed  it  quite  sharply.  He 
says  (p.  462),  "  in  ver.  7  we  find  again  a  notice,  char- 
acteristic of  our  author,  as  Maurer  rightly  observes, 
in  which  he,  from  a  mere  desire  to  be  perfectly  ex- 
plicit, sometimes  falls  into  redundancy  and  super- 
fluous repetitions."  He  now  (Bibl.  Com.  in  loc.) 
says  more  mildly,  "  in  ver.  7  the  author,  for  the 
sake  of  perspicuity,  inserts  the  repeated  observa- 
tion, that  only  half  of  Manasseh  had  received  their 
inheritance  at  the  hand  of  Moses  in  Bashan,  while 
the  other  half,  on  the  contrary,  had  received  theirs 
through  Joshua  west  of  the  Jordan,  as  in  ch.  xiv. 
3  and  xviii.  7.  To  us  this  repetition  appears  re- 
dundant ;  it  agrees,  however,  with  the  fullness, 
abundant  in  repetitions,  of  the  ancient  Hebrew 
style  of  narrative."  The  second  half  of  the  verse 
now  repeats  what  is  known  already  from  ver.  6. 

Since  it  begins  with  the  words  '?  221,  it  would 
almost  seem  that  something  immediately  preceding 
had  fallen  out  or  "  been  omitted." 

Ver.  8  presents  a  continuation  of  the  foregoing 
in  the  demand  not  previously  made,  that  they 
should  share  the  rich  booty  with  their  brethren. 
This  booty  consisted  in  cattle,  silver,  gold,  brass, 
iron,  and  clothing,  and  these  all  in  very  large 
quantities  (Ex.  iii.  22;  xi.  2;  xii.  36).  "By  the 
brethren  are  meant  the  members  of  their  tribes 
who  had  remained  at  home,  to  whom,  according 
to  Num.  iii.  27,  one  half  belonged.  Although  wif 
cannot,  with  Knobel,  recognize  three  original  ele- 
ments of  the  section,  namely,  vers.  1-4  and  6  from 
the  War-book,  ver.  5  from  the  Deuteronomist,  vers. 
7,  8  from  the  Law-book,  we  may  not  suppress  the 
remark  that  ver.  7  b.  and  8  appear  to  have  sprung 
from  a  different  source,  the  statements  of  which 
are  not  fully  communicated.  Whoever  put  the 
finishing  hand  to  the  whole  work,  has  added  that 
portion  of  its  contents  which  offe-ed  a  new  tfloughu 
as  a  valuable  complement. 


CHAPTER  XXTT. 


175 


6.  Vera.  9,  10.  Return  of  the  Two  and  a  Half 
Tribes  to  their  Home.  Erection  of  an  Altar  on  the 
Jordan.  The  children  of  Reuben  and  Gad,  and 
the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh  returned  from  Shiloh, 
which  is  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  into  the  land 
of  Gilead,  into  the  land  of  their  possession, 

wherein  they  had  taken  possessions  (•"WDW2, 
as  in  Gen.  xxxiv.  10;  xlvii.  27;  Num.  xxxii.  30; 

firop.,  "  wherein  they  had  been  held  fast,"  or  estab- 
ished  themselves),  according  to  the  command  of 
Jehovah  by  Moses.  That  they  departed  from 
Shiloh,  favors  the  view  that  this  return  took  place 
not  till  after  the  division  of  the  land.  From  ver. 
9  we  see  that  only  the  country  west  of  the  Jordan 
is  regarded  as  the  land  of  Canaan :  that  on  the 
east  of  that  river  is  called  here  simply  Gilead, 
although  it  embraced  Gilead  and  Bashan,  the  king- 
doms of  Sihon  and  Og.  The  command  of  Jehovah 
by  Moses,  see  Num.  xxxii.  20  fF. 

Ver.  10.  On  their  way  home  they  reared  an  altar 
on  the  Jordan.  For  they  came  into  the  regions 
on  the  Jordan  [the  circles  of  the  Jordan],  Hebrew, 

l^H-U  niV??.     As  in  ch.  xiii.  2  and  Joel  iv.  4, 

the  circles  of  the  Philistines  (n\Fltp7?n    2  or 

ni?7?  2)  are  mentioned,  so  here  the  1?"?*'3  2, 
which,  Gen.  xiii.  10,  11;  1  K.  vii.  47,  are  desig- 
nated as  liT"1"^  "'S?  (Matt.  iii.  5,  tj  Ttepix<»l>os 
toC  'lopSavov),  then,  Gen.  xiii.  12  ;  xix.  17,  simply, 

as  "^??U ;  now  the  Ghor.  The  west  side  of  the 
Ghor  is  intended,  as  appears  from  the  addition, 
which  is  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  —  on  the  west 
bank  of  the  Jordan.  Here  they  built  an  altar  on 
the  Jordan,  an  altar  great  to  behold.     Hebrew, 

i"l!007  7172,  ('.  e.,  an  altar  so  high  and  broad 
that  it  could  be  seen  from  a  great  distance  [or, 
great  in  appearance,  great  as  compared  with  other 
altars,  quasi  "great-looking"],  since  Moses  had 
once  raised  such  an  altar  to  commemorate  his  vic- 
tory over  Amalek  (Ex.  xvii.  15),  they  believed  they 
were  acting  in  good  faith,  as  also  they  afterwards 
with  a  good  conscience  testify  (ver.  24  IF.). 

c.  Vers.  11—20.  Embassy  from  Israel  to  the  Two 
and  a  Half  Tribes  on  Account  of  this  Altar.  Ver. 
11.  The  children  of  Israel  heard  that  an  altar  had 
been   built,   over   against  the   land   of  Canaan 

(}3?3p  Y"?^  bTO"7r<,  i.  e.,  on  its  eastern  side, 
Knobel),  in  the  circles  of  the  Jordan  (vS 
"121  nib'O?,  i.  e.,  in  the  Ghor),  at  the  side  of 

the  sons  of  Israel  0^1  ~Q?7"  ,S,  as  jn  jj.x,  xxv. 
37;  xxxii.  15).  It  is  the  east  side  [Zunz :  at  the 
side  (of  the  river)  turned  toward  the  children  of 
Israel.     But  comp.  Textual  Note]. 

Ver.  12  repeats  that  the  children  of  Israel  had 
heard  of  this,  but  adds  that  the  whole  congregation 
of  the  children  of  Israel  gathered  themselves  to- 
gether at  Shiloh,  to  overrun  the  two  and  a  half 
tribes  with  war.  Knobel  regards  this  verse  as  an 
interpolation,  and  out  of  the  War-book.  It  is 
noticeable,  indeed,  that  the  beginning  of  ver.  1 1 
is  repeated  here,  and  that  ver.  13  might  perfectly 
well  follow  ver.  11.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
ferse  contains  nothing  at  all  which  could  disturb 
the  connection  or  would  be  improbable  in  itself, 
since  in  view  of  Lev.  xvii.  8,  9  (comp.  Ex.  xx.  24) 
such  an  excitement  appears  so  much  the  more  in- 
telligible, as  the  tabernacle  had  been  a  short  time 
before  (ch.  xviii.  1)  erected  for  the  first  time  in 


Shiloh.  "  This  zeal  was,"  as  Keil  says,  with  ref- 
erence to  Calvin's  remark  on  this  passage,  "en- 
tirely justifiable  and  praiseworthy,  smce  the  altar, 
although  not  built  for  a  place  of  sacrifice,  yet 
might  easily  be  perverted  to  that  use,  and  lead  the 
whole  people  into  the  sin.  At  all  events,  the  two 
and  a  half  tribes  ought  not  to  have  undertaken 
the  building  of  this  altar  without  the  consent  of 
Joshua,  or  of  the  high-priest." 

Vers.  13,  14.  The  congregation  now  send  Phin- 
ehas  the  son  of  Eleazar  the  priest,  and  ten  princes 
to  their  fellow  tribes  beyond  the  Jordan,  to  demand 

an  explanation  of  this  matter.    Phinehas  (DPl^S, 

according  to   Gesen.  =  brazen   mouth,    Dn2  = 

T?'"'3)i  son  of  Eleazar  and  one  of  the  daughters 
of  Putiel  (Ex.  vi.  25),  is  named  (Num.  xxv  6  fF.) 
as  zealous  for  discipline  and  morality  in  Israel,  as 
a  victorious  leader  of  the  people  (Num.  xxxi.  6  fF.) 
in  the  strife  with  the  Midianites,  and  was  therefore 
very  well  suited,  on  account  of  the  high  respect 
which  he  undoubtedly  enjoyed,  to  be  the  head  and 
spokesman  of  the  embassy.  Afterwards,  he  was, 
as  related  Judg.  xx.  2S,  himself  high  priest.  Tha 
ten  princes  who  were  sent  with  him  represented 
the  nine  and  a  half  tribes  west  of  the  Jordan,  and  in 

ver.  30  are  called  Hl^H  "Wtop.  Each  of  them 
was  head  of  a  chief  (father)  house  among  tha 
thousands  of  Israel.  On  the  relation  of  the  chief 
houses,  or,  as  De  Wette  translates  family  houses 
(Stammhauser),  to  the  whole  tribe,  cf.  ch.  vii.  14, 

16-18.  The  '^ttT  ssbS  are  the  families  of 
Israel,  as  appears  from  1  Sam.  x.  19,  21,  where 
H;?^  >3  exchanged  with  nnStpQ.  The  expres- 
sion is  often  met  with,  e.  g.,  Judg.  vi.  15  ;  Num.  i. 
16  ;  x.  4 ;  in  our  ch.,  ver.  30,  and  above  all  in  the 
famous  passage  Mic.  v.  1. 

Vers.  15-20.  The  messengers  come  to  the  chil- 
dren of  Reuben,  and  the  rest,  in  the  land  of  Gilead, 
and  make  to  them  earnest  representations.  As 
their  speaker  we  have  to  imagine  to  oarselvei 
Phinehas,  the  man  of  the  brazen-mouth,  whose 
words  sound  vehemently  and  as  instinct  with  feel- 
ing. He  assumes  from  the  first  that  the  altar  was 
built  mala  fide  by  the  two  and  a  half  tribes,  that  the 
question  is  one  of  rebellion  against  Jehovah  (vers. 
16,  22),  and  then  asks  whether  the  iniquity  of  Peor 
was  not  enough,  of  which  the  people  were  not  yet 
purified,  that  they  should  call  forth  against  them 
the  wrath  of  Jehovah  anew  (vers.  17, 18).  Rather, 
he  admonishes  them  in  the  second  part  of  his  'lis 
course,  if  the  land  of  their  possession  seemjd  to 
them  unclean,  should  the  brother  tribes  cross  over 
into  the  land  of  Jehovah's  possession,  where  his 
dwelling  was,  and  there  take  possession,  but  nut 
rebel  against  Jehovah  and  apostatize  by  building 
them  an  altar  besides  the  altar  of  Jehovah  (ver. 
19).  With  an  impressive  reference  to  the  crime 
of  Achan  who  perished  not  as  an  individual  man, 
but  likewise  brought  God's  anger  on  the  entire 
congregation,  the  noble  zealot  concludes  his  dis- 
course (ver.  20). 

Vers.  15,  16.  "What  trespass  is  this  —  to  turn 
away  —  that  ye  might  rebel  against  Jehovah. 
The  expressions  here  chosen  are  to  he  particularly 

noted:  (1)  73753,  used  ch.  vii.  1  and  ver.  20  with 

?,  of  the  thing,  to  commit  a  trespass  in  respect  to 

something;  but  here  with  ?,  of  the  person,  and 
he  the  most  exalted  person,  Jehovah ;  "  to  deaf 


176 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


treacherously,  with  concealment,  underhandedly,"  j  the  Lord,  and  bring  their  brethren  into  hostility 
in  consistency  with  the  probable  ground  signitica- !  i.e.,  draw  down  mischief  on  the  whole  people  from 

tion ;  "  to  cover,"  whence    "Sip,  mantle.     For 

strengthening,  the  substantive  ?5  is  added  to 
the  verb,  as  [ch.  vii.  1]  1  Chron.  v.  25 ;  x.  13  ; 
2  Chron.  xii.  2.  (2)  Vl  ^DSt?  3C7,  as  vers.  23, 
29  (cf.  ch.  xxiii.  12),  to  turn  away  from  Jehovah. 
In  that  consists  the  treacherousness  in  general,  that 
they  turn  away  from  Jehovah.  But  since  they 
have  so  far  lbrgotten  themselves  as  even  to  build 
an  altar,  so  (3)  the  strongest  expression  is  chosen, 

namely,  T^O,  to  be  disobedient,  refractory,  to  rebel 
(Gen.  xiv.  4;  2  K.  xviii.  7,  20;  xxiv.  1),  first, 
against  human  rulers,  as  the  passages  quoted  show, 
bat  here,  as  in  Ezek.  ii.  3 ;  Dan.  ix.  9,  against  Je- 
hovah. 

Ver.  17.  Is  the  iniquity  of  Peor  too  little  for 
us  ?  That  is,  the  iniquity  which  we  committed 
(Num.  xxv.  3  ;  xxxi.  16)  in  the  worship  of  Baal 
Peor,  consisting  in  the  offering  of  young  maidens 
(Winer,  Realw.,  art.  Baal  [Smith's  Bill.  Diet.]}. 
At  that  time  twenty-four  thousand  of  the  people 
died  as  a  punishment.  To  the  zeal  of  Phinehas 
the  people  owed  the  cessation  of  the  plague  (Num. 
xxv.  9-12).  Of  him  God  said  to  Moses,  "  he  has 
turned  away  my  anger  from  the  children  of  Israel " 
(Num.  xxv.  11).  So  much  the  more  remarkable 
must  it  appear  that  Phinehas  himself  here  still 
designates  the  iniquity  as  one  from  which  we  are 
not  cleansed  until  this  day.  He  is  thinking,  per- 
haps, that,  as  in  his  opinion  the  case  of  the  two 
and  a  half  tribes  shows,  the  inclination  to  idolatry 
still  exists  among  the  Jews.  So  explained  already, 
after  the  example  of  R.  Levi  ben  Gerson,  C.  a 
Lapide,  and  Clericus  :  "  A  quo  nondum  satis  abhor- 
remus  ;  muhi  enim  videntur  fuisse,  qui  nondum  delicti 
magnitudinem  intelligebant."  Vid.  Prov.  xx.  9.  "Non 
deerant  etiam,  qui  clam  Cananawrum  el  Chaldozorum 
deos  colerent,  ut  liquet  ex  oratione  Josum,  cap.  xxiv. 
14,  23  "  {ap.  Keil,  Com.  on  Josh,  in  loc).  With  this 
agree  Keil  and  Knobel. 

Ver.  18.  And  ye  turn  away  this  day  from 
following  Jehovah.  The  sense  is :  so  little  do 
you  think  of  that  plague  which  once  came  upon 
the  congregation,  that  you  are  to-day  ready  again 
to  turn  away  from  Jehovah  [comp.  Textual  and 
Gram.  Note]. 

And  it  will  be,  since  ye  rebel  ....  will  be 
wroth.     The  construction  is  the  same  as  in  Gen. 

xxxiii.  13,  VT1BP1  EftS  =  ''">  S  cs.  Mean- 
ing :  "  Consider  well,  for  if  you  rebel  to-day  against 
Jehovah,  to-morrow  he  will  be  angry  with  the  whole 
congregation  of  Israel."  The  judgment  of  God 
comes  quickly,  and  it  comes  not  alone  on  the  two 
and  a  half  tribes,  but  upon  the  whole  people.  In 
the  latter  circumstance  lies,  for  Phinehas,  at  the 
same  time,  a  sort  of  warrant  for  his  speaking  so 
earnestly  to  his  transjordanic  countrymen. 

Ver.  19.  Proceeding  in  a  milder  tone,  Phinehas 
proposes  to  them,  that  if  their  land  seemed  un 
clean  to  them  they  should  go  over  to  the  others  in 
the  land  where  Jehovah  has  his  dwelling,  only  they 
should  build  no  separate  altar.     Knobel :  "  And, 

indeed  CHS,  as  Gen.  xxvi.  9  ;  xxix.  14;  xliv.  28), 
if  the  land  which  they  have  taken  were  unclean, 
they  could  cross  over  into  the  land  of  Jehovah's 
possession,  where  the  dwelling  of  Jehovah  had  its 

seat  0?®i  as  ch.  xviii.  1),  and  there  settle;  only 
they  6hould  not,  through  such  building  of  a  special 
altar  besides  the  true  altar  of  Jehovah,  rebel  against 


God.' 

If  the  land  ....  be  unclean,  etc.,  i.  e.,  be 
cause  Jehovah  had  not  his  abode  there,  and  be- 
cause many  heathen  dwelt  among  them. 

Land  of  your  possession  ....  land  of  the 
possession  of  Jehovah.     The  antithesis  is  worthy 

of  careful  notice.     T?Oi  with  the  accus.  as  Job 

xxiv.  13,  liS  "H-lb. 

Ver.  20.  Finally,  Phinehas  reminds  them  of  the 
crime  of  Achan  (ch.  vii.  1  ff.),  which  was  yet  fresh 
in  memory,  and  which,  as  once  the  iniquity  of 
Peor,  had  involved  in  its  consequences,  not  only 
the  particular  man,  but  also  his  children  (ch.  vii. 
24),  and,  through  the  unfortunate  attack  on  Ai 
(ch.  vii.  1-5),  the  entire  people.  Keil:  "Phinehas 
argues  a  minore  ad  majus.  Yet  the  antithesis  of 
minus  and  majus  is  not,  with  Calvin,  to  be  sought 
in  the  clundestinum  unius  hominis  maleficium  and  the 
manifesta  idololatria,  but  to  be  understood  with 
Masius,  thus  :  '  Si  Achan  cum  fecisset  sacrilegium, 
non  solus  est  exstinctus,  sed  indignatus  est  Deus  uni 
versce  ecclesias,  quid  futurum  existimatis,  si  vos,  tan- 
tus  hominum  numerus,  tarn  graviter  peccaventis  im 
Deum"'  (p.  381). 

d.  Vers.  21-31.  Defense  of  the  Two  and  a  Half 
Tribes  against  the  Reproach  on  Account  of  this  Altar. 
With  a  solemn  appeal  to  God,  and  that  as  the  God 
Jehovah,  whom  Israel  worshipped,  these  tribes  de- 
clare that  they  have  built  the  altar,  not  in  treach- 
ery, to  turn  away  from  Jehovah  and  establish  a 
new  worship  (vers.  21-23),  but  rather  from  solici- 
tude lest  the  posterity  of  those  who  dwelt  in  Ca- 
naan proper  should  say  to  their  posterity:  Yon 
have  no  part  in  Jehovah  !  and  should  so  restrain 
their  children  from  worshipping  Him.  This  had 
led  them  to  think  of  building  an  altar,  not  as  an 
altar  of  sacrifice,  but  as  a  witness  to  their  common 
worship  of  Jehovah,  even  to  future  generations, 
that,  if  ever  the  case  before  supposed  should  occur, 
they  might  point  to  this  altar  fashioned  after  the 
pattern  of  the  altar  of  Jehovah  (vers.  26-28).  In 
conclusion,  they  again  repeat  that  reliellion  or 
apostasy  was  furthest  from  their  thoughts  (ver. 
29).  With  this  frank  reply,  evidently  springing 
from  a  good  conscience,  Phinehas  and  the  princes 
declare  themselves  satisfied :  for  to-day  have  they 
learned  that  Jehovah  is  among  them,  from  whose 
hand  the  children  of  Reuben,  Gad,  and  Manasseh 
have  saved  Israel  (vers.  30,  31). 

Vers.  21-23.  The  answer  of  the  Eastern  tribes 

begins  with  much  solemnity  :  God  (^S),  God  Jeho- 
vah (nJH^  E'ribS),  God  (bS).  God  Jehovah 
(nin"!  CribS),  he  knoweth  it  (VT  S^n),  and 
let  Israel  also  know.  "  The  combination  of  the 
three  names  of  God,  7S,  the  strong,  ETPS, 
the  Supreme  Being  worthy  to  be  feared,  and  njTP, 
He  who  truly  is,  the  covenant  God  (ver.  22)  serves, 
as  in  Ps.  1.  1,  to  strengthen  the  appeal,  which  is 
intensified  by  the  repetition  of  the  three  names" 
(Keil). 

If  it  be  in  rebellion,  etc.  The  apodosis  to  this 
follows  at  the  close  of  ver.  23,  let  Jehovah  re- 
quire it.  Interpolated  into  the  asseveration  is  the 
imprecation,  proceeding  from  an  excited  feeling, 
and  addressed  immediately  to  God,  save  us  not 

this  day !  This  day,  n$TJ  E^U  =  to-day.  He 
should  to-day  not  help  them,  to-day  not  stand  h* 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


177 


them,  to-day  forsake  them  if  they  have  .reared  the 
altar  in  rebellion  or  in  trespass.  Knobel :  "  In 
case  of  our  unfa  thfulness,  help  thou  us  not  in  our 
present  trouble,  but  leave  us  to  destruction !  A 
parenthetic  clause,  in  which  the  excited  feeling 
passionately  invoking  evil  upon  itself  passes  into 
the  appeal'  to  God."  On  the  different  kinds  of 
Bacritice,  in  vers.  23  and  27,  see  Winer,  Realw., 
art.  "  Opfer  "  ;  Herzog,  Realenc.  x.  614  ff.  [Smith's 
Diet,  of  the  Bible,  artT  "  Sacrifice"]). 

Vers.  24,  25.  And  if  not  rather  from  anxiety, 
for  a  reason,  we  have  done  this  thing,  saying, 

etc.  From  anxiety,  rDSTTO,  from  3SJ,  to  fear,  to 
be  concerned,  1  Sam.  ix.  5  ;  x.  2  ;  Ps.  xxxviii.  19. 
The  substantive  occurs  Ezek.  iv.  16  ;  xii.  18,  19; 

Jer.  xlix.  23 ;  Prov.  xii.  25.  —  For  a  reason,  "Q^^p, 

conip.  ch.  v.  4,  as  also  "??  '?•  Gen.  xii.  17  ;  xx. 
11.  —  Saying,  i.  e.,  saying  to  themselves,  and  so  = 
thinking. 

Ver.  25.  S~l\  "  This  infin.  form,  instead  of 
the  shortened,  &<2,  1  Sam.  xviii.  29,  has  analo- 
gies in  p'2\  Ezek.  xxiv.  3,  and  \*RB*  :,  Cant.  v. 

1 1,  whereas  in  the  Pentateuch  only  i"^~11  is  used  " 
(Keil).  The  anxiety  was  not  unfounded,  in  so  far 
as  in  the  promises  only  Canaan  was  spoken  of, 
therefore  only  the  land  west  of  the  Jordan  accord- 
ing to  the  clear  signification  of  ver.  10.  Comp. 
Gen.  xii.  7 ;  xiii.  15  ;  xv.  18;  xvii.  8,  and  in  par- 
ticular, Num.  xxxiv.  1-12. 

Vers.  26-28.  Let  us  now  do  for  ourselves  to 
build  the  altar,  not  ....  but  that  it  may  be  a 

witness,  etc.,  H^jh  «b  nt??5?5.  Either  to  be 
taken,  according  to  the  examples  cited  by  Knobel, 
Gen.  ii.  3  ;  xxx.  30,  as  we  have  aimed  to  express 
it  in  our  translation,  or  a9  Keil  prefers  :  "  We  will 
make  us  to  build  an  altar  (an  expression  out  of  the 
language  of  common  life  for  :  We  will  build  us  an 
altar)."  Both  explanations  afford  a  good  and 
apposite  sense,  which  Luther  renders  with  preg- 
nant brevity:  "  Lasset  nns  einen  altar  bilden'  (let 
us  build  an  altar),  doubtless  following  the  Vulg. : 
"  Exstruamus  nobis  altare."     The  LXX,  refer  the 

^?P5?:>  not  to  the  building  in  itself,  but  to  the  de- 
sign of  the  altar  to  be  built :  nal  eXiraiitv  notrjaat, 
}5rw  tou  OiKoSo/XTjffai  t6v  Quijxov  rourov,  oitK  '<EV€Ktv 
Kupiraifjidruv  ....  aAA'  Iva  7)  fxap-rvpiov  toOto,  etc. 
Ver.  27.  The  altar,  therefore,  should  serve  not 
for  sacrifices,  but  to  be  a  witness  (cf.  Ex.  xvii.  15) 
between  the  generations  on  both  sides,  in  the  pres- 
ent and  future  times,  that  we  might  do  [or  that 
we   do]    the    service   of   Jehovah   before   Him 

Cl2Qb  W  ni25?-n^l  ISS1?)  with  our  burnt- 
offerings,  etc.  The  offerings  were  not  to  be  made 
upon  this  altar,  but  before  Him,  before  Jehovah, 
in  Canaan.  There  would  they  perform  the  seivice 
of  Jehovah. 

Ver.  28.  Simply  for  that  should  the  altar  be 
built  after  the  pattern  of  the  altar  in  the  Taber- 
nacle, that  it  might  be  a  witness  to  which  posterity 

also  might  point.  /V35£l  from  f^T3,  is  the 
model,  Ex.  xxv.  9,  40 ;  2  K.  xvi.  10,  after  which 
anything  is  built ;  but  then  also  here,  as  Deut.  iv. 
16-18;  Ezek.  viii.  10,  copy,  image  of  anything. 
This  sense  is  expressed  by  the  LXX.  quite  cor- 
rectly by  6/xolwna,  by  Luther  by  "likeness."     The 

Vulgate  does  not  translate  i"V33J7J ;  De  Wette's 
Bau  (structure)  is  too  indefinite. 
IS 


Ver.  29.  Another  asseveration  of  their  inno, 
cence.  "  The  speakers  conclude  with  the  expres- 
sion of  their  horror  at  the  idea  of  forsaking  Jeho- 
vah, IDgO  Mb  nb^n,  far   be   it   to   us   from 

Him,  i.  e.,  from  God  pS®"  =  nirTO,  i  Sam. 
xxiv.  7  ;  xxvi.  11  ;  1  K.  xxi.  3),  that  we  should 
rebel  against  Jehovah."  etc.  ["The  sense  is: 
'  profane  or  accursed  be  it  from  Jehovah,'  God  for- 
bid, LXX.,  fj.}]  yzvono  ;  or,  the  primary  significa- 
tion being  neglected  ;  '  woe  to  me  '  [or  us]  '  from 
Jehovah,' "  etc.,  Gesen.  in  v.,  nT*  ?H]. 

Ver.  30.  It  was  good  in  their  eyes,  namely, 
in  the  eyes  of  the  ambassadors,  who  had  heard 
these  words  of  the  two  and  a  half  tribes.     The 

sense  of  2rV3i'2  is  very  correctly  given  by  the 
LXX.  by  Kal  ijpetrev  avTols. 

Ver.  31.  In  his  explanation  Phinehas  gives  the 
glory  to  God  alone,  when  he  says :  This  day  wo 
perceive  that  Jehovah  is  among  us,  because 

"•^£?j  in  this  sense,  as  Gen.  xxx.  18;  xxxi.  4iJ; 
xxxiv.  13,  27;  Eccl.  iv.  9;  viii.  11,  more  com- 
pletely IV-**  7V-)  ye  have  not  committed  thia 
trespass  against  Jehovah.  God  himself,  as  Phin- 
ehas rightly  asumes,  hindered  that.  Now  (*N 
before  conclusions  =  then  or  now,  Job  ix.  31 ; 
Prov.  ii.  5;  Ps.  cxix.  92)1  have  ye  rescued  Israel 

from  the  hand  of  Jehovah.  "  On  "f*P  bv-in, 
comp.  Gen.  xxxvii.  21;  Ex.  ii.  19"  (Knobel). 
This  was  realized  in  so  far  as  otherwise  a  punish- 
ment like  that  in  Num.  xxv.  8  would  have  again 
fallen  on  the  whole  people. 

e.  Vers.  32-34.  Return  of  the  Embassy.  Nam- 
itig  of  the  Altar.  Phinehas  and  the  princes  return 
from  the  land  of  Gilead  to  Canaan,  and  bring 
back  word  which  is  universally  acceptable,  so  that 
the  people  thank  God,  and  all  thought  of  going  to 
war  against  the  eastern  tribes  is  dropped  (vers.  32, 
33).  The  chapter  concludes  with  the  mention  that 
the  children  of  Reuben  and  Gad  had  named  the 
altar :  It  is  a  witness  between  us  that  Jehovah 
is  God  (ver.  34).  In  ver.  32  the  children  of  Reu 
ben  and  Gad  alone  are  named,  and  so  in  ver.  34, 
merely  for  brevity's  sake. 

Ver.  34.  By  the  giving  of  this  name  the  two  and 
a  half  tribes  distinctly  professed  themselves  wor- 
shippers of  Jehovah  as  the  true  God.     The  first 

'?  stands  like  the  Greek  on,  as  sign  of  the  quo- 
tation of  direct  discourse  (cf.  Gen.  iv.  23  ;  xxix 
33;  Ruth  i.  10;  1  Sam.  x.  19),  and  is  therefore 
not  to  be  translated. 

THEOLOGICAL  AND  ETHICAL. 

1 .  As  Israel  was  to  honor  only  one  God,  Jeho- 
vah, who  truly  was  (Ex.  iii.  14 ;  xx.  2),  so  should 
there  be  in  Israel  only  one  place  of  sacrifice  (Lev. 

xvii.  1-9)  ;  for  to  the  B^TOJp  (Lev.  xvii.  7),  prop. 
goats,  then,  probably,  shepherd  deities,  whose  wor- 
ship the  apostate  Jeroboam,  according  to  2  Chron. 
xi.  15,  brought  in  again  with  that  of  the  calves, 
to  these  they  should  not  sacrifice.  Considering  the, 
strong  inclination  of  the  people  to  turn  aside  to 
heathenish  idolatry,  which  had  shown  itself  re- 
peatedly (Ex.  xxxii;  Num.  xxv.)  on  their  march 
through  the  wilderness,  the  leaders  of  Israel  must 

1  [Perhaps,  rather,  simply  :  "  then  («.,  when  yt  adopt*} 
the  pious  course)."  —  Ta.] 


178 


THE   BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


have  felt  aow  that  the  people  had  received  their 
dwelling  place,  and  the  tabernacle  been  reared  at 
Shiloh,  and  the  land  divided,  the  supreme  neces- 
sity of  establishing  the  unity  of  the  worship.  This 
could  be  truly  instituted  with  a  people  that  needed 
to  be  educated  through  the  law  (Gal.  iv.  23,  24), 
only  by  absolutely  prohibiting  the  offering  of  sacri- 
fices on  any  other  altar  than  the  altar  in  the  taber- 
nacle. One  God,  one  house  of  God  among  the  one 
people  chosen  by  him :  one  altar  of  sacrifice  before 
the  door  of  this  one  habitation,  —  all  this  belonged 
together  in  the  Old  Testament,  precisely  as  in  the 
New,  one  Lord,  one  faith,  one  baptism,  one  God  and 
Father  of  all  (Eph.  iv.  5,  6). 

2.  The  zeal  which  animated  a  Phinehas  already 
once  before  (Num.  xxv.).  and  now  again,  was  a 
holy  zeal  for  the  honor  of  God,  manifestly  spring- 
ing from  a  deep  moral  aversion  to  the  shameful 
Peor-worship  which  threatened  to  bring  Israel  into 
destruction.  Altogether  in  the  same  spirit  as 
Phinehas,  Elijah  acted  at  a  later  period  (1  K. 
xviii.).  If  this  involved  the  shedding  of  blood, 
we  must  consider  that,  according  to  Lev.  xvii.  4, 
idolatry  was  regarded  exactly  as  if  a  murder  had 
been  committed,  and  was  therefore  to  be  punished 
with  death.  The  spirit  of  Jewish  zealotry,  as  it 
was  developed  at  the  time  of  the  destruction  of 
the  city  by  Titus,  was  a  caricature  of  that  which 
Phinehas  and  Elijah  cherished.  How  Christ  stood 
related  to  it  appears  from  the  account  of  the  puri- 
fication of  the  Temple  (John  ii.  13  ff. ;  Matt.  xxi. 
12  ft. ;  Mark  xi.  15  ff.),  which  teaches  us  how  in 
Him  holy  zeal  was  blended  with  temperate  self- 
restraint  (John  ii.  15,  16),  as  an  impressive  admo- 
nition to  blind  zeal  in  all  ages.  True,  holy  zeal  is 
in  all  respects  different  from  the  wild  excited  pas- 
sion of  fanaticism.  That  resembles  the  flame  which 
purifies  the  noble  metal  from  the  dross,  this  is  the 
torch  which,  wherever  it  is  hurled,  sets  all  in 
flames,  destroys  everything,  not  in  majorem  Dei 
gloriam,  but  in  majorem  insanice  gloriam.  If  our 
times  in  ecclesiastical  matters  show  again  a  very 
strong  tendency  to  that  false  zealotry,  this  sign  of 
the  times  is  to  be  esteemed  one  of  the  worst,  a  sign 
in  which  no  one  will  conquer,  but  many  certainly 
perish. 

3.  How  a  good  conscience  might  appeal  to  God, 
the  two  and  a  half  tribes  show  in  their  reply  to 
the  ambassadors  of  Israel.  On  the  ground  and 
foundation  of  Christianity  also,  the  same  appeal 
is  still  allowable,  as  the  asseverations  employed  by 
Christ  and  his  Apostles  prove,  comp.  e.  g.,  John 
iii.  5;  v.  24,  25  ;  vi.  53;  xiii.  16,  21  ;  Luke  xxiii. 
43 ;  Rom.  i  9  ;  ix.  1 ,  3 ;  JPhil.  i.  8.  Such  affirma- 
tions are  not  thoughtlessly  ejaculated  assertions, 
but  they  spring  immediately  from  the  temper  of 
the  soul  filled  with  the  spirit  of  God,  which  temper 
they  evince. 

4.  To  have  no  part  in  the  Lord  is  the  worst  thing 
which  can  befall  a  people,  a  congregation,  an  indi- 
vidual. How  deeply  Peter  once  felt  this  we  learn 
from  John  xiii.  8,  9. 

5.  In  all  that  men  do  or  leave  undone  constantly 
to  recognize  the  hand  of  the  Lord,  therefore  the 
control  of  his  providence  (ver.  31 ),  is  an  altogether 
peculiar  result  of  earnest  religious  meditation. 
The  eye  of  the  ancient  Israelites  for  this,  as  the 
passage  before  us  shows,  and  1  Sam.  iii.  8  very 
impressively,  was  sharpened  in  an  unusual  degree. 
The  more  clearly  this  ultimate  causality  of  God  is 
iiseemed,  so  much  the  more  intelligible  appears  to 


us  all  human  history,  and  that  as  the  hypothesu 
of  divine  control  and  human  conduct,  or  of  divinB 
appointment  and  human  freedom. 

HOMILETICAL   AND    PRACTICAL. 

The  release  of  the  brother  tribes  from  Gilead, 
by  Joshua.  (I)  How  he  acknowledges  the  fra- 
ternal help  which  had  been  afforded;  (2)  admon- 
ishes to  faithful  compliance  with  the  commands  of 
God;  (3)  dismisses  them,  with  his  blessing,  to 
their  tents  (vers.  1-8).  —  The  return  of  the  tribes 
to  the  country  east  of  the  Jordan,  and  the  erection 
of  the  altar  on  the  border  of  Canaan  (vers.  9, 10).— 
Israel's  embassy  to  their  brethren  beyond  the  Jor- 
dan, (1)  occasion  (vers.  11-14);  (2)  the  message 
of  Phinehas  and  the  princes  (vers.  15-20);  (3)  the 
answer  to  this  (vers.  21-31) ;  (4)  the  return  of  the 
messengers  (vers.  31-33).  —  Phinehas  the  holy 
zealot  for  the  honor  of  God  (vers.  15-20,  with  ap- 
propriate and  skillful  use  of  Num.  xxv.  1  ff.  —  So  let 
the  whole  congregation  of  the  Lord  say  to  you  — 
a  powerful,  solemn  word  (ver.  16) !  —  How  people 
with  a  good  conscience  speak.  ( 1 )  They  may  ap- 
peal to  God  as  their  witness;  (2)  they  may,  how- 
ever, also  state  clearly  and  frankly  what  they  have 
done,  without  being  obliged  to  conceal  anything 
(vers.  21-31 ). — Monuments  of  historical  events  are 
dumb  and  yet  eloquent  witnesses  (ver.  28  compared 
with  vers.  9,  10,  and  34).  —  How  brethren  can  un- 
derstand each  other  (vers.  30,  31).  —  To-day  we 
perceive  that  the  Lord  is  among  us  !  Can  we  not 
also  frequently  say  so,  when  God  keeps  us  that  we 
commit  no  trespass  against  Him  (vers.  31).  —  A 
joyful  return  home  (vers.  32,  33 ) .  —  What  joy  good 
tidings  may  spread  abroad  (ver.  33).  —  In  all  things 
be  the  honor  God's  (ver.  33,  comp.  Ps.  cxv.  1). 

Starke  :  It  is  not  enough  to  begin  well,  but 
we  must  also  continue  in  that  way  and  persevere 
even  to  the  end,  Heb.  iii.  12,  14;  Matt.  x.  22; 
xxiv.  13.  —  When  God  releases  us  from  our  service 
we  may  go  but  not  before,  Ps.  xxxi.  16  ;  xxxix.  5  ; 
Luke  ii.  29.  —  A  Christian  zeal  for  religion  is  not 
wrong.  —  It  is  certainly  allowable  in  important 
cases,  with  moderation  to  answer,  and  with  adju- 
ration by  the  name  of  God  to  manifest  truth  and 
innocence.  —  Altars  and  images  are  not  in  them- 
selves wrong  and  forbidden :  only  we  must  not 
practice  superstition  with  them,  2  K.  xviii.  4. 

Osiander  :  By  this  is  it  manifest  and  known 
that  we  love  God  if  we  keep  his  commandments, 
John  xiv.  23;  xv.  14.  —  Whenever  we  hear  con- 
cerning Christian  believers  that  they  stand  fast  in 
the  faith,  we  ought  to  thank  God  for  such  a  ben- 
efit [1  Thess.  i.  1-3  ;  ii.  6-9].  —  We  should,  as  far 
as  possible,  guard  beforehand  that  none  be  offended 
(ver.  34). 

Hedinger  :  Precipitate  blood-thirstiness  is  not 
consistent  with  true  religion  ;  for  how  can  he  who 
himself  would  not  break  the  bruised  reed,  allow  us 
either  to  bruise  that  which  is  whole,  or  break  that 
which  is  braised,  or  burn  up  the  broken  ?  Is.  xliii. 
3.  —  In  cases  which  are  ambiguous  and  uncertain, 
it  is  better  to  let  the  judgment  stand  suspended 
than  to  act  contrary  to  love,  1  Cor.  xiii.  7.  —  As 
good  householders  plant  trees  of  which  only  their 
children  and  children's  children  will  eat  the  fruit, 
and  sit  under  the  shadow,  so  should  Christian  par 
ents  strive  still  more  earnestly  that  true  godlinesi 
may  be  propagated  to  their  children. 


CHAPTERS  XXIII.,  XXIV.  179 


2.  Joshua's  Parting  with  the  People.     His  Death  and  that  of  Eleazar 

Chapters   XXIII.,  XXIV. 

a.  The  First  Parting  Address. 

Chapter  XX III- 

m.  Promise  that  Jehovah  unit  still  fight  for  hit  people,  and  help  them  to  the  complete  possession  of  the  land. 

Chapter  XXHI.  1-11. 

1  And  it  came  to  pass,  a  long  time  [many  days]  1  after  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
had  given  rest  unto  Israel  from  all  their  enemies  round  about,  that  Joshua  waxed 

2  old  and  stricken  in  age.  And 2  Joshua  called  for 3  [omit :  for]  all  Israel,  and  [omit : 
and]  for  their  elders,  and  for  their  heads,  and  for  their  officers  [overseers],  and 
said  unto  them,  I  am  old  and  [omit :  and]  stricken  in  age  [far  gone  in  years] : 

3  And  ye  have  seen  all  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  hath  done  unto  all  these 
nations  because  of  you ;  for  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  is  he  that  hath  fought 

4  for  you.  Behold  [See],  I  have  divided  unto  you  by  lot  these  nations  that  remain, 
to  be  an  inheritance  [as  a  possession]  for  your  tribes ;  from  [the]  Jordan,  with 
[and]  all  the  nations  that  I  have  cut  off,  even  unto  [and]  the  great  sea  westward 

5  [toward  the  going  down  of  the  sun].  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God,  he  shall 
expel  them  from  before  you,4  and  drive  them  from  out  of  your  sight ; 4  and  ye  shall 
possess  their  land,  as  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  hath  promised  [spoken]  unto 

6  you.  Be  ye  therefore  very  courageous  [And  be  ye,  or,  ye  shall  be,  very  strong] 
to  keep  and  to  do  all  that  is  written  in  the  book  of  the  law  of  Moses,  that  ye  turn 

7  not  aside  therefrom  to  the  right  hand  or  [and]  to  the  left ;  That  ye  come  not  among 
these  nations,  these  that  remain  among  [with]  you  ;  neither  make  mention  of  the 
name  6  of  their  gods,  nor  cause  to  swear  by  them  [it],  neither  serve  them,  nor  bow 

8  yourselves  unto  them :  But  cleave  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God,  as  ye  have 

9  done  unto  this  day.  For  [And]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  driven  out  from  before 
you  great  nations  and  strong :  but  as  for   [and]  you,  no  man  hath  been  able 

10  to  stand  [hath  stood]  before  you  unto  this  day.  One  man  of  you  shall  chase 
[chaseth]  a  thousand  :  for  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God,  he  it  is  that  fighteth  for 

11  you,  as  he  hath  promised  [spoken]  unto  you.  Take  [And  take]  good  heed  there- 
fore [omit :  therefore]  unto  yourselves  [your  souls],  that  ye  love  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah] your  God. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

[1  Ver.  1.  1  D^*tt,  prop,  after,  or  following,  many  days.  This  ia  taken  by  our  version  rather  as  modifying  tbt 
following  clause,  "at  the  end  of  many  days  after,"  etc.,  than  as  parallel  to  it  (De  Wette,  Fay),  and  meaning  the  urn* 
thing :  "  after  many  days,  after  Jehovah  had  given,"  etc.     The  latter  is  preferable.  —  Th.] 

[2  Ver.  2.   N"^|^1  should  introduce  the  apodosis  to  ver.  1,  and  the  translation  be  (ver.  1),  "and  it  came  to  pass  . 
iter  that  Jehovah'  ....  and  Joshua  was  old,  far  gone  in  years  (ver.  2),  that  Joshua  called  all  Israel,"  «tc.  —  Tt.] 

[8  Ver.  2.  Lit.  "  called  to,"  but  the  "  to  "  is  superfluous  in  consistency  with  the  usage  generally  ;  so  that  "  for  "  shouM 
toe  omitted  throughout  this  verse.  —  Tr.] 

[4  Ver.  5.  Our  version  rightly,  although  perhaps  too  strongly  marks  the  variety  in  Di^SS  and  Q3\35 7X2, 
which  De  Wette  and  Fay  neglect. —  Tr.] 

[6  Ver.  7.  Q272.  To  indicate  exactly  the  construction  of  the  prep.  2  with  both  verbs,  Is  scarcely  possible  in  Ung 
lah.  We  have  to  adopt  some  such  substitute  as,  "and  not  make  mention  q/,  and  not  cause  to  swear  by  the  name  of 
■heir  gods."  —  Tr.] 

0.    Warning  against  Apostasy  from  God. 
Chapter  XXIII.  12  -16. 

12  Else  [For]  if  ye  do  in  any  wise  go  back  [return],  and  cleave  unto  the  remnant 
of  these  nations,  even  [omit :  even]  these  that  remain  among  [with]  you,  and  shall 


180  THE  BOOK   OF  JOSHUA. 


make  marriages  with  them,  and  go  in  unto  them,  and  they  to  you  [and  come  among 

13  them,  and  they  among  you]  : !  Know  for  a  certainty  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your 
God  will  no  more  drive  out  any  of  [omit :  any  of]  these  nations  from  before  you : 
but  [and]  they  shall  be  snares  [a  snare]  and  traps  [a  trap]  unto  you,  and  scourges 
[a  scourge]  in  your  sides,  and  thorns  in  your  eyes,  until  ye  perish  from  off  this  good 
land  [ground  nniS]  which  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  hath  given  you. 

14  And  behold,  this  day  I  am  going  the  way  of  all  the  earth ;  and  ye  know  in  all 
your  hearts  and  in  all  your  souls,  that  not  one  thing  [word]  hath  failed  of  all  the 
good  things  [words]  which  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  spake  concerning  you  ; 
all  are  come  to  pass  unto  you,  and  [omit :  and]  not  one  thing  [word]  hath  failed 

15  thereof.  Therefore  [And]  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that  as  all  good  things  are  [e~  ery 
good  word  is]  come  upon  you,  which  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God  promised  [spoke 
to]  you ;  so  shall  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  bring  upon  you  all  evil  things  [every  evil 
word],  until  he  have  destroyed  you  from  off  this  good  land  [ground]  which  the  Lord 

16  [Jehovah]  your  God  hath  given  you.  When  ye  have  transgressed  [transgress]  the 
covenant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God,  which  he  commanded  you,  and  have 
gone  and  served  [go  and  serve]  other  gods,  and  bowed  [bow]  yourselves  to  them ; 
then  shall  the  anger  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  be  kindled  against  you,  and  ye  shall 
perish  quickly  from  off  the  good  land  which  he  hath  given  unto  you. 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

p  Ve-r.  12.  The  idea  is  that  of  general  intercourse.     The  verb  "come"  is  used  for  brevity's  sake,  instead  of  flaying 
laUy  :  "  and  you  go  among  them  and  they  come  among  you."  —  Tr.] 

b.  The  Second  Parting  Address.    Renewal  of  the  Covenant.     Conclusion. 
Chapter  XXIV. 
a.    The  Second  Parting  Address. 
Chapter  XXIV.  1-15. 

1  And  Joshua  gathered  all  the  tribes  of  Israel  to  Shechem,  and  called  for  Lomit . 
for1]  the  elders  of  Israel,  and  for  their  heads  and  for  their  judges,  and  for  their 

2  officers  [overseers]  ;  and  they  presented  themselves  before  God.  And  Joshua  said 
unto  all  the  people,  Thus  saith  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel,  Your  fathers 
dwelt  on  the  other  side  of  the  flood  [river]  in  old  time,  even  [omit :  even]  Terah,  the 

3  father  of  Abraham,  and  the  father  of  Nachor ;  and  they  served  other  gods.  And 
I  took  your  father  Abraham  from  the  other  side  of  the  flood  [river],  and  led  him 
throughout  all  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  multiplied  his  seed,  and  gave  him  Isaac. 

4  And  I  gave  unto  Isaac  Jacob  and  Esau  :  and  I  gave  unto  Esau  mount  Seir,  to  pos- 

5  sess  it ;  but  [and]  Jacob  and  his  children  [sons]  went  down  into  Egypt.  I  sent  [And 
I  sent]  Moses  also  [omit :  also]  and  Aaron,  and  I  plagued  Egypt,  according  to  that 

6  which  I  did  among  them  :  and  afterward  I  brought  you  out.  And  I  brought  your 
fathers  out  of  Egypt:  and  ye  came  unto  the  sea ;  and  the  Egyptians  pursued  after 

7  your  fathers  with  chariots  and  horsemen  unto  the  Red  Sea.  And  when  they  cried 
unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  he  put  darkness  between  you  and  the  Egyptians,  and 
brought  the  sea  upon  them,  and  covered  them  ;  and  your  eyes  have  seen  [saw]  what 
I  have  done  [did]  in  Egypt:  and  ye  dwelt  in  the  wilderness  a  long  season  [many 

8  days].  And  I  brought  you  into  the  land  of  the  Amorites  [Amorite],  which  [who] 
dwelt  on  the  other  side  [of  the]  Jordan  ;  and  they  fought  with  you :  and  I  gave  them 
into  your  hand,  that  ye  might  possess  [or,  and  ye  possessed]  their  land  ;  and  I  de- 

9  stroyed  them  from  before  you.  Then  [And]  Balak  the  son  of  Zippor,  king  of  Moab, 
arose  and  warred  [fought2]  against  Israel,  and  sent  and  called  Balaam  the  son  of 

1 0  Beor  to  curse  you :  But  I  would  not  hearken  unto  Balaam  ;  therefore  [and]  he 

1 1  blessed  you  still : 3  so  [and]  I  delivered  you  out  of  his  hand.  And  ye  went  over 
[the]  Jordan,  and  came  unto  Jericho  :  and  the  men  of  Jericho  fought  against  you, 
the  Amorites,4  and  the  Perizzites,  and  the  Canaanites,  and  the  Hittites,  and  the 
Girgashites,  the  Hivites,  and  the  Jebusites,  and  I  delivered  [gave]  them  into  youi 


CHAPTERS  XXIII.,  XXIV  181 


12  hand.     And  I  sent  the  hornet  before  you,  which  [and  it]  drave  them  out  from  be 
fore  you,  even  the  [omit :  even  the]  two  kings  of  the  Amorites :  but  [omit :  but 

13  not  with  thy  sword,  nor  with  thy  bow.  And  I  have  given  you  a  land  for  [or,  uf 
which  ye  did  not  labor,  and  cities  which  ye  built  not,  and  ye  dwell  in  them ;  of  the 

14  [omit :  the]  vineyards  and  olive-yards  [trees]  which  ye  planted  not  do  ye  eat.  Now 
therefore  [And  now]  fear  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  serve  him  in  sincerity  and  in 
truth  ;  and  put  away  the  gods  which  your  fathers  served  on  the  other  side  of  the  flood 

15  [river],  and  in  Egypt;  and  serve  ye  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  if  it  seem  evil  unto 
you  to  serve  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  choose  you  this  day  whom  ye  will  serve,  whether 
the  gods  which  your  fathers  served  that  were  on  the  other  side  of  the  flood  [river] 
or  the  gods  of  the  Amorites  [Amorite]  in  whose  land  ye  dwell :  but  as  for  me  [and 
I]  and  my  house,  we  [omit :  we]  will  serve  the  Lord  [Jehovah]. 

TEXTUAL    AND    GRAMMATICAL. 
[1  Ver.  1.  Omit  "for"  throughout  this  verse  as  ch.  xxiii.  2.  — Tr.] 

T2  Ver.  9.   Cr"03     although  capable  of  meauiDg  "  to  war,"  "  wage  war,"  is,  with  one  exception,  translated  through. 
t  :  • " 
out  our  book,  "  to  fight."  —  Tr.] 

[8  Ver.  10.  The  emphatic  force  of  the  infin.  abs.  here  might  be  variously  expressed  :  "  he  kept  blessing  you  ; "  ,(  1m 
nust  fain  bless  you  ;  "  "he  did  nothing  but  bless  you."     Equivalent  is  the  intent  of  "he  blessed  you  still." 

[i  Ver.  11    These  names  are  all  singular  in  the  Hebrew  throughout  the  verse,  and  are  best  so  read  in  English. 

8.  The  Renewal  of  the  Covenant. 
Chapter  XXIV.  16-28. 

16  And  the  people  answered  and  said,  God  forbid  [Far  be  it  from  us]  that  we 

17  should  forsake  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  to  serve  other  gods  ;  For  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
our  God,  he  it  is  that  brought  us  up,  and  our  fathers,  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  from 
[out  of]  the  house  of  bondage  [lit.  of  bondmen],  and  which  [who]  did  those  great 
signs  in  our  sight,  and  preserved  us  in  all  the  way  wherein  we  went,  and  among  all 

18  the  people  [peoples]  through  whom  we  passed :  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  drave 
out  from  before  us  all  the  people  [peoples],  even  [and]  the  Amorites  [Amorite] 
which  [who]  dwelt  in  the  land :  therefore  [omit :  therefore]  will  we  also  [we  also 
will]  serve  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  ;  for  he  is  our  God. 

19  And  Joshua  said  unto  the  people,  Ye  cannot  serve  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  :  for  he 
is  an  holy  God :  he  is  a  jealous  God ;  he  will  not  forgive  your  transgressions,  nor 

20  [and]  your  sins.  If  [when]  ye  forsake  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  serve  strange 
gods,  then  he  will  turn  and  do  you  hurt,  and  consume  you,  after  that  he  hath  done 
you  good. 

21  And  the  people  said  unto  Joshua,  Nay ;  but  we  will  serve  the  Lord  [Jehovah]. 

22  And  Joshua  said  unto  the  people,  Ye  are  witnesses  against  yourselves  that  ye  have 
chosen  you  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  to  serve  him.     And  they  said,  We  are  witnesses. 

23  Now  therefore  [And  now],  said  he,  put  away  the  strange  gods  which  are  among  you, 

24  and  incline  your  heart  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel.  And  the  people 
said  unto  Joshua,  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  our  God  will  we  serve,  and  [to]  his  voice 
will  we  obey  [hearken]. 

25  So  [And  so]  Joshua  made  a  covenant  with  the  people  that  day,  and  set  them  a 

26  statute  and  an  ordinance  in  Shechem.  And  Joshua  wrote  these  words  in  the  book 
of  the  law  of  God,  and  took  a  great  stone,  and  set  it  up  there  under  an  [the]  oak 

27  that  was  by  [in]  the  sanctuary  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  Joshua  said  unto  all 
the  people,  Behold,  this  stone  shall  be  a  witness  [for  witness  rnj?/]  unto  [against 
ver.  22]  us ;  for  it  hath  heard  all  the  words  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  which  he  spake 
[hath  spoken]  unto  [with]  us :  it  shall  be  therefore  [,  and  shall  be]  a  witness  unto 

i&  [against]  you,  lest  ye  deny  your  God.  So  [And]  Joshua  let  the  people  depart, 
eve'y  man  [one]  unto  his  inheritance  [possession]. 


182 


THE   BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


y.  Death  of  Joihua  and  Eleazar.     The  Bones  ofJoieph. 
Chapter  XXIV.  29-33. 

29  And  it  came  to  pass  after  these  things,  that  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun  the  servant 

30  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  died,  being  an  hundred  and  ten  years  old.  And  they  buried 
him  in  the  border  of  his  inheritance  [possession]  in  Timnath-serah,  which  is  in 

31  mount  Ephraim,  on  the  north  side  of  the  hill  of  [of  mount]  Gaash.  And  Israel 
served  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  all  the  days  of  Joshua,  and  all  the  days  of  the  elders  that 
over-lived  [lit.  prolonged  days  after]  Joshua,  and  which  [who]  had  known  [knew] 
all  the  works  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  that  he  had  done  for  Israel. 

32  And  the  bones  of  Joseph,  which  the  children  [sons]  of  Israel  brought  up  out 
of  Egypt,  buried  they  in  Shechem,  in  a  parcel  of  ground  [portion  of  the  field] 
which  Jacob  bought  of  the  sons  of  Hamor  the  father  of  Shechem  for  an  hundred 
pieces  of  silver  [kesita]  ;  and  it  became  the  inheritance  of  [they  were  for  a  pos- 
session to]  the  children  [sons]  of  Joseph. 

33  And  Eleazar  the  son  of  Aaron  died  ;  and  they  buried  him  in  a  hill  that  pertained 
to  [in  Gibeah  of]  Phinehas  his  son,  which  was  given  him  in  mount  Ephraim. 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

These  two  closing  chapters  of  the  book  are  inti- 
mately related,  containing  the  two  farewell  ad- 
dresses of  Joshua  to  the  people,  an  account  of  the 
renewal  of  the  covenant  in  connection  with  the 
latter  of  those  addresses,  and  the  report  of  the  death 
of  Joshua  and  Eleazar.  They  give  information 
also  concerning  the  last  transactions  of  Joshua,  and 
the  closing  circumstances  of  his  life  so  full  of  ac- 
tivity, and  so  significant  with  reference  to  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  religious  character  of  the  people 
of  Israel. 

Particularly  to  be  considered  here,  from  the  first, 
is  the  relation  between  the  two  farewell  addresses 
in  respect  to  differences  and  agreement  of  their 
subject-matter  ;  and  manifestly,  the  first  presents  to 
(he  Israelites  what  Jehovah  will  do  for  them  to  bring 
them  into  full  possession  of  the  land,  while  the  second 
in  powerful  words  calls  to  mind  in  detail  what  Jeho- 
vah, since  the  time  of  the  patriarchs,  has  already  done 
for  them.  Admonitions  to  fidelity  towards  Jeho- 
vah, warnings  against  backsliding  from  him,  are 
found  in  both  addresses  (ch.  xxiii.  6,  7,  8,  11,  12, 
13,  15,  16  ;  xxiv.  14,  15),  and  are  repeated,  at  the 
renewal  of  the  covenant,  in  a  lively  dialogue  be- 
tween Joshua  and  the  people  (eh.  xxiv.  19,  20,  27). 

a.  Ch.  xxiii.  The  First  Farewell  Discourse.  This, 
after  the  introduction,  vers.  1,  2,  falls  into  two  sec- 
tions, vers.  .1-11  and  12-16.  a.  In  the  first  section 
Joshua  announces  that  Jehovah  will  continue  to 
tight  for  his  people,  and  help  them  to  the  entire 
possession  of  their  land ;  /3.  in  the  second  he  warns 
them  vehemently  against  apostasy  from  him,  lest, 
instead  of  help,  the  judgment  of  God,  consisting 
in  their  expulsion  from  Canaan,  shall  come  upon 
them. 

Vers.  1,  2.  Introduction,  recalling  ch.  xiii.  1, 
as  well  as  ch.  xxi.  42.  Where  Joshua  held  this 
discourse,  is  not  said ;  perhaps  at  his  residence  in 
Timnath-serah  (ch.  xix.  50),  perhaps,  and  this  is 
more  probable,  at  Shiloh.  He  first  begins  by  re- 
minding them  that  he  is  become  old,  but  that 
ihey  have  seen  all  that  Jehovah  has  done  to 
ill  these  nations  before  them,  for  he  has  fought 
i>r  them.  Of  his  own  merits  toward  Israel  the 
modest  hero  boasts  not  a  word.  He  only  remarks 
(ver.  4)  that  he  has  divided  by  lot  for  them  the 
remaining  nations  also,  from  the  Jordan,  and  all 


the  nations  which  I  have  cut  off,  and  the  great 
sea  toward  the  going  down  of  the  sun.  The 
sense  is,  In  the  country  lying  between  the  Jordan 
on  the  east  and  the  great  sea  on  the  west,  have  I 
distributed  to  you  by  lot  as  well  the  still  remaining 
peoples,  therefore  to  be  driven  out  (comp.  ch.  xvii. 
15),  as  those  already  destroyed  (comp.  ch.  xi.  12), 
that  you  may  possess  their  land. 

Ver.  5.  These  nations,  viz.,  the  D^tTan  0^2, 

will  Jehovah  himself  expel,  thrust  out  (D?^?"'.''., 
comp.  Deut.  vi.  19;  ix.  14,  likewise  used  of  the 
expulsion   of  the   Canaanites)    before   them,  and 

drive  them  off  (tCHirP),  and  they  (the  Israelites) 
shall  possess  the  land  (ch.  i.  15)  as  Jehovah  has 
spoken  (ch.  xiii.  6;  Ex.  xxiii.  23  ff.).  That  will 
Jehovah  do,  as  is  afterward  repeated  in  ver.  10. 
But  they  must,  as  Joshua  admonishes,  ver.  8,  be 
very  strong  to  keep  and  to  do  all  that  is  written 
in  the  book  of  the  law  of  Moses,  etc.,  comp.  ch. 
i.  7. 

Vers.  7,  8.  Especially  they  are  warned  against 
all  intercourse  with  those  nations,  and  above  all, 

against  participation  in  their  idolatry.    "  On  ^??H 

CIl'2,  to  mention  any  one  by  his  name,  ;'.  «.,  to 
make  him  the  object  of  a  call  and  proclamation, 

comp.  Is.  xlviii.  1  ;  Ps.  xx.  S  ;  ~t? 2  W^i?,  Is.  xii. 
4;  xli.  25"  (Knobel).  Keil  appositely  remarks 
further,  that,  "  to  mention  the  names  of  the  gods 
(Ex.  xxiii.  13),  to  swear  by  them,  to  serve  them 
(by  offerings),  and  to  bow  down  to  them  (call  upon 
them  in  prayer),  are  the  four  expressions  of  divine 
worship,"  see  Deut.  vi.  13 ;  x.  20. 

Ver.  9.  A  fresh  reminiscence  of  God's  help,  who 
has  driven  out  before  them  great  and  strong  na- 
tions, cf.  ver.  3.  And  you  —  no  man  hath  stood 
before  you  unto  this  day.  Meaning :  and  you 
were  so  powerful  through  his  assistance  that  you 
conquered  everything  before  you,  comp.  ch.  xxi. 
44. 

Ver.   10.    To   be   understood   neither  with  the 

LXX.,  who  render  H.:?|?"':l'7"7'!  by  e8ico£e  x'^-im*> 
of  the  past,  nor  with  the  Vulg.,  which  translates 
persequetur,  of  the  future,  but  rather  of  the  present ; 
one  man  of  you  chaseth  a  thousand,  for  Jeho- 
vah your  God,  he  it  is  who  fighteth  for  you  at 


CHAPTERS   XXm.,  XXIV. 


183 


be  hath  spoken  to  you.  So  De  Wette  rightly 
translates,  for  it  must  be  the  actual  present  state 
of  the  people,  and  their  actual  present  relation  to 
Jehovah,  in  which  the  sure  guarantee  of  their 
future  complete  extirpation  of  the  Canaanitcs  will 
consist.  Deut.  xxxii.  30 ;  Num.  xxvi.  8,  should 
be  compared. 

Ver.  11.  A  repeated  admonition  to  love  Jehovah 
their  God.  There  follows  0,  in  vers.  12-16,  the 
warning    against   apostasy   from    God,   which  is 

closely  connected  by  ^3  with  the  last  words  of  the 
admonition. 

Vers.  1 2, 1 3.  For  if  ye  do  in  any  wise  turn  back 
pnitWJI),  and  cleave  (DlpipTl)  to  the  rem- 
nant of  these  nations,  these  that  remain  with 
you,  and  make  marriages  with  them  (contrary 

to  the  prohibition,  Ex.  xxxiv.  16;  D^J.Finrin'!, 
from  l^n,  prop,  to  cut  off,  then  =  ^Hn,  to  de- 
termine, make  fast ;  to  betroth,  as  in  old  Lat. 
festa  for  bridegroom  [1^"7]  or  the  father  of  the 

bride  [10'n],  Ex.  xviii.  1  ff.;  Judg.  xix.  4  ff. 
Hithpael :  to  intermarry,  to  contract  affinities  by 
marriage,  and  that  either  by  taking  another's  daugh- 
ter, or  giving  him  one's  own,  with  ?  as  here  (Deut. 
vii.  3 ;  1  Sam.  xviii.  22,  23,  26,  27 ;  Ezra  ix.  14. 
Gesen.),  and  ye  come   among   them  and  they 

among  you,  know  for  a  certainty  (WW  Pl"Tp 
that  Jehovah  your  God  mil  no  more  drive  out 
these  nations  from  before  you,  and  they  will 

be  for  you  a  trap  (nSy,  in  the  same  tragic  sense 

as  in  Ps.  Ixix.  23  and  Is.  viii.  15,  where  also  n3 

is  connected  with  2?i?.1S3|  as  likewise  in  the  N.  T., 
Luke  xxi.  35,  irayis),  and  a  snare  and  a  scourge 

(tStatB1?,  commonly  tsittf,  e.  g.,  Prov.  xxvi.  3  : 

1  K.  xii.  11)  in  your  sides,  and  thorns  (D,3",3!£, 

Num.  xxxiii.  55,  from  *?2,  in  the  signif.  to  be  in- 
terwoven, entangled)  in  your  eyes,  until  ye  per- 
ish from  off  this  good  ground  (i"*  y?-'?  which 
Jehovah  your  God  hath  given  you.  The  decla- 
ration of  Joshua  is  much  more  severe  than  that 
of  Moses,  Num.  xxxiii.  55,  which  speaks  only  of 

0"3ti7  (thorns),  parallel  to  a>:>3?.  But  here 
Joshua  threatens  that  the  Canaanites  shall  be  to 
them  a  trap  and  snare  for  their  feet ;  a  scourge  — 
in  their  sides  ;  thorns  —  in  their  eyes,  so  that  they 
shall  be  endangered  by  them  and  plagued  on  every 
side  of  the  body,  as  it  were.  Ken:  Joshua  multi- 
plies the  figures  to  picture  the  inconvenience  and 
distress  which  will  arise  from  their  intercourse 
with  the  Canaanites,  because,  knowing  the  fickle- 
ness of  the  people,  and  the  pride  of  the  human 
heart,  he  foresaw  that  the  falling  away  from  God, 
which  Moses  had  in  his  day  predicted,  will  onlv 
too  soon  take  place ;  as  indeed  it  did,  according  to 
Judg.  ii.  3  ff.,  in  the  next  generation.     The  words 

"^l  E572S""T>',  repeat  the  threat  of  Moses,  Deut. 
xi.  17  ;  comp.  ch.  xxviii.  21  if." 

Ver.  14.  Joshua,  as  in  ver.  3,  calls  to  mind  his 
approaching  end  :  I  am  going  the  way  of  all  the 
earth,  i.e.,  on  the  way  to  death,  which  a  man 
toes  and  returns  not,  into  the  land  of  darkness 
*nd  the  shadow  of  death  (Job  x.  21  ;  1  K.  ii.  2). 
This  way  all  the  earth,  the  whole  world  must  take. 


The  lesson  which  he  connects  with  these  words 
teaches  them  to  perceive  that,  as  was  said  ch.  xxi. 
45,  God  has  fulfilled  to  them  all  his  promises,  in 
which  Joshua  thinks  part  cularly  of  the  conquest 
of  Canaan. 

Vers.  15,  16.  Reiterated  warning  against  back- 
sliding (comp.  ver.  13J.  As  God  has  fulfilled  the 
good  words  concerning  them,  so  will  Jehovah  bring 

v^>?^)  upon  them  also  every  evil  word  (Lev.  xxvi 
14-33;  Deut.  xxviii.  15-68;  xxix.  14-28;  xxx.  1, 
15  ;  comp.  Josh.  viii.  34, 35),  until  he  destroys  them 

CiTD^rr-TV,  as  Dent.  vii.  34  ;  xxviii.  48,  Keil). 
Nay,  if  they  transgress  the  covenant  of  Jehovah, 
to  serve  other  gods  and  worship  them,  then  his 
anger  will  burn  against  them,  and  they  will  quickly 

(f^np)  perish  out  of  the  good  land,  which  he  has 
given  them.  The  second  part  of  ver.  16  occurs 
word  for  word  in  Deut.  xi.  17,  the  first  in  part. 

b.  Ch.  xxiv.  The  Second  Farewell.  Renewal  of 
the  Covenant.  Conclusion,  a.  Vers.  1—15.  The  dis- 
course, the  general  character  of  which  has  been 
described,  falls,  after  the  exordium,  into  two  divis- 
ions ;  vers.  2-13  a  recapitulation  of  what  God, 
since  the  time  of  the  patriarchs,  has  done  for  his 
people;  vers.  14-16,  a  demand  to  abstain  entirely 
from  idolatry,  and  to  cleave  to  Jehovah,  whom 
Joshua,  at  all  events,  and  his  family,  will  serve. 

Ver.  1.  The  assembly  gathered  not  in  Shiloh  but 
in  Shechem,  where  the  solemn  transaction  related 
ch.  viii.  30-35,  had  taken  place.  On  this  account 
particularly,  to  recall  that  transaction,  were  the  peo- 
ple summoned  thither.  A  second  reason  is  found 
by  Hengstenberg  (Beitrage,  iii.  p.  14  ff.)  and  Keil, 
in  the  fact  that  Jacob  had  dwelt  here  after  his  re- 
turn from  Mesopotamia,  here  purified  his  house 
of  strange  gods  and  buried  their  images  under  the 
oak  at  Shechem  (Gen.  xxxiii.  19;  xxxv.  2,  4). 
An  opinion  intrinsically  probable,  but  neither  in 
the  context  of  our  chapter  nor  elsewhere  in  the 

book  is  it  mentioned.  The  D^tptD,  as  ch.  i.  10; 
iii.  2 ;  viii.  33  ;  xxiii.  2. 

And  they  presented  themselves  before  God 
['Sn  \3?b  ta$V$,  as  in  Job  i.  6  ;  ii.  1,  ■DSVin 

,"'  ^3?i.  Joshua  had,  ch.  viii.  31,  raised  an  altar 
on  Mount  Ebal,  on  which  at  that  time,  before  the 
building  of  the  tabernacle,  sacrifices  were  offered. 
Of  offerings  there  is  no  mention  here. 

Ver.  2.  God  of  Israel ;  significant,  so  ver.  23.  In 
this  verse,  as  in  vers.  3, 4,  Joshua,  in  the  name  of  Je- 
hovah, holds  up  to  the  people  what  He  has  done  for 
Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob  ;  the  first  proof  of  his 

divine  grace.  The  fathers  dwelt  of  old  (obiEZ?) 
beyond  the  stream,  i.  e.,  the  Euphrates,  namely,  in 
Ur  in  Chaldea,  and  then  in  Haran  (Gen.  xi.  28, 
31). 

Terah  (rn£l,  LXX. :  0<itfa,  from  TJf),  in 
Chald.  to  delay,  comp.  also  Num.  xxxiii.  27)  the 
father  of  Abraham,  and  the  father  of  Nahor, 
and  served  other  gods.  And  I  took  your  father 
Abraham  ....  Isaac.  The  gods  which  Terah 
reverenced  were,  as  appears  from  Gen.  xxxi.  19, 
34,  Teraphim,  Penates  (see  Winer,  Realw.  s.  v. 
Theraphim,  [Smith's  Diet,  of  Bible,  art.  "Tera- 
phim."] It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  it  is  not  said 
distinctly  of  Abraham  that  he  served  other  gods, 
on  which  account  we  agree  with  Knobel,  who  says : 
"  Whether,  according  to  our  author,  Abralam  also 
was  originally  an  idolater,  is  rather  to  be  denied 
than  affirmed,  comp.  Gen.  xxxi.  53."     Dangeroui 


184 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


even  for  him  certainly  were  the  idolatrous  sur- 1 
roundings,  wherefore  God  took  him  (Hpv)  and 
caused  him  to  wander  through  Canaan.  Accord- 
ing to  a  tradition  preserved  in  the  Targum  Jona- 
than (Keil,  Com-  5b.  Jos.  169,  Anm.  1),  and  which 
recurs  in  the  latter  Rabbins,  Abraham  had  to  suffer 
persecution  on  account  of  his  aversion  to  idolatry, 
and  to  forsake  his  native  country ;  while  an.  Arabic 
story  ( Hottinger,  Hist.  or.  50  ap.  Winer,  Realw. 
s.  v.  Abraham)  makes  him  wander  as  far  as  Mecca, 
and  there  lay  the  first  foundation  of  the  Caaba. 
According  to  this,  therefore,  it  must  be  assumed 
that  he  was  a  Sabrean. 

Of  Abraham's  life  nothing  further  is  mentioned, 
ver.  3,  than  that  Jehovah  caused  him  to  wander 
through  all  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  multiplied  his 
seed  and  gave  him  Isaac. 

Ver.  4.  To  Isaac  gave  Jehovah  Jacob,  and  Esau, 
who  recf'ved  Mount  Seir  (Gen.  xxvi.  6  ff.)  for  a 
possession.  Jacob  alone  was  to  have  Canaan  for 
himself  and  his  posterity,  of  which,  however,  noth- 
ing further  is  here  said.  Rather,  there  is  added 
only  the  remark,  which  leads  to  ver.  5,  that  Jacob 
and  his  sons  went  down  into  Egypt,  as  is  told  Gen. 
xlvi.  1  E 

Vers.  5-7.  The  second  proof  of  the  Divine 
favor :  Israel's  deliverance  out  of  Egypt,  the  chief 
incidents  of  which  are  succinctly  enumerated, 
namely,  (1)  the  sending  of  Moses  and  Aaron  and 
the  infliction  of  the  plagues  upon  Egypt  (Ex.  iii- 
xii.)  ;  (2)  the  destruction  of  the  Egyptians  in  the 
Red  Sea  (Ex.  xiv.). 

Vers.  5,  6.  The  words  in  ver.  5,  according  to 

that  which.  I  did  in  the  midst  of  them  P!?*?? 

12"ipa  ""."VipS),  occasion  some  difficulty.     The 

LXX,  without  doubt,  read  "lEt'SH,  for  they  trans- 
late the  whole  verse,  "  freely  it  is  true  :  "  no!  i-rra- 
ra£a  t^jv  JKlyvrrov  iv  trv^eiois,  ols  eiroiqaa  eV  au- 
ral, «al  firra  toCto  4&yayov.  The  Vulgate  also, 
following  them,  offers  no  sure  standing  ground 
when  it  renders :  "  Et  percussi  ^Egyptum  multis  sig- 
nis  atque  portentis  eduxique  vos."  Knobel,  appeal- 
ing to  the  translation  of  the  LXX.,  would  read 

~ltt?S2  instead  of  ~IB?S3  ;  but  even  "Itpt??,  gives 
not  a  bad  sense,  if  we  paraphrase  the  very  curtly 
spoken  sentence  thus  :  "  As  you,  according  to  all 
that  which  I  did  in  the  midst  of  them,  sc.  the 
Egyptians,  perfectly  well  know."  Bunsen  :  "  So 
as  you  know  that  I  did  among  them."     We  retain 

"ltTSS,  therefore,  because  it  is  the  more  difficult 
reading. 

Red  sea,  see  on  ch.  ii.  10. 

Ver.  7.  A  poetical,  noble  description.  The  Is- 
raelites cried  to  Jehovah.  Then  he  placed  dark- 
ness   (  'r^?i    LXX.  :   vetps\-nv  nal  yi>6<pov,  from 

-,?*?i  to  go  down  [of  the  sun],  to  become  dark, 
Sir.  hey.  In  Jer.  ii.  21,  we  meet  again  with  the 
compound  ns72S!3,  as  a  designation  of  the  wil- 
derness*, i.  •■■ .  the  pillar  of  cloud  (Ex.  xiu  ~1  ff . ; 
xiv.  19  ff.)  between  them  and  the  Egyptians, 
brought  the  lea  upon  the  latter  and  covered  them. 
But  the  eyes  of  the  Israelites  saw  what  Jehovah 
did  to  the  Egyptians.  The  change  between  the  third 
and  the  first  person  is  to  be  noticed.  While  we 
find  the  first  person  in  vers.  5,  6,  Jehovah  is  spoken 
of  at  the  beginning  of  ver.  7  in  the  third  person, 
and  then  proceeds  in  the  first.  Ye  dwelt  in  the 
wilderness  many  days.  Transition  to  '  er.  8 
romp.  ver.  5  b. 


Vers.    8-10.  The  third  proof  of  God's   favor 
Victory  over  the  Amorites  (Num.  xxi.  23),  and  turn 
ing  away  of  Balaam  s  purposed  curse  from  Israel. 
(Num.  xxi'i.  22-24). 

Ver.  8.  They  fought  with  you,  namely,  under 
the  command  of  their  kings,  Sihon,  who  was  slain 
at  Jahaz  (Num.  xxi.  23),  and  Og,  who  was  slain 
at  Edrei  (Num.  xxi.  33). 

Ver.  9.  When  it  is  said  of  Balak  that  he,  the 
king  of  the  Moabites,  warred  against  Israel,  we 
learn  from  the  following  words,  and  sent  and 
called  Balaam  the  son  of  Beor  to  come  and 
curse  you,  how  this  is  meant  by  the  author. 
Balak  contended  not  with  arms  against  the  Israel- 
ites,  but  would   have   them   cursed   by  the  false 

prophet  Balaam,  the  ODp  (ch.  xiii.  22),  in  which 
the  terrified  king  at  least  staked  his  ^old  (Num. 
xxii.  7),  although  it  did  not  win.  He  lacked  the 
courage  for  warfare  with  arms. 

Ver.  1 1 .  The  fourth  proof  of  God's  favor :  The 
passage  of  the  Jordan,  capture  of  Jericho,  victory  over 

the  Canaanites.  The  'in',";>  \?53  are  not,  as 
Knobel  supposes,  appealing  to  ch.  vi.  2,  the  king 
and  his  heroes,  since  the  author  in  this  case  would 
have  chosen  the  same  expression ;  but,  according 
to  the  example  of  2  Sam.  xxi.  1 2 ;  1  Sam.  xxiii. 
1 1  ;  Judg.  ix.  6,  the  citizens  of  Jericho. 

Vers.  12,  13.  Summary  conclusion  of  the  first 
division  of  Joshua's  speech,  in  which  he  again 
emphasizes  the  fact,  that  it  was  God  who  inspired 
the  Canaanites,  particularly  Sihon  and  Og,  with 
terror,  and  who  has  given  the  Israelites  a  rich  and 
well  cultivated  land. 

Ver.  12.  And  I  sent  the  hornet  (n37"]S)  be- 
fore you.  (So  had  it  been  promised  by  God,  Ex. 
xxiii.   28 ;  Deut.  vii.  20,  and  now  also  fulfilled, 

comp.  Wisd.  xii.  8).  HI?-)"  is  not  to  be  under- 
stood literally,  nor  of  plagues  generally,  but  with 
Knobel  and  Keil,  and  most  of  the  recent  author- 
ities, in  such  figurative  sense  as  to  be  compared 
with  Deut.  ii.  25  ;  Josh.  ii.  11,  where  it  is  stated 
that  Jehovah  began,  on  the  day  of  the  victory  over 
Sihon,  to  spread  among  all  peoples,  fear  and  terror, 
trembling  and  quaking  and  anguish,  on  account 
of  Israel.  The  swarm  of  hornets  is  a  terror  and 
consternation  to  those  against  whom  it  turns,  to 
fall  upon  them  ;  before  it  they  cannot  stand  but 
hurry  away  in  distress.  Like  this  is  the  conster- 
nation which,  after  their  first  great  battle,  preceded 
the  Hebrews,  and,  like  a  heaven-sent  spiritual 
plague,  fell  upon  the  peoples  so  that  they  fainted 
before  Israel.  Elsewhere  the  bees  appear  as  an 
image  of  terrible  foes  (Deut.  i.  44;  Ps.  cxviii.  12; 
Knobel,  on  Ex.  xxiii.  28).  It  ought  also  to  be  con- 
sidered that  in  Ex.  xxiii.  27,  the  next  preceding 

verse,  terror  is   spoken  of  (n.v  tt?S  ',nQ',S"n^ 

?p3D7).  The  same  conclusion  follows  if  we  com- 
pare Deut.  vii.  20  with  ver.  19,  ver.  21  (end),  vers 
23,  24. 

Not  by  thy  sword  and  not  by  thy  bow.  The 
same  thought  as  in  Ps.  xliv.  4. 

Ver.  13.  Thus  Israel  has,  through  God's  good, 
ness,  without  merit  on  his  part,  received  a  glorious 
land,  a  land  which  he  has  not  worked  with  the 

sweat  of  his  brow  (P>3  P??'"rf  .),  i.  e.,  made  pro- 
ductive, cities  which  he  has  not  built,  vineyards 
and  olive-trees  which  he  has  not  planted,  but  of 
which  he  shall  eat.  The  LXX.  render  DVH 
by  i^tiUvas,  the  Vulgate,  by  oliveta  =  olive  plan 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


185 


rations,  olive-yards,  as  Luther  and  De  Wette  trans- 
late; rightly,  no  doubt,  for  the  sense.  If  the  He- 
brew language  had  a  special  word  for  this,  as  it 

had  in  D7!1?  for  vineyard,  it  would  certainly  have 
made  use  of  it  here.  This  all  happened  as  Jeho- 
vah had  promised,  Deut.  vi.  10. 

Vers.  14-16.  A  demand  to  forsake  idolatry  en- 
tirely, and  cleave  to  Jehovah  alone,  whom  Joshua 
at  least  with  his  house  will  serve. 

Ver.  14.  And  now  fear  Jehovah  (cf.  Ps.  ii. 
11;   v.  8  ;  especially  Prov.  i.  7;   Job  xxviii.  28) 

and  serve  him  ("lHS  ^1*7237,  LXX. ;  AarpeuiraTe, 
comp.  Rom.  i.  25)  in  sincerity  and  in  truth 
(npS.;1!  D^On?,  cf.  Judg.  ix.  16,  19,  and  on 

ffJpna,  in  the  N.  T.  u\mpiveia,  1  Cor.  v.  8 ;  2 
Cor.  i.  12  ;  ii.  17),  and  put  away  the  gods  which 
your  fathers  served  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river  and  in  Egypt  (comp.  Lev.  xvii.  7  ;  Amos  v. 
26;  as  well  as  Ezek.  xx.  7  ff. ;  xxiii.  3,  8),  and 
serve  Jehovah. 

Ver.  15.  Finally,  Joshua  challenges  the  people 
to  decide  with  the  utmost  freedom  :  "  if  it  seem 
evil  in  your  eyes,  if  it  please  you  not  (LXX.  :  ei 
(i7)  apiuKei),  he  calls  to  them,  to  serve  Jehovah, 

then  choose  you  (for  yourselves,  237  Tirj?) 
this  day  whom  ye  will  serve ;  whether  the 
gods  which  your  fathers  served  on  the  other 
side  of  the  river,  or  the  gods  of  the  Amorites, 
in  whose  land  ye  dwell."  He  gives  them  the 
choice,  therefore,  between  the  old  worship  of  the 
Penates  practiced  by  their  fathers  and  the  Baal- 
worship  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  land,  if  they 
will  not  serve  Jehovah.  The  latter  will  he  fur  his 
part  and  his  family  do,  in  any  case,  for  he  adds  : 
but  I  and  my  house  will  serve  Jehovah. 

3.  Ch.  xxiv.  16-28.  The  Renewal  of  the  Cov- 
enant. Struck  by  the  words  of  Joshua  the  whole 
people  with  one  consent  reply,  that  they  will  not 
forsake  Jehovah :  "  We  also  will  serve  Jehovah, 
for  he  is  our  God"  (vers.  16-18).  Being  reminded 
further  by  Joshua  how  hard  this  is,  since  Jehovah 
is  a  holy  and  a  jealous  God  (vers.  19,  20),  the  peo- 
ple persist  in  their  former  declaration  (ver.  21) 
thereupon  the  choice  of  Jehovah  is,  solemnly  made 
Vers.  22-24),  and  the  covenant  renewed  (ver.  25). 
All  these  things  Joshua  writes  in  the  law-book  of 
God  (veT.  26),  raises  a  monument  of  stone  as  a 
witness  of  what  has  taken  place  (ver.  27),  and  then 
dismisses  the  people  (ver.  28)  each  to  his  posses- 
sion. 

Vers.  16-18.  The  People's  Reply  to  Joshua's 
Speech.  Ver.  16.  The  idea  of  forsaking  Jehovah 
and  serving  other  gods,  is  rejected  with  expres- 
sions of  the  deepest  aversion  (121  ^3^  PO^n) 
to  idolatry,  comp.  ch.  xxii.  29. 

Ver.  17.  The  reason:  Jehovah  was  their  God, 

he  who  had  brought  them  up  (i"l^3?0,  for  which, 

in  Ex.  xx.  2,  we  have  ^THS'-Jin)  out  of  the  land 

of  Egypt,  out  of  the  house  of  bondage    (i"V2 

D""T3]J,  as  Ex.  xx.  2),  and  had  done  these  great 
signs,  i.  e.,  the  wonders  mentioned  by  Joshua 
(vers.  8-12)  before  their  eyes,  and  had  kept  them 
in  all  the  way  wherein  they  went,  etc. 

Ver.  1 8.  Among  the  deeds  of  Jehovah  they  re- 
iall  especially  the  expulsion  of  the  original  inhab- 
.tants  of  the  land,  and  then  add,  in  allusion  to 
Joshua's  last  word,  "  we  also  will  serve  Jeho 
rah,  for  he  is  our  God." 


Vers.  19,  20.  Joshua  still  calls  the  people  to 
notice  how  difficult   it  was  to  serve  Jehovah,  by 

showing  that  he  was  a  holy  God  (CKnj?  DYl^?, 

as  1  Sam.  xvii.  26  ;  E^n  CH  ,it,  where  also  the 
adject,  is  in  the  plural ;  in  respect  to  the  sense, 
comp.  Ex.  xix.  6;  Lev.  xxi.  6,  7,  8;  1  Pet.  ii.  9, 

as  well  as  the  numerous  passages  in  Isaiah,  where 

God  is  designated  as  the  ^"Jtp'!  H^i?.  «•  g-,  ch. 
v.  19,  24;  xii.  6;  xxx.  11,  12;'xli.  14,  43,  etc.),  a 
jealous  God   (Si:;?  b«;  Ex.  xx.  5,    K|0  bw; 

Nah.  i.  2,  Si2|7  7S,  as  here),  who  will  not  forgive 

transgressions  (i?K,5)  and  sins.  "  ^^J,  spoken 
of  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  is  commonly  construed 
with  ace.  rei;  less  frequently  with  ?  rei,  besides 
this  passage  in  Ex.  xxiii.  21  ;  Ps.  xxv.  18,  with 
slight  modification  of  meaning  —  to  award  forgive- 
ness to  sin"  (Keil). 

Ver.  20.  This  jealousy  of  the  holy  God  will  show 
itself  in  this,  that  if  they  should  forsake  him  and 

serve  strange  gods  ("2.:  T7  <S?»  as  Gen.  xxxv.  4, 
while  in  ver.  16,  as  in  ch.  xxiii.  16,  we  found 
^inS  ^)  he  will  turn  (2K71)  and  do  them  harm 

and  consume  (i-^?)  finish,  abolish)  them,  after 
that  he  has  done  them  good,  ;'.  e.,  without  any 
regard  to  the  fact  that  he  had  done  them  good. 

Ver.  21.  The  people  adhere  to  their  resolution 
to  serve  Jehovah.  On  S /,  minime,  comp.  ch.  v. 
14. 

Ver.  22.  Joshua  calls  them  now  to  witness 
against  themselves,  that  they  have  chosen  Jehovah 
as  their  God,  to  serve  him,  ;'.  e.,  they  will,  if  they 
ever  fall  away,  be  obliged  to  admit  that  they  once 
chose  Jehovah,  and  that  he  now  has  a  right  also 
to  punish  them  for  their  unfaithfulness.  To  this, 
too,  they  assent,  replying,  as  with  one  mouth : 
witnesses  (are  we). 

Ver.  23.  Still  another  exhortation  of  Joshua, 
resting  on  that  assent,  to  put  away  the  strange 

gods  (as  ver.  20,  "'P?  ^H/S)  which  were  in  the 
midst  of  them,  and  incline  their  heart  to  Jehovab 
the  God  of  Israel  (as  ver.  2).  Keil,  following  the 
example  of  R.  Levi  ben  Gerson,  Augustine,  and 

Calvin,  takes  D32"ir?3,  figuratively  =  in  your 
hearts,  because  the  people,  with  all  their  willing 
ness  to  renounce  idolatry,  yet  deliver  to  Joshua  no 
images  to  be  destroyed,  as  was  done  in  the  similar 
cases,  Gen.  xxxv.  4 ;  1  Sam.  vii.  4.  He  thinks 
further,  that  although  the  people,  as  Amos  repre 
sents  to  his  generation  (Am.  v.  26,  comp.  Acts  vii 
43),  carried  about  with  them  idols  in  the  wilder- 
ness, yet  with  the  dying  out  of  the  generation  con- 
demned at  Kadesh, 'gross  idolatry  would  have  dis- 
appeared from  Israel.  We  may  grant  that  so  long 
as  Joshua  lived,  Israel  publicly  served  the  true 
God,  but  hold  it  very  probable  that,  as  he  might 
full  well  know,  many  a  one  in  secret  worshipped 
the  idols  which  he  now  demanded  that  they  should 

put  away,  using  the  same  word  (WDm  which 
Jacob  had  used  before,  and  Samuel  used  after  him. 
As  regards  the  actual  removal  of  the  images,  this 
may  have  followed,  although  we  are  not  so  in- 
formed. Finally,  E32^i72  here  certainly  is  used 
precisely  as  much  in  the  proper  sense  as  in  Gen 
xxxv.  2,  D3?Pi2,  and  1  Sam.  vii.  8,  D33P.J3. 


186 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


Ver.  24.  For  the  third  time  (vers.  16,  21)  the 
people  aver  that  they  will  serve  Jehovah  and 
hearken  to  his  voice. 

Ver.  25.  Upon  this,  Joshua  made  a  covenant 
Ivith  them  that  day,  i.  c,  he  renewed  the  covenant 
concluded  on  Sinai  by  God  with  Israel  (Ex.  xix. 
20),  in  like  manner  as  Moses  had  done  (Deut. 
xxviii.  69)  in  the  field  of  Moab.  When  it  is  said 
further  concerning  Joshua,  that  he  set  them  a 
statute  and  an  ordinance  (or  judgment)  in  Is- 
rael, these  words  are  in  allusion  to  Ex.  xv.  25, 
where,  in  connection  with  the  change  (not  by  this, 
Keil)  of  the  bitter  water  into  sweet,  God  himself 
established  for  Israel  a  statute  and  right.  Here, 
it  was  precisely  through  the  renewal  of  the  cov- 
enant that  statute  and  right  for  the  people  were 
established  and  determined,  —  "  what  in  matters  of 
religion  should  be  with  Israel  law  and  right " 
(Knobel). 

Vers.  26-28.  After  this  had  been  done,  Joshua 

wrote  these  things,  (prop,  words,  C^^HTI^), 
i.  e.,  all  which  had  happened  there  at  Shechem, 
the  whole  transaction  between  him  and  the  people, 
in  the  book  of  the  law  of  God.  He  wrote  a  docu- 
ment—  a  protocol,  so  to  speak  —  concerning  the 
matter,  and  introduced  it  into  the  book  of  the  law. 
At  the  same  time  he  took  a  great  stone  and  set  it 
up  there  under  the  oak  which  was  in  the  sanc- 
tuary of  Jehovah  C,<  JD^r?Q5).  The  sanctuary 
is  not  the  tabernacle  (Ex.  xxv.  8  ;  Lev.  xii.  4 ;  xix. 
30 ;  xx.  3 ;  xxi.  12  ;  Num.  iii.  38 ;  xix.  20  ap.  Kno- 
bel), since  this,  according  to  ch.  xviii.  1,  stood  in 
Shiloh,  but  a  consecrated  space,  a  sacred  spot ;  and 
this  place,  indeed,  within  whose  limits  stood  the 
oak,  where  the  great  stone  was  set  up  bv  Joshua  (cf. 
Gen.  xxviii.  18;  Josh.  iv.  20-22;  1  S'am.  vii.  12), 
had  been  hallowed  by  the  altar  which  Abraham  and 
Jacob  had  formerly  built  there  (Gen.  xii.  7  ;  xxxiii. 
20).  We  may  add  with  Knobel,  that  according  to 
ch.  viii.  30,  Joshua  himself  had  built  an  altar  on 
Mount  Ebal,  therefore  in  close  proximity  to  She- 
chem, which,  like  Gilgal  (ch.  iv.  20  ff. ;  xv.  7), 
became  a  holy  place. 

Ver.  27.  Joshua  finally  explains  the  significance 
of  the  stone,  which  is  to  be  a  witness  against  the 
people  in  case  they  deny  God,  since  it  has  heard 
all  the  words  of  Jehovah  (ver.  2).  In  a  vivid 
imagination  the  stone  is  regarded  as  a  person,  so 
to  speak,  which  has  seen  and  heard  every  thing, 
comp.  ch.  xxii.  34. 

Ver.  28  relates  the  dismissal  of  the  people. 
Every  one  returns  to  his  possession. 

y.  'Ch.  xxiv.  29-33.  Death  of  Joshua  and  of  Elea- 
zar. Vers.  29,  30.  It  is  probable  that  immediately 
thereafter  Joshua  died,  one  hundred  and  ten  years 
old,  at  the  same  age  precisely  as  that  which  Joseph 
reached,  Gen.  1.  26.  He  was  buried  at  Timnath- 
serah  (ch.  xix.  50).  The  mountain  of  Gaash, 
mentioned  here  as  well  as  in  Judg.  ii.  9  ;  2  Sam. 
xxiii.  30 ;  1  Chr.  xi.  32,  cannot  be  identified.     Its 

name,  tt1??  from  B??2,  to  push,  thrust,  signifies, 
according  to  Gesenius,  perhaps  the  same  as  fore- 
thrust,  forespring. 

Ver.  31.  So  long  as  Joshua  and  the  elders,  who 
frith  him  had  led  the  people,  lived,  and  those  who 

had  known  OWJ),  i.  e.  experienced,  all  the  works 
frt  ntt?2p-b3)  of  Jehovah,  which  he  had  done 
for  Israel,  Israel  served  Jehovah,  as  is  likewise  re- 
lated Judg.  ii.  1 1  ff. 

Ver.  32  contains  an  additional  statement  con- 
wrning  the  bones  of  Joseph,  which  suited  the  con- 


clusion here,  especially  as  the  discourse  in  vers 
1-28  had  been  concerning  Shechem,  where  thej 
were  buried,  in  the  piece  of  ground  which  Jacoc 
had  once  bought  for  one  hundred  kesita  ( Geu.  xxiii. 
19)  of  the  sons  of  Hamor  the  father  of  Shechem 
We  learn  from  Ex.  xiii.  19,  that  the  Israelites  had, 
in  conformity  with  a  last  wish  of  Joseph,  recorded 
Gen.  1.  25,  brought  these  bones  out  of  Egypt,  and 
this  circumstance  is  mentioned  by  our  author  in 
the  beginning  of  this  verse. 

Ver.  33.  After  Joshua,  died  Eleazar  also,  the 
son  of  Aaron.  How  long  afterward  we  cannot 
determine.  They  buried  him  at  Gibeah-phinehas, 
the  city  of  his  son,  which  had  been  given  to  the 
latter  on  Mount  Ephraim.  Since  it  is  expressly 
said  that  this  Gibeah-phinehas  lay  on  mount 
Ephraim,  we  agree  with  Robinson,  von  Raumer 
(p.  1551,  and  Knobel,  who  regarded  it  as  being  the 
present  Geeb  in  Maundrell,  p.  87,  or  Jibia  in  Rob. 
iii.  80,  81,  or  Chirbet  Jibia  in  Ritter,  Erdk.  xvi.  p. 
559  f.,  the  Ktipri,  villa  Geba  of  Euseb.  and  Jerome. 
It  stood  five  miles,  i.  e.,  two  hours,  north  of  Guph- 
na,  toward  Neapolis  or  Shechem.  Keil,  however, 
thinks  of  the  Levitical  city  Geba  (ch.  xviii.  24),  to 
which  view  the  position  "  on  Mount  Ephraim " 
need  not,  in  his  opinion,  be  an  objection,  because 
this  mountain,  according  to  Judg.  iv.  5  and  other 
passages,  reached  far  into  the  territory  of  Benja 
min  (>). 

The  Hebrew  original  of  our  book  closes  with 
this  notice  of  the  death  of  Eleazar.  The  LXX. 
have  added  a  supplement,  combining  Judg.  ii.  6, 
11  ff.,  and  iii.  7,  12  ff,  which,  however,  is  nowhere 
found  in  the  MSS.  and  editions  of  Joshua.  We 
give  it  according  to  the  Polyglott  Bible  of  Stier 
and  Theile  :  'Ec  tueivri  ttJ  T\nepa  \d&ovT€s  ol  viol 
'lapu^K  t))v  Kifiwrhv  rod  8(ov  irepiupepoaav  4v  eou- 
to?s,  Kal  <J>t^€es  Itpdrevofv  dvrl  EAea^ap  tov  warpbs 
auToD  ews  ane$avt,  teal  Karupvyrj  iv  VafiadO  Tp  eou- 
rov.  Oi  5e  viol  'ItrpaTjA.  dn7]\do(rav  €Ka<rros  us  rbr 
r6noif  avToiv  Kal  (Is  t^)v  kairruv  tt6\lv.  Kal  iaf^ovro 
ol  viol  'lapat/X  t^v  AaTapT7/r  Kal  'Aorapoid  Kal  rovs 
deovs  twv  40vav  twv  KvK\cp  auray.  Kal  irapsb'oiKtp 
avToiis  Kvpws  us  xeiPas  E-yAau/  fiao~i\4ws  Nwa&iruiv, 
Kal  KOTfKvpluiaw  ainwv  eT7j  5e«o  6ktu. 


THEOLOGICAL  AND  ETHICAL. 

1.  Joshua's  noble  character,  his  deep  insight  into 
God's  leadings  of  his  people,  his  accurate  knowl- 
edge of  the  inconstancy  of  the  human  heart,  his 
beautiful  treatment  of  religious  occasions,  all  ap- 
pear in  his  last  two  addresses  at  parting  with  the 
people.  As  far  as  possible  he  keeps  his  own  per- 
sonal merit  in  the  background.  It  is  God  who  has 
fought  for  Israel  (ch.  xxiii.  3)  and  will  still  further 
fight  for  him  (ch.  xxiii.  10),  the  God  of  Israel  (ch. 
xxiv.  2,  23),  who  from  ancient  times  (ch.  xxiv.  2) 
to  the  present  day  has  wonderfully  manifested 
himself  to  his  people,  shown  them  much  favor,  and 
finally  given  them  a  beautiful  dwelling-place  (ch. 
xxiv.  13).  Of  himself  he  says  repeatedly  that  he 
is  old  and  must  go  the  way  of  all  the  earth  (ch. 
xxiii.  2,  14),  therefore  a  mortal  man  subject  to  the 
lot  of  all  earthly  existence,  a  man  who,  having 
fulfilled  his  task  and  distributed  the  land  to  the 
people  (ch.  xxiii.  4),  must  now  retire  from  the  the- 
atre of  his  activity,  but  who,  as  long  as  he  lives, 
will  with  his  family  serve  Jehovah  (ch.  xxiv.  15) 
How  nobly,  on  the  other  hand,  he  sketches  in  large 
features,  particularly  in  the  second  discourse,  the 
works  of  God;  Abraham's  call  (ch.  xxiv.  2  ff), 
the  mission  of  Motes  and  Israel's  de'iveiance  ou 


CHAPTERS  XXIIL,  XXIV 


187 


of  Egypt  (ch.  xxiv  5  ff.),  the  conquest  of  the 
Amontes  beyond  the  Jordan,  the  turning  away  of 
the  curse  of  Balaam,  the  capture  of  Jericho,  the 
conquest  of  the  land  (ch.  xxiv.  8  ff. ).  Since  ht 
knew,  however,  the  human  heart  in  its  fickleness 
and  in  particular  understood  accurately  the  want 
of  stedfastness  on  the  part  of  Israel,  he  repeatedly 
admonishes  them  to  fidelity  towards  God  (ch.  xxiii. 
6,  7,  11 ;  xxiv.  14,  15),  warns  them  likewise,  and 
in  part  with  words  of  sharp  severity,  against  all 
apostasy  (ch.  xxiii.  12-16  ;  xxiv.  14,  20),  and  puts 
them  a  third  time  to  the  test  whether  they  will 
really  serve  Jehovah  (ch.  xxiv.  15, 19,  20,  22).  In 
this,  however,  appears  at  the  same  time  Joshua's 
excellent  understanding  of  the  treatment  of  relig- 
ious concerns,  for  he  will  employ  no  constraint, 
but  leaves  entirely  to  their  own  choice  the  decision 
whether  Israel  will  serve  Jehovah  or  the  strange 
gods  of  whom  they  had  knowledge  (ch.  xxiv.  15, 
19,  20).  But  then,  after  the  people  have  decided 
for  Jehovah,  although  Joshua  has  very  emphat- 
ically pointed  out  that  He  is  a  holy  and  a  jealous 
God  (ch.  xxiv.  19),  who  will  not  forgive  transgres- 
sions and  sins,  he  demands  of  them  also  so  much 
the  more  pointedly  that  they  shall  put  away  all 
strange  gods. 

2.  In  respect  to  this  putting  away  of  strange 
gods,  we  take  the  liberty  of  adding  Gerlach's  re- 
mark on  ch.  xxiv.  23,  which  still  more  definitely 
supports  our  explanation  of  the  passage.  "  It  is 
remarkable,"  he  says,  "that,  after  Achan's  tres- 
pass in  the  matter  of  things  devoted,  and  after  the 
Israelites  had  not  long  before  been  ready  to  avenge 
so  signally  the  supposed  crime  of  their  transjor- 
danic  brethren  in  erecting  a  rival  altar,  idolatry 
could  still  have  been  secretly  practiced  among 
them.  In  this,  however,  we  must  fairly  consider 
how  hard  it  was  for  the  thought  of  the  one,  al- 
mighty, omnipresent  God  to  find  lodgment  in  the 
mind  of  the  heathen-spirited  people,  how,  with 
this  faith  they  stood  alone  among  the  nations  of 
the  whole  contemporary  world,  how  they,  there- 
fore, were  continually  overcome  anew  and  taken 
captive  by  the  spirit  of  the  world  and  of  the  age, 
and  incessantly  turned  away  to  other  helpers  from 
the  divinely  appointed  means  of  grace  which  seemed 
not  to  satisfy  their  carnal  desires ;  how,  in  partic- 
ular, they  still  afterwards  worshipped  partly  the 
true  God  under  images,  partly  the  dinning  house- 
gods  (teraphim)  in  secret;  and  how  the  judgment 
of  God  might  indeed  seize  upon  and  hold  up  one 
example  (Achan,  ch.  vii.),  without,  therefore,  at  a 
later  period,  in  like  manner,  extirpating  the  sin. 
That  in  the  wilderness  the  people  in  secret  wor- 
shipped idols  Amos  declares  (ch.  v.  25 ;  comp.  Acts 
vii.  43),  that  there  were  household  gods  even  in 
David's  house,  is  shown  by  1  Sam.  xix.  13,  16. 
No  apostasy  from  the  true  God  followed  from  that, 
but  a  partial  and  ever  renewed  corruption  of  his 
service  through  superstition."  Analogous  exam- 
ples are  found  in  Grimm's  Mythology,  from  the  his- 
tory of  our  German  people. 

3.  Similar  representations  of  the  benefits  of  God 
to  his  people  may  be  read  in  many  passages  of  the 
Psalms,  partly  abridged,  partly  in  more  full  ac- 
counts. Thus  Ps.  xliv.  1—4 ;  lxviii.  8  ff. ;  lxxviii. ; 
Ixxx.  9  ff.  ;  lxxxi.  1 1  ;  xcix.  6,  7 ;  cv. ;  cvi. ;  exxxv. 
8  ff. ;  exxxvi.  10,  11,  19.  Touching  the  deliver- 
ance from  Egypt  the  tenderly  winning  representa- 
tion of  Hosea  (ch.  xi.  1  ff.  [and  of  Jeremiah,  ch. 
ti.  1  ff.])  may  be  compared. 


H051ILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 


Joshua's  first  farewell  discourse  considered  in 
the  two  sections  above  given,  for  comfort  and  ad- 
monition (ch.  xxiii.  1-15). —  As  the  Lord  onca 
brought  Israel  into  rest,  so  will  He  also  bring  us  to 
rest,  for  "  there  remaineth  a  rest  for  the  people  of 
God"  (ch.  xxiii.  1).  —  Joshua,  in  his  humility  and 
modesty,  set  before  us  as  a  pattern,  that  we  should 
in  all  things  give  God  alone  the  honor,  while  we 
know  and  feel  ourselves  to  be  weak  and  dying 
men.  —  The  Lord  has  fought  also  for  you.  (1) 
The  Lord  has  fought ;  ( 2 )  the  Lord  has  fought  for 
you  (ch.  xxiii.  3;  sermon  for  victory).  —  Depart 
neither  to  the  right  hand  nor  to  the  left  from  the 
commands  of  God ;  a  text  suitable  for  confirma- 
tion addresses.  —  God  gives  victory  only  when  the 
combatants  most  diligently  keep  their  souls  and 
love  him.  —  Bad  men  will  be,  as  the  heathen  were 
for  the  Israelites,  a  trap  and  a  snare  and  a  scourge 
in  the  sides,  and  thorns  in  the  eyes  for  those  who 
live  in  intercourse  with  them.  —  Ver.  14,  a  .-err 
beautiful  text  for  a  farewell  sermon  for  a  preacher 
who  is  obliged  to  lay  down  his  office  from  advanced 
age,  also  for  a  funeral  discourse  when  a  father,  for 
instance,  to  whose  family  God  has  shown  much 
kindness,  is  deceased.  —  Vers.  15,  16.  Suitable  for 
a  sermon  on  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer.  (1) 
Think  to-day  of  all  the  good  which  you  have  re- 
ceived, according  to  what  God  has  spoken  to  you ; 
but  (2)  be  warned  against  the  transgression  of  his 
covenant,  lest  his  judgment  come  upon  you. 

Joshua's  last  congress  at  Shechem.  ( 1 )  His  dis- 
course (ch.  xxiv.  1-15) ;  (2)  the  answer  of  the  peo- 
ple (vers.  16-18) ;  (3)  the  final  decision  and  renewal 
of  the  covenant  (vers.  19-25). — Joshua's  second 
farewell  discourse  treated  by  itself,  and  that  as  a 
review  of  the  history  of  Israel  from  the  days  of  the 
patriarchs  to  his  own,  in  its  most  important  inci- 
dents as  above  stated  (ch.  xxiv.  1-15).  —  Of  the 
terror  of  God  upon  nations  doomed  to  destruction 
(ver.  12).  —  Not  by  thy  sword  nor  by  thy  bow !  — 
God's  surpassing  benefits  proved  by  what  He  be- 
stowed upon  Israel.  —  Earnest  exhortation  to  give 
up  all  the  idolatry  still  remaining  among  them. — 
In  matters  of  religious  conviction  the  decision  must 
be  altogether  free;  all  constraint  is  to  be  con- 
demned. That  Joshua  teaches  once  for  all. —  I 
and  my  house  will  serve  the  Lord !  —  A  text  of 
inexhaustible  richness  for  weddings ;  yet  rightly 
employed  only  when  the  individual  dispositions 
correspond,  —  a  thing  which  in  occasional  services 
should  never  be  wanting.  That  Frederick  William 
IV.,  king  of  Prussia,  at  the  opening  of  the  UniMd 
Diet  in  1847,  declared  this  word  of  Joshua  to  be 
his  own  maxim,  is  well  known.  —  Such  deep  hor- 
ror of  all  idolatry  becomes  us  also,  as  it  once  be- 
came Israel.  Only  our  aversion  must  be  more 
permanent  than  it  was  with  that  people.  —  We  also 
will  serve  Jehovah,  for  He  is  our  God.  —  God  a 
holy,  and  a  jealous  God.  —  How  the  thought  that 
God  is  holy,  pure  from  all  evil,  and  jealous,  zeal- 
ously intent  on  his  proper  glory,  should  restrain 
us  from  all  evil,  and  especially  from  all  idolatry.  — 
When  does  God  not  spare  (forgive)?  (1)  When 
transgression  and  sin  is  wilfully  committed,  and 
when  (2)  forgiveness  would,  as  He  foresees,  lead  to 
no  amendment.  —  When  we  forsake  the  Lord  He 
forsakes  us  also,  and  turns  away  from  us  although 
He  may  have  done  us  ever  so  much  good.  —  Vei 
22  also  may  be  employed  as  a  text  for  discourses 


183 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOSHUA. 


at  confirmation  [and  at  all  receptions  into  the 
church],  in  which  it  is  to  be  impressed  upon  the 
candidates  that  their  "  yes "  will  testify  against 
them  if  they  prove  unfaithful  to  the  Lord.  —  In 
what  must  the  true  and  sincere  conversion  (repent- 
ance) of  an  entire  people  consist?  (1)  In  their 
putting  away  their  strange,  often  very  secretly 
worshipped  gods;  (2)  in  the  inclination  of  their 
hearts  to  the  Lord  God  of  Israel.  —  The  God  of 
Israel  (vers.  2,  23).  —  The  repeated  profession  of 
the  people  that  they  will  serve  the  Lord,  regarded 
(1)  in  reference  to  its  import,  (2)  to  the  responsi- 
bility which  the  people  thus  took  upon  them.  —  It 
is  easily  said  :  I  will  serve  the  Lord  and  obey  his 
voice ;  but  actually  to  keep  the  promise  when  the 
world  allures  to  its  altars,  is  quite  another  thing.  — 
Israel's  resolution  to  serve  the  Lord  was  wholly 
voluntary.  So  should  it  be  also  with  us.  There 
should  be  no  compulsion.  —  Men  may  well  hearken 
to  God's  voice,  for  (1)  it  always  warns  against  the 
evil,  (2)  always  admonishes  to  the  good.  —  O  !  how 
peaceful  is  it  in  the  heart  when  we  really  serve  the 
Lord  our  God  in  sincerity,  and  hear  nothing  in 
preference  to  his  friendly  voice,  that  we  may  joy- 
fully obey  it. —  The  renewal  of  the  covenant  at 
Shechem;  to  be  treated  in  such  a  way  that  (1) 
Joshua,  (2)  the  people,  (3)  the  matter  of  the  cov- 
enant (law  and  rights  of  God),  (4)  the  place  where 
it  was  accomplished  —  keeping  in  view  the  his- 
torical recollections  so  richly  associated  with  She- 
chem, (5)  the  memorial  of  the  covenant,  shall  all 
receive  due  attention. — Joshua's  death,  the  end 
of  a  faithful  servant  of  the  Lord  who  had  proved 
himself  such  ( 1 )  already  in  Moses'  time  ( Num.  xiii. ; 
xxvii.  15-23);  (2)  in  the  conquest  and  partition 
of  the  land,  in  which  (a)  his  trust  in  God,  (b)  his 
bravery,  (c)  his  unselfishness  (ch.xvii.  14-18  ;  xix. 
49,  50)  are  to  be  signalized;  (3)  even  to  the  end 
(cornp.  ch.  xxiii.  1-11;  xxiv.  1-15).  —  Vers.  29, 
30.  How  beneficially  the  good  example  of  a  pious 
and  true  leader  may  influence  a  whole  people,  illus- 
trated by  the  case  of  Joshua,  Eleazar,  Phinehas, 
and  the  other  elders  of  Israel.  —  The  burial  of 
Joseph's  bones,  an  act  of  grateful  respect,  and  the 
conscientious  fulfillment  of  a  dying  wish.  —  Elea- 
zar's  death  the  end  of  a  priest  after  God's  heart 
( Ex.  vi.  23,  25 ;  xxviii.  1 ;  Lev.  viii.  24  ;  Num.  iii.  32  ; 
xx.  26  ;  xxvii.  18  ff. ;  xxxiv.  17  ;  Josh.  xiv.  1 ). 

Starke  :  Peace  and  rest  is  also  a  favor  from 
God,  therefore  we  may  well  pray :  Graciously  grant 
us  peace,  etc.,  and,  From  war  and  bloodshed  pre- 
serve us,  merciful  Lord  God,  etc.  —  Although  God 
alone,  in  all  things  which  happen,  deserves  the 
honor,  and  He  it  is  also  who  is  and  remains  the 
one  who  effects  all  good,  yet  we  must  not  leave 
anything  wanting  in  our  own  fidelity.  —  A  Chris- 
tian must  not  walk  in  his  own  way,  but  order  all 
his  conduct  by  Go  l's  word.  —  Soul  lost,  all  lost ! 
Tner:fore  watch,  m  ike  haste  and  save  thy  soul !  — 
God  demands  not  merely  an  outward  but  an  in- 


ward obedience  to  his  law.  —  By  our  might  noth- 
ing is  done,  by  God's  might  everything.  —  To  serve 
the  true  God  is  the  highest  propriety  and  oui 
duty ;  0  that  all  might  recognize  it  as  such  and 
serve  God  from  the  heart !  —  The  service  which  one 
renders  to  God  must  be  unconstrained. 

Cramer  :  Faith  is  an  assured  confidence  and 
excludes  doubt  (Heb.  xi.  1 ;  Jas.  i.  6)  even  where 
one  cannot  see  (John  xx.  29).  —  The  promises  of 
the  law  are  conditioned  on  obedience  (Deut.  xxviii. 
1).  —  There  is,  however,  none  other  who  could 
fight  for  us,  etc.,  Ps.  liii.  6  ;  lxxix.  10  (ch.  xxiii. 
10).  —  With  the  froward  God  is  froward.  —  Death 
knows  no  difference  in  person,  age,  sex,  condition, 
or  country.  —  By  repeating  and  meditating  on  the 
great  deeds  of  God  we  should  strengthen  ourselves 
in  faith,  and  press  on  towards  obedience  to  his 
commands  (Ps.  xliv.  2  ;  lxxxv.  2  ;  cv.  5 ;  cvi.  6). 

Osiander  :  Whoever  desires  to  live  in  accord- 
ance with  the  prescribed  word  of  God,  so  as  to  add 
nothing  thereto  and  take  nothing  therefrom,  he  is 
on  the  right  road  and  walks  most  safely.  —  It  is 
not  enough  to  have  made  a  good  beginning,  but 
he  who  perseveres  to  the  end  shall  be  saved,  Matt 
xxiv.  13.  —  To  God  must  we  ascribe  the  victory 
and  not  to  our  own  might  and  strength.  —  The 
church  of  God  is  never  without  hypocrites  and 
apostates.  —  God  can  put  up  with  no  mixed  relig- 
ion ;  with  him  it  is  "  all  mine  or  let  it  alone  alto- 
gether," Matt.  iv.  10. 

Bibl.  Tub.  :  The  precious  covenant  which  we 
have  made  with  God  we  should  have  constantly 
before  our  eyes. 

[Matt.  Henry  ;  on  ch.  xxiii.  1,2:  When  we  see 
death  hastening  toward  us,  that  should  quicken  us 
to  do  the  work  of  life  with  all  our  might.  —  On  ch. 
xxiv.  1  :  We  must  never  think  our  work  for  God 
done,  till  our  life  is  done ;  and  if  He  lengthen  out 
our  days  beyond  what  we  thought,  we  must  con- 
clude it  is  because  He  has  some  further  service  for 
us  to  do.  —  Ibid.  ver.  1 5  :  When  we  cannot  bring 
as  many  as  we  would  to  the  service  of  God,  we 
must  bring  as  many  as  we  can,  and  extend  our 
endeavors  to  the  utmost  sphere  of  our  activity ;  if 
we  cannot  reform  the  land,  let  us  put  away  iniquity 
far  from  our  own  tabernacle.  —  Those  that  lead 
and  rule  in  other  things,  should  be  first  in  the  ser- 
vice of  God,  and  go  before  in  the  best  things.  — 
Those  that  resolve  to  serve  God,  must  not  mind 
being  singular  in  it,  nor  be  drawn  by  the  crowd  to 
forsake  his  service.  —  Those  that  are  bound  for 
heaven,  must  be  willing  to  swim  against  the  stream, 
and  must  not  do  as  the  most  do,  but  as  the  best 
do.  —  Ibid.  vers.  29-33 :  This  book  which  began 
with  triumphs  here  ends  with  funerals,  by  which 
all  the  glory  of  man  is  stained.  —  How  well  is  it 
for  the  Gospel  church  that  Christ  our  Joshua  is 
still  with  it,  by  his  Spirit,  and  will  be  always,  even 
unto  the  end  of  the  world  t] 


Date  Due 

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